The National Era from Washington, District of Columbia • 2

34 PHILADELPHIA AGENCY FOE THE EE A. The undersigned will receive subscriptions and adver1 iaemenu for this paper, and engage to deliver il punctually. Friends of the Era. please call. JOSEPH HUGHES.

Walnut Place, (Haek of Walnut at, above 3d,) Philadelphia. THE ERA can always be found at J. W. SULLITjLVS News Room, San Prune 1SOO. California.

WASHINGTON, D. C. THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 1857. The office of the National Era is removed to the newly-erected Republican Building," corner of Indiana avenue and Second street. The Mails are out of joint.

Complaints from subscribers of non-receptiou of papers crowd upon us. Will they please recollect the snow storms and the mail matter mast have been have accumulated at certain points, from which it will take time to dislodge it? We hope things will Call into a normal condition soon. Meantime, back numbers of the Era can yet be had, to complete files, or supply new subscribers. Let subscribers remember, that if the obstructions of snows and freshets have annoyed them, they have damaged us, by interrupting the renewal of our list. THE LEMON.

A New York correspondent of one of our exchanges that the pulpit is beginning to hold forth on the late scenes of violence in that city. 44 One of its distinguished ministers, without alluding personally to any of tho recent scenes of violence, took occasion to explain the causes that led to these deplorable results, and which might be traced to the wicked propensities of our nature. The bad passions and aDoetit.es instead of Vainer III check by wise and noble actions, were too often let to have full sway, and when this was the case, crimes of a greater or less magnitude were almost sure to be the result. The community, he said, were calling for an increased police stringent laws, but while admitting that these were perhaps desirable, they would not be a certain preventive of the evil. A policeman might be stationed at every door in the city, the Legislature might spend a whole year in framing luws, and the most severe puuishmeut be inflicted that the mind of man could possibly conceive, but even then the work of reformation could not be accomplished Christianity alone can do that, aud if each and all would but resolve to do right, and shed abroad a Christian iufluence, the face of society would speedily undergo a wonderful change.

Until this result is obtained, we must expect to be startled with the perpetration of crimes, not only in dark and obscure places, but in the splendid mansions of pretended respectability." The correspondent may not have presented all the points of the discourse at all events, a great deM remains unsaid. Of course, the beginning of evil is in the human heart. Lust, when it has conceived, brings forth sin. All crimes may be traced to the domination of appetite or passion over reason and conscience and if each and all would resolve to do right," and succeed in subiectintr all aDDetite and Das sion to the control of conscience, we should need neither law nor police. But human nature must be trained, and human nature may be restrained.

It is easy to say to a full-grown man, do right, be a Christian, and all will be well. the pulpit go on, laying down the law on this point. But, would it not be well to direct more attention to the man Home Education and Discipline If Parents understood their duties better, and would discharge I them with fidelity, the State would be saved a 1 ries. Constrain "Young America" to tarry at borne till his beard be grown," and Old America would be less addicted to crime. Passion, Appetite, and Self-Will are fostered rather than restrained, among American children.

The Family, instead of being an institution in which are rigidly inculcated respect for authority, order, self-control, moderation, the supremacy of Bight, is often a mere uursery of passion and rebelliousness. Children are manufactured into premature men and women. Animal appetites are pampered; tiippancyand impertinence are encouraged as smartness; love of dissipation is fostered by parties, which the little miss looks forward to with as much smxiety as the full-grown belle, for which hours are spent in trickiug her out in all sorts of nf airrbf C. tea.kAl Vi XA8QC IUUieriCO) WUIVU av BVVIU) io the evening, when Young America should begin to prepare for bed; and are supplied with all kinds of tempting eatables, so that the miserable little creatures have the benefit of late, and crude suppers! Masculine Young America learns that he should be treated with consideration; by the time he is fifteen, scoots the idea of control; talks of the ''old man;" wants his pockets always full of money goes where he pleases, nports as he pleases, spends bis evenings out; or plays a distinguished part in one of the well-established colleges, which all agree iu this, that the young geutjemes, provided they are on hand with their recitations, may go to the devil, so far as any otftier supervision is concerned. We do not believe that in any other civilized country there is so villanous discipline, or such want of discipline and government of boys and girls, sa in this.

We like Democracy in the Democracy will become a curse unless the People be previously trained and educated under the real Patriarchal system in the family. The boy who defies his parents, will ueed, when grown, the police to look after him. He who is not taught to respect authority at home, will be apt to be a rowdy or rebel in society. He who at home is suffered to trample on the feelings of his relations, or to indulge every appetite or passion, will be restrained by aothing but the fear of punishment, from manifesting the same attributes of character under darker forma, in more fearful degrees, wheu he goes oat into the world. If the Pulpit would have society christianized, let it begin with the foundation of society, the the boys and girls who are to constitute in this country the sovereign People." We do not say that the Crime and Misrole in oar large cities hate their source in the bad training, or want of training, of the dn iflv that this cause makes muti'j them frightfully prevalent, shocking, and dangerous.

So much for for restraint. The Palpit should beware how, in magnifying the necessity of individual reformation, it light of the restraints and penalties imposed by Law. Orthodox preaching cannot supply the place of an efficient police. Where the boy has grown up to be a rowdy or rebellious man, the Law ought to fix its eye and lay its upon him. If the criminal will not take the advice of the Preacher, and give up hie evil ways, let the Policeman take charge of him.

In this country, people seem to have a greater horror of ft good police than a gang of burglars. Afraid to give up power to the lainistf- of the Law, lest they should suffer some trespass upon their rights, they cheerfully run the risk of vitriol, slung shot, and the gHOtf ftod while Crime stalks in their unabashed and unpunished, thank God that they are the freest nation on earth I We must confess that we would rather take uMfr the chance of being annoyed once in au age by an over-zealous annoyance easily be unable to walk out in a populous, well-lighted city, without being brained or choked, for the sake of our loose change. It is an utter disgrace to our cities that the People know more of cri me than of the law feel more the presence of the criminals than of the police. In London, you have a sense of perfect security. At every turn you meet an officer of the law, to whom you can apply for information, or protection.

If thepe be an obstruction on the side-walk, or inline street, a gentle hint from him is sufficient for its prompt removal: if there be a sadden gathering obstructipg passers-by, or threatening a row," a tap on the shoulder, and the crowd melts away. Dreadful interference with individual rights! Who is wronged Nobody. Who is benefited Everybody. Let us have such a police in every city. There is no liberty where there is no security.

What is the inalieuable right to life and liberty and property worth, if Thugs and Thieves are to be preferred to an efficient police THE ALLEGED CORRUPTION IN CONGRESS? REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF INVESTIGATION. The Committee of Inquiry, appointed by the Speaker of the House of Representatives, January 9th, to investigate the charges of corrupt combinations among members of Congress to pass, or prevent the passage of, certain measures, reported 011 the 19th instant. The committee consisted of Messrs. Kelaey, Orr, Davis, Ritchie, and Warner three Southern, two Northern men two Republicans, two Democrats, one "American." The charges which IpH tn thp rftittlnrr tKo AmmltUA by the editor and the correspondent of a Republican newspaper, and were understood to affect Republican The promptness of the Republican members of the House in voting for au investigation, and the conduct of the Speaker in so constituting the committee that no one could even insinuate a desire 011 his part, or on the part of those with whom he is politically associated, to give the investigation a partisan character, were in all respects bold and honorable. The general conclusion to which the committee unanimously arrives, after a most searching examination, that ihere is not a particle of evidence to show tbo existence now, or at any time during the present Congress, of a corrupt combination among members to pass, or prevent the passage of, any measures, must be highly satisfactory to the People, and perhaps tend to correct an impression, very prevalent, that it is difficult to carry important bills through Congress, except the ordinary appropriation acts, without "material aid" administered to needy members.

Messrs. Raymond and Simonton, with whom the formidable charges originated, being subjected to a severe examination, disclosed not a single fact in support of the charges. The committee, in closing their general report, recommend unanimously the passage of a resolution for the expulsion of Mr. J. W.

Simonton, a correspondent of the Ar. York Daily Time3. Four special reports were made, signed by Messrs. Davis, Warner, Ilitehie, and Orr, implicating Messrs. Gilbert, Edwards, and Matteson of New York, and Welch of Connecticut, summing up the evidence against them, preseutihg the conclusions to which the majority of the Committee had come, with the reasons therefor, and closing with resolutions of ex pulsion.

The resolutions are published under our Congressional head. The various reports, pccaDving nearly a and a InUuiyencer, and the details of the testimony taken, filling more than two hundred pages octavo, it is impossible to find room for in the Era; but an abstract of the material portion of the evidence, of the general report, and of the minority report of Mr. Kelsey, is laid before our readers. As the accused are on trial in the House, it is not fit that we should at preseut express any opinion in relation to their guilt or innocence; but we must, venture a few suggestions. No sectional or party considerations ought to be suffered to intrude in this case.

The accused are Northern men, but their good or bad acts do not involve Northern character or reputation. Two of them are an a Republican "American:" but no party is responsible for the merits or demerits of its individual members, unless it volunteer to make itself so. Admit that these tnen are guilty, the cases are exceptional, and prove no general rule. What section, whai State, what party, is not at UUlfS IliHl HI ucpiuic IliC III 4.41 I IL of public tnen identified with it It would be as malignant for the enemies of what is called the Republican Party to attempt, to make il capital use rather a cant of this case, as it would be weak and wrong for Republicans to suffer party-feelings to bias their judgment, or warp their conduct respecting it. Let it be dealt with according to the evidence, and let the evidence be examined with a single determination to ascertain the Truth and to do Justice.

Nor would we permit ourselves to be diverted from a fair and uncompromising judgment upon the merits of the case, by any excitement aroused against what some consider the unfair manner in which the majority of the committee have acted. If they have done wrong, expose and rebuke the wrong, but do not make this an excuse for disregarding the facts their investigation have brought tc light: to arraign, try, and condemn them, is not to acquit the accused. They may or they may not have been guihy of high-handed proceedings this cannot affect the guilt or innocence of the accused, who must be condemned or acquitted on the evidence submitted. We deeply regretted the attempt made by two or three frieuds of the accused last Thursday, to prevent the reception of the reports; no less than the temper betrayed by them. The vote of the House for the reception and print ing, only four Republican votes being cast in the negative, was the best answer that could be given.

We trust that the Republicans will continue, ae they have begun, and pursue a bold, honest, straight-forward course; give a fair and full opportunity to the accused to be heard demand respect for their rights but shut out utterly all sectional, and party, and personal considerations; weigh the evidence as impartially if they sustained no kind of relations to the accused resort to no quibbles, or special pleading, or mere technicalities, to screen them; and, if convinced of their guilt, vote like honest men, in stern obedience to their convictions. If the parties implicated be honest, they will not only not complain of such a course, but corn mend it: if Uiey bp guilty, they have no right to expect any Party to save them at the cost of its own character and respect. We find in the 8t. Louis Democrat the following account of the affray between Judge Elmore and our correspondent, Mr. Kagi: Affray is shooting affray occurred in front of the coart-house at Tecumseh, on the 31st between Ex-Judge Rush Elmore and a reporter for the newspapers named Kagi.

The former commenced the attack by i striking the latter over the head with a cane, THE NATION inflicting a severe wound. The reporter, partially recovering from the effect of the stunning blow, drew his revolver and discharged it, the ball striking the Judge just below the abdomen, and entering the right thigh, causing a rather severe injury, not considered dangerous, however. He immediately dodged behind one of the brick columns wbich support the front of the court-house, drew his pistol, and fired, the shot striking Kagi on the right breast, and passing through a book an inch thick, which was in bis coat pocket, and lodged iu his breast. The book destroyed the force of the ball, and the life of Kagi. No further damage was done to either party.

THE QUESTION OF POWEE. The European, a paper published in New York, we believe, commenting upon the letter of the Rev. H. W. Bellows, against a dissolution of the Union, assumes a position quite untenable: He says that the free States have the power to govern this Confederacy.

We deny it utterly they never have had, and never can obtain, that power. It is an impossibility. The governing power is in the Senate; and how the South can be deprived of the mastery in that body, we should like Mr. Bellows to point out. At one time there was a chance of it, but that is lost forever.

Let hiai not be deceived about this: the wealth and the population of the North will be used by the Government e.t the Oligarchy) to extend and establish Slavery, and then an absolute despotism will be erected upon the ruins of the Republic." It is to be regretted that the free States are afflicted with so many croakers, whose chief business seems to be to make their People believe that they are utterly imbecile. "Great is Slavery, and it must prevail! All-powerful is the Oligarchy, who can resist its will The free States cannot govern the Confederacy? they never have never will do it? it is an impossibility." Very complimentary, this, to the People of the North and West! Admirably calculated to arouse them, to exalt their manhood, to encourage them to united efforts against an Oppressive Evil! Such croakiug seems to us very childish. The notion that seventeen millions of AngloSaxons, well educated, rich, euterprising, energetic, ingenious, addicted to arts and arms, are totally helpless in the hands of some four hundred thousand men of their own race, who liappeu to own slaves, and that they must sneak out of the Union, to save themselves from the misrule of this small Oligarchy, is not fit to be whispered in American ears. The free States have the power to govern this Confederacy, just so far as they are entitled to do so under the Constitution that they have not used their power to its fail extent has been, because of so many doughfaces on one hand, and croakers on the other. They have the nu merieal force, and this is increasing rapidly every year.

They have the representative superiority, and this is increasing every ten years. They have the power of electing a President by their own votes, came near doing it at the late electiou, and might have done it, had they acted with a little more wisdom. They have the majority in the Senate, which the European improperly assumes to be 44 the governing power," can easily retain it, and if they do, mu3t indefinitely increase it, by the addition of new free State0. The admission of California as a free State, securing them this majority, was a free State triumph. Minnesota and Oregon now admission.

Washington, Nebraska, Dacotah, and other free State? in embryo, are maturing. All the slaveholders in the world cannot crush them out, or keep them out. Minnesota and Oregon may be thrown over the next Congress, and the slaveholders will struggle desperately to bring in Kansas as a slave State; but deplorable as tbeir success would be, should they AUlbttTJ.otjU put (He free States four ahead in the Senate, aud the struggle to drag in Kansas as a slave State, if successful, would still further weaken the Buchanan Party at the North and West, strength en its opponeuis, ana tena to decide the conteet of 18G0 against the Slave Power. Remember, climate, soil, laws of population, immigration, and the civilization of the age, are working for the spread and domination of free institutions io this country. The mere vis inertia of the rapidly-multiplying free States will, in time, all doughfaces to the contrary notwithstanding, be sufficient to set bounds to Slavery.

What are your new free States good for asks one. Let Iowa, Wisconsin, Illinois, and Michigan, answer that question. Their record for the last two years is a prophecy in regard to the future condition of the States yet to be organized in the West. But look at California is she hot as thoroughly Pro-Slavery as if she were a alave State Her Senators would vote for a Fugitive Slave act, or a Nebraska bill; but there is one point they must and will stand with the free States; and that is, where the admission of a new free State is concerned. We snould like to see the Senator from a free State who would dare, or even desire, to vote against the admission of Minnesota.

This is the point where the Pro-Slavery member from the free States separates from the Pro-Slavery member from the slave States. But enough; let us take it for granted that the millions of non-slaveholders of the country can at last be aroused to such effort as is necessary to assert their just rights in the Government of the country and not insult them by assuming that they are too stupid and imbecile to govern themselves. THE BIGHT OF 8UFFBAGE. WTKp nrct nf Pumlinn vhint 1 ha? just adjourned, passed an act to amend the State Constitution in such a manner as to require of every naturalized citizen two years' residence in the Slate being naturalized as a condition precedent to the exercise of the Right of Suffrage. South Carolina is perhaps the only State in which the 'American party' never displayed any strength, nor created any general agitation.

Not one of her newspapers, so far as we are aware, has united in the bntiCatholic hunt, or tried to make political capital out of the vulgar prejudice against foreignersAnd yet this same South Caroliua has taken a more decided step in the direction pointed hy the 'Americans' than any other State in the Union. Instead of running to Congress for a change in the Naturalization Laws, she has altered her own Constitution in such manner as to give her citizens more protection against unfit and fraudulent voting by emigrants than even a twenty-one years' probation would be. We are not inclined to go so far as South Carolina has gone, but we believe she taken hold at the right end." Afew York Tribune. We notice that a movement has been made in the Ohio Legislature, proposing to submit an amendment of the Constitution to the People, requiring residence in the State one year after as a condition to the exercise of the right of suffrage. The Ohio State Journal, like the Tribune, favors such movements.

How does the case stand now? Are not native-born and naturalized citizens on a footing of equality Suppose two citizens of Pennsylvania, the one native, the other just naturalized, remove to Ohio, is not the same period of preliminary residence required from both as a condition to yotiug? Suppose a young man, born in Ohio, resident in State a year before an electiou, and coming of age on tho day 1 he not entitled to vote it dangerous to the Republic, that a naturalized citizeu, resident in the State one or five years before au electiou, who completes his citizen AL ERA: WASHING ship and receives his papers, oue or ten day before said election, should be entitled to vote If the principle be right that there should b' I no discrimination between oar naturalised am native-born citizens, that tkey should stand 01 an equality, why such movements thosi chronicled above The less legislative tinker ing with the right of suffrage the better. "GROWING MEN. "Dr. W. Holmes has shown (what every bod; knows) that we are, as a race, deteriorating But he has not given us the reason why thi New England man grows smaller in bone anc muscle.

Chemistry tells us it is owing to want of material in the soil to produce bone Much is owing to our unnatural habits of lifemuch to the weakness of our female sex, whc do anything but develop their muscular pow npo fka main iLn M-TKAM vuv uuaiu M. tuouu If UJ tUC rave Uclc riorates so rapidly in the eastern part of New England, is owing to the hard granite soil which does not furnish limestone sufficient tc form the bones. In Kentucky, Ohio, and West em Vermont, men grow to larger size, because of the limestone formation under the soil Parts of families have emigrated to limestone regions, and the result in the next generatior has been a larger bone development in those who left Massachusetts, than in those who re mained. Kentucky, Ohio, and Iowa, will grow great men. The fiuest figures in the world will be found in the Valley of the Mississippi in a few generations.

In-door labor (so unnat ural for men) will weaken the vital powers, and stop the growth in large cities; but the great and glorious West, with its broad prairies, will compensate for the growing feebleness of the Eastern States." Wise men, like fools, have their hobbies. For the improvement or deterioration of the race, man himself is responsible, not nature. Wherever children are born into the world, nature has made abundant provision for bone and flesh and fat. If the man deteriorates, it is his own fault. Swiss mountaineers, whose homes are amidst granitic regions, are larger than the people of Paris, with their ample supply ol limestone; and the a superabundance of this article, have a poor development, The common theory of the croakers that the inen of New England are growing downhill, is a mere notion.

In the crowded city, and in the factory towns, ihere is apt to be a poor physical development, just as in the crowded cities and factories in all countries. Want of exercise, want of pure air, luxurious habits, idleness, effeminacy, late hours, dissipation, overtasking the brain, living too infinite variety of causes, having no relation to climate or the explanation of this result. But, in the rural districts of New England, as ii iL A wen as in oiner sec-iions 01 me country, you find plenty of bone and muscle. In the Interior of New Hampshire, for example, you will meet as many large, robust-looking people, as anywhere else. Five feet ten inches is the average height of the twelve Senators from New England, and those below this standard, make up for the deficiency in breadth.

Take such representative men as Hale, Sumner, Wilson, Cass, Douglas, Chase, Allen, James, and Marc-y, and we should hardly infer that the section that cradled them had not limestone enough to form respectable skeletons FURTHER CESSION OF MEXICAN TERRITORY. A few days since, we noticed in the New York Herald a letter dated February 1st, from the of Mexico, containing the followiug announcement: A treaty was signed last night between the United States and Mexico, by which the United States are to loan Mcxio $10,000,000, receiving as security fifteen per cent, of the customs arid some arrangement Jor more unrestricted commercial intercourse is to be made, as a further consideration. Of this sum, $3,000,000 goes to pay American claims; and, at the same time, a postal treaty goes into operation. With fceTT, a.n<l wiif DecernOoldened once to "caTry" out the great reforms of the day, take the church property, We know Mr. Forsyth, one of the class of Southern fire-eaters who believe in the final absorption of Mexico by the United States, is Minister to that Government, but we could hardly believe that he could pledge the Government to ench a loan.

There must be some treaty must contemplate a cession of territory. Further intelligence confirms this idea. On the 20th Col. Carlo3 Butterfield arrived at Mobile, as special Commissioner from Mexico, appointed to lay before the Executive at Washington an important treaty recently negotiated between Mr. Forsyth and General Comonfort, the head of the Mexican Government.

Probably it will be laid before the Senate befjre the 3d of March. Ion, of the Sun, says: There are many rumors concerning the stipulations of this but the version which I gave of it a few days ago is probably correct, to wit: that, it is a treaty for the cession of Mexican territory down to the 20th parallel of latitude, and for the adjustmeut of claims of citizens of the United States upon dip Mexican Government, and, possibly, for the removal of some restrictions which now obstruct our commerce with Mexico. There is a rumor, also, that the Mexican 1 i 4. .1 .1 1 ixovernmeni, wean ana aisiracieu ui name, ana menaced from abroad, is about to apply to the United States for protection." How insidiously, how steadily, tho Slave Power pushes forward its schemes for the extension of territory on our Southwestern border. Millions again for another slice of Mexican Territory.

MINNESOTA-EQUILIBRIUM. The House passed two bills, in regard to the admission of Oregon and Minnesota as States. Oregon, by the next Congress, will have nearly the desired has now near 200,000, enough for two Representatives. The Oregon bill provides for the election of delegates by the votes of persons residing in the Territory, who are citizens of the United The Minnesota bill, without special tion of this point, provided for the election of Delegates by the People of Minnesota, resident therein. On this, the previous question was demanded.

Some wished to amend by inserting, ''who are citizens of the United States." But, as it involved nothing practical, there being bo few foreign-born persons in the Territory, and those who are there, being as deeply interested in the Territory as anybody else; and as the withdrawal of the previous question might have hazarded the bill itself, the majority of the Republicans, whatever their opinions on the general principle of the amendment, stuck to the bill in its original form, and put it through. Some of them, honest and true men, voted against it. The slaveholding members of the Houst understood, we suppose, that both bills woulc be lost in thp Senate, or so embarrassed as tc be thrown over till the session. In thai body both were reported, the Minnesota bill first. Had it passed, the question of equilib rium would have been decided once for all Southern Senators are sagacious they woulc not make an open issue on the merits of thi bill; they would not appear arrayed in defian opposition to the admission of a new free State qualified, beyond all cavil, for admission.

Tha would have been indecent and dangeron3. Bu they kuoy hoy to Cght great battles on sid issues. Mr. Biggs, of Nortn Carolina, to amend by inserting as a qualification of th electors, that they shall be citizens of the Uni ted States." What did he care about that But every Southern man rallied to the suppoi of the amendment, with tho exception of Mi Toombs. Were they concerned lest the two I I rTON, D.

c. FEBKUA a three thousand alien voters in Minnesota, own ing and farming land there, might spoil the in stitutions of the new States Unfortunately 1 two of the Republican Senators, overlooking a the real issue, voted with them, gave them majority, and the amendment was passed. bill then went through. What Southern cham pion of equilibrium cared It must go bacl to the session is nearly ness is great appropriation bill; must be corruption investigatioi has inflamed the minds of worst comes to the worst, forty Southern mem bers can do the necessary amount of fllibuster is an end of your Minnesota bill, anc the beauty of it is, it is killed iu the most inno cent and natural way in the world nobody to be blamed, especially not the slaveholders, who would not for the world resist the applica' tion of a new free When will Northern men get their eyes open Mr. Hale, with his usual promptness, moved a reconsideration of the bi)lr which holds it yet before the Senate, so that there is some hope left.

THE NEW AMERICA, Ac. The Union and the Star, of Washington, countenance the rumor that has settled down upon the following Cabinet for Mr. Buchanan Lewis Cass, Secretary of State. Howell Cobb, Secretary of the Treasury. John B.

Floyd, Secretary of War. A. V. Brown, Secretary of the Navy. Jacob Thompson, Secretary of the Interior.

J. Olancy Jones, Postmaster General. Isaac Toucey, Attorney General. Mr. Forney, it is reported, made a formidable onslaught upon Jones, so that a modification became thereupon, the latter declined, and Mr.

Alexander, of New Jersey, late unsuccessful Democratic caudidate for the Governorship, took his place in the programme. If this be so, then the free States will be represented in Cabinet by only three politicians, and these, pronounced against by the candidates for their suffrages. It follows that they must look alone to the Oligarchy, whom they have served, for support. They are no more representatives of the free States than are Howell Cobb and John B. Floyd.

It will be observed, that all the great domestic interests of the country, the Army, Navy, Commerce, external and internal, Public Lauds, and Relations to the Indian Tribe3, are placed in the keeping of representatives of the Oligarchy. The seventeen millions of People of the Free States have really not a single man in the new Administration to stand up for their iuterests. The claim put up far it is, that it is highly conservative the Southern men in it do not belong to the Ultras Ca9S himself has sheathed his sword, battled manfully the Dallas-Clarendon Treaty, and breathes peace and good will. if we are to have peace, it will not be, we fear, from the love of it. The Dallas-Clarendon Treaty has been up again for discussion, and is now on the table, by a vote of 25 to 24 and Buchanan's friends, we are inclined to think, put it there.

The Union, too, comes cut in an editorial against all partnership arrangements with Great Britain in regard to Central America rather favors open war better than the se. cret hostility of England, dec. Whether this be the parting blast of the old editor, or the key-note of the new, we do not know; but the Oligarchy has peace and war in its own hands. It is not worth while to hold it in. If it is anxjpus fnfcjifi.Tht with Grant Rsit.iin can stand it quite as well as Slavery can.

We hope our Republican friends will vote for all wise measures for keeping the peace, but not give themselves any extraordinary trouble or anxiety upon the give the gunpowder patriots a chance to vaunt their own daring and peculiar love of country, and expatiate ou what they would have done, had it not been for the craven peace men and the secret friends of Britaiu." If the South desire war with Great Britain, let her go ahead, and see how much is to be gained by a promiscuous fight. A Professorship rx find in the National Intelligencer the following cant complaint: The visiters of the University of Viginia nave Deen advertising in the Intelligencer and in other papers for months past for a suitable person to fill the professorship of history and literature in that institution. I have been greatly surprised to learn that but few candidates have as yet been presented, and I desire, through your columns, to inquire the reason. The position is certainly one of the best in the country, and should command the services of a first-rate man. The University has now more than six hundred students, drawn from all the Southen States.

The income of the professor will be The location is in one of the finest regions of Virginia, and combines in a very high degree the advantage of health and society. "The professorship is just established, and will afford an opportunity for a man of ability to gain for himself a reputation such as ought to satisfy any reasonable ambition. That such a position should have attracted less than half a down applicants, may be an indication that literary pursuits pay better than is generally supposed, or it may show that the material of which first clasj professors are made is lamentably scarce; or it may be that such men do not read the advertising columns of the National Intelligencer. As this is probably the first complaint you have ever known of any want of applicants for a really desirable position, I hope you will insert it. "The election, I -understand, will be made by the visiters on the 11th of February, at the niirerBity- "The material of which first class professors are made," we suppose, is quite as plenty as ever, but Virginia" seems to have forgotten that a new oualification is demanded he who fills that vacant chair must be a believer in the Divine institution of must concur in the doctrines of the social state propounded by Messrs.

F'itzhugh and must hold that the prejudice igainst Slavery had its origin in Pagan lands, is a relic of Paganism, and must gradually melt away before the creasing light of must be prepared to teach that Jefferson and his disciples were greatly in'error in regard to the rights of man, and that the Declaration of Independence is founded upon a philosophy as dangerous and disorganizing as it is hostile to Reason and Revelation. It is because learned and able professoas of this new and sublime school of Slsvery are yet very rare, that the chair in the University of Virginia goes begging. i Municipal friends of Freedom seem to be on the alert in the town 1 elections. Secure these, and the State is safe. Tie despatch is encouraging Albany, Feb.

from St. Lawrence county state that in the recent town elections, I twenty five towns fleeted Republicans and three Americans. In Delaware county, sixteen towns elected six Republicans, five Democrats, three Suaight Americans, and two Democrats and a pericans. Tioga county elected seven oat of 1 Ipecial Feb. Mi Slough, who was recently expelled from the 1 of this State, has been defeated in r.

ihit county (Hamilton) by Robert Hosea, who yf hei been returned by a small majority. RY 2 6, 1857. JUDGE LECOMPTE. A letter from Judge Leeompte to tlie Execu' tive, defending Lis action, and expressing sur' prise at the course taken towards him by the President, has been laid before the Senate. ALLEGED CORRUPT COMBINATIONS OF MEMBEES OF CONGRESS.

In the House of Representatives, on Thursday last, six distinct Reports were submitted by the Select Committee appointed to investigate certain alleged corrupt combinations of Members of Congress. These separate reports arc as follows 1. In the case of William A. Gilbert, a mem' ber from New York. 2.

In the case of William W. Welch a memi ber from Connecticut. 3. In the case of Francis S. Edwards, a mem1 ber from New York.

4. In the case of Orsamus B. Matteson, a member from New York. i 5. Views of the minority in the foregoing cases, signed and presented by Mr.

William II. I Kelsey, of New York. 6. (ieneral report and evidence, also pre sented by Mr. Kelsey, and signed by the entire i committee.

The first four reports are signed by Messrs. Davis, Orr, Ritchie, and Warner. The evidence, as printed in detail, eccupies nearly two hundred octavo pages, and is necessarily omit1 ted. An abstract of the most important portions of it is printed below. Sweeney's and Welch.

James It. Sweeney, of Watertown, New York, an ex-messenger of the Ilouse of Representatives, waH asked by Mr. Orr (in the committee) whether he knew, of his own knowledge, of 41 any attempt of any member of Congress to obtain compensation for votes given, or to be given, upon any measure now pending, or has been pending during the present Congress." The witness said he knew of a case in which a member agreed to get a bill or project through the House for a certain amount of money. In stating the circumstances of this case, Mr. Sweeney produced the following paper: "The Clerk of the House of Representatives will pay to J.

R. Sweeney, out of the appropriation in behalf of me, for certain copies of my work on the Pension, Bounty Land, and other laws, passed at this session of Congress, the sum of fourteen thousand five hundred dollars, ($14,500,) for which this shall be the receipt. August, 1856. F. F.

C. Triim.btt." The witness, in answer to the question, what was 1o be done with this sum after he had collected it from the Clerk, said that there was a misunderstanding upon that subject; and as he supposed there would be conflicting testimony upon it, he desired to have the question postponed for the present. He said, however, that this contract, not the written one, but the contract, was entered into in his presence between the author of ihat work and the member of Congress. At the time, no writing was made? figuring was done. At a subsequent day, the witness was requested to procure that writing, lie was asked to get it from Mr.

Trip'ett. Bv Mr. Orr. By which party? Witness. 15y the member.

By Mr. Orr. Then you applied to Mr. Triplett for it Witness. Yes, sir; he gave it to me.

I was requested to take it in my own name. I repeat that, in making these statements, I do not disclaim having any interest in the measure: I simply disclaim having any pecuniary interest in that paper. By Mr. Orr. Who was the member with whom this contract was entered into in your presence Witness, lion.

William A. Gilbert. The witness subsequently stated that he did not know that he was instructed, in so many words, to pay the money to anybody. By Mr. Orr.

Then it was the understanding that it was to be paid to Mr. Gilbert by you? Witness. That was the understanding at the interview to which I have referred. As I have stated, I was not called on afterwards to pay it to anybody. And at another stage of the examination he said he had no distinct recollection, at this time, of hearing any other member, or of hearing Mr.

Gilbert, in the presence of any other member, say that they were interested iu the luiaqeim1! turfus! 1 iiAve" y'JU TVtty TTiTormation going to show that any member of Congress has received money, or land, or other valuable consideration, for the vote given bv him on any measure pending, or that has been pending, before the present Congress Witness. I ask the committee, as gentlemen and as lawyers, whether I am bound to answer that question By the Chairman. The committee are unanimously of opinion that you are. Witness. Then I answer that I have been told by a member of Congress that he received a certain amount for his vote and influence in the passage of the Iowa railroad bill.

By Mr. Orr. Who was the member? Witness. Hon. William A.

Gilbert. In reply to the interrogatory, What was the 1 amount? the witness replied, "I do not know whether he received this or not. He said to me that he received seven square miles of land 1 and some little stock." The negotiation, ac cording lo his impression, was made with Mr. 1 Chase, an ex-member of Congress from New York. The witness wished to state, under oath, that there was no arrangement between Mr.

Gilbert and himself, by which he was to be involved in the matter. Whatever connection he had with the matter was entered into in confidence, as a matter of accommodation for the other parties. In no other way than that had he any interest, except what was between the author and himself. Mr. Sweeney, the day after the above testimony was given, said there was a claim involving a small amount of money pending hefore one of the committees of the House, which I desired to have favorably reported, and so stated to the member to whom the papers were referred lor examination.

He said to mo that he had no doubt himself that it was a meritorious claim but some of the committee Scrutinized such matters words to that effect; and that he would have to wait a favorable opportunity; or that, perhaps, it might become necessary to use a littlo dollars or make all right. This is all I remember to Lave been said between us relative to the subject. No money was paid or demanded, unless that be construed into a demand. By Mr. Warner.

What was the nature of the claim? The witness reftised to answer any question as to the nature of the claim or the name of the member, unless the committee construed such a refusal as a contempt of the House. The committee decided that they should so hold such refusal to be a contempt of the House. Witness. It was an invalid pension claim. By Mr.

Warner. Who was the claimant? Witness. A widow woman. By Mr. Warner.

Srate her name. Witness. Roxana Kitnbail. By Mr. Warner.

What was the name of the member? Witness. William W. Welch, of Connecticut. By Mr. Warner.

Has that claim been reported Witness. It was reported upon its merits, without any other consideration, as I understand. By Mr. Warner. What was your reply, when Mr.

Welch stated that it might become necessary to use $50. WitnesB. I really do not know that I made any reply, or that we ever alluded to the subject between ourselves afterwards. By Mr. Warner.

There was no money paid for reporting the claim, as far as you know Witness. There has never been a cent paid, as far as 1 know and believe. By Mr. Orr. Did you communicate this to the claimant or to any other person Witness.

I believe I never told it to but two individuals; one was a member of Congress, and the other a gentleman outside. F. F. C. Triplett's Testimony Affecting Hon.

Mr. Gilbert. F. F. C.

Triplett, being sworn, said he had never approached any member upon any subject with an improper proposition. By Mr. Orr. JIad you been brought in contact with any member in that connection? Witness. I have.

I suppose there is nobody who kuows the organization of Congress, who expects to carry anything through it merely from love of justice. By. Mr. Orr. Is that the general reputation of Congress Witness.

That is the general reputation of Congress. During the examination of this witness in relation to his order on the Clerk for 15,000, in the event of the passage of resolution lor the purchase of his book, he said he received a message from a member of Cougress, that he desired to be introduced to him, and to see him in reference to this book project. Mr. Orr. Was it jour impression, when Mr.

Sweeney made application to you for the writing, that it was made in cotisequeuce of anything that had passed between him and the member; in other words, that his application was based upon an interview with the member Witness. That was my impression, though the members never told me so I do not know that he and I ever had a conversation about that at all; the truth is, that Mr. Sweeney came to me originally upon the subject; he knew all about the matter, from the first. I supposed that he was a friend of his party, and that if I paid him it would be satisfactory to the party. The witness hesitated to give the name of i the member, but the committee unanimously decided that he was bound to answer the interrogatory.

The witness then named William A. Gilbert, of New York, saying, "of course I had conversations with other members of the House, but this was the only thing that seemed like a definite understanding with a member." The witness further stated that another member of Congress had conversed with him about the book, the tenor of which was based upon ui receiving a pari oi the contract; and he recollected that on one occasion the members asked him, in the event of their having to distribute more money than they had contemplated, whether he (Triplett) would uot do what was right, or something of that sort. Question by Mr. Orr. What was the name of that member Witness.

Dr. Welch, of Connecticut. On Tuesday, Feb. 3, 1837, the Hon. W.

A. Gilbert appeared before the committee, who informed him that they had adopted the rule of allowing any gentleman who might be implicated to make such statements as he might desire to make, either under cath or without, oath, at his option, but the committee would not regard him as a witness. Mr. Gilbert replied, that, for hi3 own vindication, he should prefer to make his statement under oath. Hon Dr.

Welch on the Stand. Hon. W. W. Welch was present during the foregoing conversation with Mr.

Gilbert, aud was informed that the committee would take the same course in respect to him. Mr. Welch, on the 4th of July, addressed a statement to the committee, in which he says he reported a bill for the Relief of Roxana Kimball, upon its merits only. I utterly deny," he continues, "that I ever stated to the witness Sweeney, or to any other person, that it might be necessary to use any sum of money whatever, for the procuring of such report." As to Triplett's testimouy, he says that I never understood, from Triplett or any other person, that myself or any other member of Congress wAuld receive any pecuniary benefit from it whatever. No language used by me to Mr.

Triplett could have justly implied such a thing, whatever construction he might put upon it; for I repeat, no such thing Arag in my mind. 1 had several conversations with him upon the subject of his book, and uo doubt expressed what 1 desire that he might be remunerated for his labor, and that his bock might be purchased for distribution; but nothing wus further from my mind than any corrupt bargain or understanding with respect to it." Hon. W. A. Gilbert's Testimony.

The Hon. A. Gilbert also appeared before the committee on the same day, and submitted a statement under oath, iu the course of which he says: No agreement was made with me by Mr. Triplett, Sweeney, or any other person, whereby I waa to have, or did expect to have, any benefit from the passage of the (book) resolution. I never knew of or had the remotest idea of the writing or order, until alter it wa3 produced before the committee.

"In regard to the conversation alleged to have occurred between Mr. Sweeney and myself, in reference to my vote on the Iowa land bill, I have to say that I have not the slightest recollection of ever having had a conversation jiC'iW iu ir-rrrartfmci WiCwTsVe seven square miles or any other quantity of land for my vote. I never stipulated for any quantity of land or any pecuniary consideration for my vote on that or any other bill I have voted upon all measures before Congress, since I have been a member, according to the dictates of my own judgment, and not from motives of personal Saiu- Soon after the organization of the present House of Representatives, to wit, the fore part of February, I left the city, and returned home to Jefferson county, New York; that while at home, I was informed that Sweeney was a communicative, mischief-making mau, and that I would find him so; that after, I had no confidence whatever in hiiu, and that my reaervedness in his presence was noticed and spoken of by more than one who boarded at the same house with me, and were occasionally in my room I can prove that I was not in the habit of talking with him free, and cautioned others not to do so," Hon. R. T.

Paine's Testimony Implicating Hon. F. S. Edwards. Hon.

Robert T. Paine sworn. Said, in answer to an interrogatory, that he did not know of an effort to procure a vote lor the passage of a bill pending before (he House, by holding out a consideration for the support of the hill. Such a consideration was held out by the Hon. Francis S.

Elwards, a Represent alive from the State of New York, to him, and the consideration named was He then proceeds to detail the conversation between them, and that the answers to the interrogatory were inferences which he drew. From the conversation, they were such as were impressed upon his miud. Hon. F. S.

Edwards's Testimony. Hon. Francis S. Edwards made a statement, under oath, in the course of which he says that lie had stated to Mr. Paiuethat he owned lands at Ea Crosse and near La Crosse, in connection with his brother, which would be materially enhanced in value if this hill passed; that he had friends living in that Territory who felt a deep interest in its passage, who had written to him on the subject; and that, in this explanation, it might seem improper that he should feel so much anxiety about this bill, but that he had no interest in it other than the general principle such as he had stated.

He did not, in his conversation with Mr. Paine, offer, or intend to be understood as offering, any sum of mouey, either for himself or for any other person or persons, to press his vote in favor of any bill whatever. No person ev.er solicited him to offer or procure any consideration dependent upon the passage of this or any other bill now before Congress. W. C.

Johnson's Testimony in Relation to 0. B. Matteson. William C. Johnson, of Utica, N.

sworn, saia ne was tne president ot the Lias Moines Navigation and Ilailroad Company of the State of Iowa; he gave a long account of the history of the Company, and replied that he had heard rumorB, but had no knowledge that any agreement or arrangement had been entered into by himself or any other member of the Company, with any member of Congress, or with any other person, directly or indirectly, for the benefit of any member of Congress, by which such members of Congress were to receive any valuable consideration for their aid in carrying through a bill for benefit of the Company. Question by Mr. Orr. Have you received any communication lrom any member or members of Congress, or any communication written, as they allege, by the authority or sanction of any member or members of Congress, with reference to the passage of this bill The witness replied One, only, from Qrsamus B. Matteson it was signed O.

B. M. it was the handwriting of Mr. Matteson, and not denied by him it was franked by Mr. Matteson to the witness after the existence of the letter became public, the witness says he avoided, as much as possible, having interviews with him.

Henry A. Daniels, sworn. Says that he resides in Utica, New York, and produced the following copy of the paper referred to: Washington, July 15, 1856. Drar Sir The committee in our House have agreed to report your resolution in Minnesota to 272,000 acres, or as you wished it, there is much trouble in the way. Some outsiders make mischief.

Are you willing to let your quarter of the factory be cut up unU umni I. I tr VOL. XI. to carry it through, in addition to what Stryker arranged? I can have sonic agent promise i outsiders stock in a new factory, ljct me know without fail by return mail. Truly, O.

11. M. IK. C. Johnson, Esq.

Revsrdy Johnson's Testimony in Relation to Matteson. Hon. Reverdy Johnson, (who is the counsel for the Ops Moines Navigation and Riilroal Company of the State Iowa,) having been sworn, testified, among other things, that some ei.jht or ten days before the adjournment of the session of the present Congress, while I peued to be ia the House of Representatives, Mr. O. 11.

Matteson of New York, and a me nber from that Sfate, asked me where the of the Des Moines Company, Mr. W. Johnson, was. I told him I thought he hal left the city; that I had uot seen hi for veral days. lie then expressed veiy great at his having left the city, and he must come back that he wa3 sorry to me, but so was the fact, that there were from twenty to am not sure as to numbers, but I am sure that it was either twenty or thirty members of the House who had associate themaelves together, and pledged each to the other not to vote for any law fcr resolution granting money or lands, unless they were pint for it; I told him I could hardiy believe it; 1 think the expression I was indig that it waa -4-1 He agreed with me, and was, us tar as words and manner were concerned, as warm in de nouncing it as I was.

He said they were a set of scoundrels; but there they wre, v. and nobody could get anything of this sort through without them, and that Johns must have here to carry tins bill, JLo. John Stryker's Testimony in Relation to Horaro QrttUy. John Stryker, of Kome, N. a director and member of the Executive Committee of the Company, testified that he made a draft in favor of Horace Greeley for it was a retainer for counsel and advice in aid of procuring the passage ol the hill for the hem-til of the Company.

It was to be used entirely in his discretion. The witness, three weeks ago, met Mr. Greeley in New York, and he told hint that he had received the money, but that ho had no personal interest in it. The witness underwent a long examination, fluoiriif in oy "If the bill had parsed the iloi.se, Mr. (ireeley had power to make whatever disposition o( it i he saw proper.

There wan no Kmitatiou wh I ever upon him. 1 had coi ft lenee in him, that he would use it properly." It became necessary, he further said, that the hill should have the attention of some one, as there was none here to attend to it; Keverdy Johnson being absent on account of professional engagements, or for some cause, the witness wished to provide th it some one should be here as agent. Hon. O. IJ.

Mittesou. On the of February, this gentleman address-d a cotninunication (dated "National Hotel'') to the committee, saying that he had been confined tv? bis room for the most part of the hist two days the prevailing epidemic, but during that time occasional rumors reached him that the committee had been engaged in a seen inquiry, calculated to his personal honor and character as a Representative, whose rights and reputation were as dear to him as they could possibly be to his peers. The inquiry, he says, was prompted against him by bitter enemies in his district, whc.nt malignity has been sharpened by successive defeat. Anonymous and unprinciplel iulerences bad combined to blast his chatrac.er; and he further says that the meanest off. udt-r has a show of justice in a criminal court, while the case with regard to the accused bc-fore the committee is amerent.

Me protests against the course pursued towards him. The three special reports of the committee are signed by all the members of the committee except Mr. Kelscy. They embody the te-timony in each case, and conclude with the published resolutions under our Congressional head. Minority Report.

i Mr. Kelsey made a report, in which he ssvs he dissents from the several reports of He is of opinion that, according to the rules of the House and parliament 311J TimntR-f boUV, under the resolution by which the committee were appointed. The committee having ascerlained that certain members are involved, it is their duty, in his judgment, report the fact to the House, with the evidence bv which the fact is disclosed, together witii a rec.immcntla lion that the said members bo tried upon nite charges, and to submit the subject to the House for their direction, or such other proceeding as they see proper to adopt. He quotes this rule from tho Manual on the subject, and adds, that the majority of the committee have departed trom it, in having presented resolutions lor the expulsion of the members involved, instead of presenting the fact that they were so involved, ami asking the direction of the House. He dissents Irom and protests against these resolutions.

General Report. All the committee join in i general report, in which they say the delay in making the report was beyond their control. They did not feel at liberty to notice in any manner the numerous anonymous communications received by them, and no proceeding or inquiry has been instituted upon any such conituuuicaiiou; but in every case where a respectable person has requested an inquiry, or pointed to a witness who could probably prove a aiaterial fact, the investigation has been made full and tlior ougli as it was in the power of the committee to make it. They say no sucji general conibi nations as have been charged are proved exist. Four cases came to thfir knowledge, I which individual members were implicated.

The committee give the questions and answers in the examination of James W. Simon ton, at different times, and utate that his last answer was directly contradictory of his previous testimony. It appears, they remark, from the testimony, that while occupying a seat. as reporter on the Hoor of the House, he personally aided in the passage of the land bill, under tho promise of receiving a certain compensation if the bill passed. lie also an old friend of hi passing a private bill through the Senate, for which service he accepted a small compensation.

They say, from the testimony taken, it appears that the general charges of corrupt combinations in Congress originated from men who expected to make money by creating a belief that, such combinations exist. If they can cause it to he generally believed that it is necessary to use large sums of money to carry measures through Congress, it follows that somebody must be employed to apply it; and the man who knows most about corrupt combinations would be the one naturally sought for and employed as a broker to buy up the votes of members who had entered into such combinations to sell. The brokers in Congressional corruption would receive money to buy up the combination, a 1 whether he puts the money in his own pocket, or pays it to somebody elae, can never bo known to the parties who furnish the money. They are all engaged in a criminal transaction, in which the broker has the decided advantage of his employers, who must be satisfied without an account, or with any account of his agency that he may choose to render; and the probability is, that, in addition to his own stipulated compensation, he will pockot the whole corruption fund. They proceed to attribute much of this evil to the avidity with which newspanar catch no evert Mointr runi.rl 1 'V -h tiinl send to their respective journals to appear in print.

They report the following resolution Kcsolved, That James W. Siinonton be expelled from the Hoor of this House as reporter. They likewise report a bill to protect the people against corrupt and secret influence in matters of uuder our Congressional TO NERVOUS SUFFERERS. A retired clergyman, restored to health in few after many of great nervous an tiering, is anxious make known the ineamt of cute. Will send (free) the prescription used.

Direct to lie- Rev. JOHN 50 Fulton street, Brooklyn, N. Y. COUGHS, HOARSENESS, AND BRONCHITIS. BROWN'S BRONCHIAL TROCHES, when allowed to dissolve slowly in the mouth, have a direct influence, to the alTecled The sedative and sooliiing erluel to the mucus lining of the windpipe into the Brouchu alia) Pulinonury Irritation, and gives relief in Coughs, Colds, and the various Throat to wluch public speakers and singers are liahle.

Sold by Druggists throughout th? Cms Sinks, I.