Detroit Free Press from Detroit, Michigan on September 14, 1972 · Page 7
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Detroit Free Press from Detroit, Michigan · Page 7

Detroit, Michigan
Issue Date:
Thursday, September 14, 1972
Page 7
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DLTKOIT 1 RLi; PRLSS, S.t-1. 14, '72 7-A I TT Of a o TT"I h II ' Si i' i 1 1 -w 1 1 An Added Of Insight TRB front Wash ington Canadian Goverment Puts Antique U.S. System to Shame BY RICHARD LEE STROUT ALL ACROSS CANADA today electoral enumerators are rapping on doors, asking who's eligible to vote, and preparing voting lists for publication and display. Canada is holding a general election simultaneously with ours, the vote coming Oct. 30. Checking t h e votes in Canada and overseeing the election is a federal job. If the U.S. operated that way, our government enumerators would be out now in Harlem, in Watts, in Mississippi, in Alaska. With a population 10 times Canada's, the comparative cost in the U.S. would be about Strout $135 million. It would be a more honest election with a bigger turnout; only 61 percent of U.S. eligibles voted in 1968; Canada expects about 75 percent this year. Living side by side, it is amazing how little the U.S. knows about Canada. In a general way, of course, most Americans realize that Canada doesn't separate powers as we do. But perhaps the biggest difference is that whoever gets elected up North will be able to govern. He will have a mandate. If he doesn't he will just call another election. Mr. Nixon won in 1968 but he was a minority President, with a Democratic Congress the whole time. Sometimes in Washington, the machine just stalls. More often things just drag along. It worries people who doubt the very instruments of democracy. It's not confined just to hippies. Here is tough-minded George Reedy, former special assistant to Lyndon Johnson, who worked inside the White House. In his compelling book, "The Twilight of the Presidency," he gloomily predicts that things will get worse. The "probable outcome of our cur-rent difficulties will be a 'man on horseback'," he says flatly. Will the present "museum" system reform itself? "The prospects are dim," he says. Pat Moynihan, Mr. Nixon's pet libera!, interviewed the President in last week's Life magazine. He notes all the important programs that got stalled in Congress. "Such failures suggest to him (Nixon) that we face a crisis in our ability to govern," says Moynihan, "that the machinery of government is obsolete. It is, after all, 18th Century machinery." No Longer 10 Feet Tall U.S. Image in BY JOHN CHAMBERLAIN MUNICH In the aftermath of the Olympics tragedy, one turns to other reading in an effort to forget this hideous nightmare. One looks in vain through the European press for news bearing on the American elections. In one day's journey through several German, French, and Swiss papers, the name of Mc-1 Govern, if it was there, eluded me completely; and the only allusion to a campaign issue occurred on the back page of the Swiss Gazette de Lausanne, which mentioned the possibility that President Nixon would shortly bring 10,000 or 15,000 sol diers home from Viet- Chamberlain nam. Americans, it is obvious here, are no longer thought of as 10 feet tall. Four years ago Jean-Jacques Servan-Schreiber's "The American Challenge" had Europeans worried. But the anti-technology revolt in the U.S. has fixed that. West Europe, in turning inward, is discovering that it has rich sources for its own renewal. An American businessman, Eugene Lang, who specializes in arranging joint venture packages or American and foreign companies, finds that the French have become the most bullish businessmen in Europe. They are less concerned with relying on tariffs and quotas to protect their home mar- Right-Wing Writer ; ? : '''' ' Allen: A Grain of Truth BY NICHOLAS VON HOFFMAN WASHINGTON Gary Allen is one of the most popular writers that John Birchites read and believe with a zeal that is nervous-making. They clutch and quote whole paragraphs from "None Dare Call It Conspiracy." The book's back cover displays endorsements from some of the biggest, meanest dragons of lrreconciiame rigni: jjan w n E. Manion, and Ezra Taft Benson. It's enough to make you shiver. . Many of us do shiver, but few of us outside the Birchite world read what Gary Allan writes. We assume a man like that bounces around promiscuously calling people communists. Well, he Von Hoffman does call some people communists but not who you'd think. Take- Allen's interpretation of Nixon's first campaign for public office, when he ran against Jerry Voorhis. It was this campaign, and a subsequent one for the Senate against Helen Gahagan Douglas, that established Nixon's reputation for political slander. The future President depicted Voorhis as the candidate of the CIO and the Communist Party. But Allen writes that if there was a communist sympathizer it was Richard Nixon. His argument is that Nixon was then and is now a cat's paw of the Eastern liberal Establishment, while Voorhis was an anti-Keynesian, dedicated to fighting the Federal Reserve System and its allies, the central banks of the 1 p - 1 Dimension on the News While Congress has steadily lost power the Canadian Parliament remains as strong as ever. Canada is no political Utopia but at least after an election you know who has the ball. That's not true in Washington; the present guessing here is that if Mr. Nixon is reelected, as expected, he will have a Democratic House or Senate, or both. The odd thing is that our queer system works pretty well, so far anyway. The problem is the future. Things happen faster. Prob-1 e m s are worsening, changes increasing, doubts deepening. Furthermore, Congress is deteriorating. Congress is a worry to anybody who examines it. In a negative way it can function; it can stop things from happening. All its favorite controls and little veto powers operate for the status quo. For example, the House Ways and Means Committee and the Senate Finance Committee are stacked with men from the oil states, all genuflecting to the depletion allowance. Washington is a harem full of special interests, and Congress is the grand eunuch guarding the seraglio. It has diminished its positive powers, making the President more and more powerful. The difference between the President and Prime Minister Is extraordinary. Mr. Nixon Is king and political leader rolled into one. That makes him aloof. Walter Hickel quit the Cabl-"net because he couldn't get to see the President; George Romney Is quitting for the same reason. In Ottawa the monarchlaleremonial part is all handled by the governor-general. Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau's Job is down-to-earth government. Aloof? Look at him on the front bench at "Question Time," the first hour of each day in Parliament. The questions are oral and unrehearsed, leveled by the Opposition right at Mr. Trudeau and his cabinet, and they bring noisy protest if the answers are evasive. Mr. Nixon escapes this. Even with the press he has held only 27 formal conferences since taking office. Under the quaint Canadian system only speeches actually made are officially reported. And at national elections the government minimizes dishonesty by managing the thing. But the biggest difference is that the Canadian government can govern get things done or fix responsibility. That'i the weakest part of the U.S. system. Europe ket, and they have been entering into Joint ventures with Dutch computer concerns, Italian automobile manufacturers and German, Belgian and Dutch aircraft companies. Meanwhile, the British are setting up continental sales organizations and manufacturing subsidiaries in order to get a strong take-off position for competition in an enlarged Common Market. To be sure, the U.S. still has technological innovations to put into cross-licensing business. America maintains its lead in computers, and in some areas of the electronics industry. Its automotive industry, one gathers from European commentators, has become something that would have caused such U.S. innovators as "Boss" Kettering, Alfred P. Sloan and Walter Chrysler to hide their heads in shame. The "technology gap" between America and Europe that had Servan-Schreiber so worried is, in short, no longer there. The new self-satisfactions of Europe may be enough to explain any apathy hereabouts concerning the Nixon-McGoverm campaign. What a McGovern victory might do to weaken the common interest in a strong NATO de-, fense does not seem to be of great concern. It should be of great concern to Europeans lest Americans listen to McGovern's pleas to "come home." But what if a Common Market Europe that has already "come home" should go isolationist on its own? The Kremlin knows the answer to that particular question, even if the West does not. other great capitalist powers. Banking and the network of international finance stand at the center of Allen's kind of right-wing thinking. It's what allows him to toss the word conspiracy around so freely. Our tendency to consider expressions like plot and conspiracy as aspects of clinical pathology rather than elements in politics lets bankers get off the hook. Banking is a highly conscious, deliberate occupation. If you like what bankers do you call it a program or an international consortium; if you don't, you call it a conspiracy. The difference here is an epistomological one based on what you believe to be right. So it infuriates Allen that the third largest item in the federal budget goes to pay interest to financial institutions which got the money from the government in order to lend it back. At a somewhat higher order of abstraction Allen denies such ideas as the inevitability of history. For Allen things happen because men intend them to happen. The notion that specific somebodies may be directly responsible for the shaping of our most important Institutions antedates the John Birch Society by two or three millennia. Yet in the last century this mode of analysis has been cast into such doubt that when a man like Allen actually blames a person or a group for something we think he has a screw loose. Allen and his friends provide a certain corrective to our thinking; they are talking about the uses of power, money and politics in ways we can learn from, and if their ideas are socially disreputable, we'd best put them in a brown paper bag instead of laughing at them. BY SAUL FRIEDMAN Pr Press Washington Staff WASHINGTON Senate Republican Whip Robert P. Griffin of Michigan is running not only for re-election but also for visions of greater glories. With Republicans already counting 1976 chickens even before the ones in 1972 are hatched, you can hear talk around Griffin's office about the Senate Republican leadership post, the vice-presidency, and who knows what. Which Is all very ironic when you consider that about a year ago the White House was writing Michigan off to the Democrats, thus endangering Griffin's chances of going much beyond one full term in the Senate. ' BUT GRIFFIN, who had his ups and downs at the White House, was among the first to supply the President with the secret password for Michigan and other states similarly situated: Busing. Griffin, the first of the northern Republicans to switch from the traditional liberal position on civil rights and busing, repeatedly lobbied at the White House for the President to join the anti-busing bandwagon as it began to roll. And he impressed on the President's aides the value of the bus as a political vehicle. The administration climbed aboard, and Griffin has been given much of the credit for the good ride it has gotten on the issue so far. Talk about Irony: Griffin, a little more than a year ago, was inclined to criticize the pursuit of the southern strategy. But busing has succeeded in bringing the southern strategy to the north. As a result of Griffin's advice on the busing sale 79.99 Nappa leather bush jacket is ruggedly handsome with four patch pockets, large fashion collar and lapels. Tone -on -tone stitching adds a neat touch. Soft black and chocolate colored leather. Self belted. Sizes 38 to 46. An exceptionally low price for such a great looking jacket in Men's Outerwear. sale 9.99 Luxurious velour shirts knit of washable cotton and stretch nylon for added comfort. Popular collared style with 4-button placket. In chocolate, ecru, wine, black, gold and olive M-L-XL. Fashion at a great savings in price in Hudson's Men's Sportswear. issue, and as an indication of his standing at the White House, he was instrumental in bringing President Nixon to Macomb County, after the Republican convention, for the dedication of Dwight Eisenhower High School. While the President was speaking, his assistants were gunning the busing issue in the background. ANOTHER indication of Griffin's rising stature in Republican leadership circles is that Vice-President Spiro Agnew (no doubt, with the approval, if not at the suggestion, of the President) chose the Michigan senator to introduce him for his convention acceptance speech. It should be recalled, that not long ago Griffin was wishing aloud that' Agnew would be replaced. All this has led to speculation, on Griffin's staff and among Michigan Republicans, that if he is re-elected, the wide world of political possibilities will lie before him: The Senate Republican leadership (Hugh Scott, the present leader, is 72); the vice-presidential spot in 1976, perhaps with Agnew; and then . . . maybe . . . But at the moment, his 1972 opponent for the Senate, Attorney General Frank J. Kelley, stands in the way of such dreams. And if the polls are an indication, Griffin is not having as easy a time as the President. Kelley, by being anti-busing, seems to have neutralized the issue in the Senate race. And there is a theory among politicians that inveterate Democrats, while they may vote for Mr. Nixon, will split to Kelley (as long as he's anti-busing) to salve their consciences. ' n ri a"U mjLI ' '-4' C$4, Jf f '"V - ' '' ' ' y V msfAmk 0.1, ii ii ..." Lots more to save on durlno Hudson's mens store sob That's the major reason why Griffin, last week, began running against his Democratic colleague, Sen. Philip A. Hart, as well as Kelley. In an effort to prevent Kelley from running independently of others on the Democratic ticket, Griffin is trying to tie Kelley to Hart. Griffin is distributing thousands of copies of a story which reported that Kelley told black Democrats he would match Hart's positions "vote for vote" in the Senate. At the UAW's Community Action Program meeting, Griffin told delegates "that's much mot serious than a 'brainwash' statement ... I don't think the people of Michigan need or want two Phil Harts in the U.S. Senate." (The "brainwash" refers to George Romney's statement during the 1968 presidential campaign that he had been brainwashed on Vietnam.) The following morning Griffin repeated these thoughts to Michigan reporters and suggested their stories emphasize them. There is a final irony here. Griffin Is hitting Democrats for hypocrisy. Hart was one of the most popular politicians in Michigan, sought by Democrats for his endorsement only a year ago. Democratic politicians, when confronted by liberals and blacks, still praise Hart to the heavens and say they wish they had his courage. But be cause of Hart's defense of busing and his bill to confiscate most handguns, he is not wholly welcome on the same platform with many of these Democrats. So Hart was not invited to be there Tuesday' when George McGovern, Teddy Kennedy and Frank Kelley campaigned together in Detroit. sale 4.99 Famous name long sleeve, long leg pajamas in coat or middy styles. Permanent press polyester and cotton. All from a maker you'll recognize immediately. Assorted -solids and fancy patterns at fine savings now in sizes A-B-C-D. From Men's Furnishings. '"'

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