Detroit Free Press from Detroit, Michigan on February 21, 1986 · Page 9
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Detroit Free Press from Detroit, Michigan · Page 9

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Detroit, Michigan
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Friday, February 21, 1986
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Page 9
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DETROIT FREE PRESSFRIDAY, FEB. 21. 1986 9A So Marcos is a fraud; what do we do about it? I The flacks and flak of foreign relations r ? f A J l i ' - South Korean President Chun Doo Washington last year If you approve of the "privatization" of foreign policy, you have to love what's going on. much of an army, but it is all the army there is. Marcos has imposed martial law in the past, and recently he was "thinking seriously" about imposing it again. THERE IS the matter of the legitimacy of the election. Under Philippine law, Marcos lawfully has been certified as the winner. If he will not resign, the better to accommodate Hatfield, he can be removed only by process of law. It is not enough that "everybody knows" that his purported victory was achieved by intimidation, fraud, vote buying, ballot theft, and wholesale disfranchisement of Aquino's supporters. At some point these charges must be proved before an appropriate tribunal with authority to convict and remove him. Other forces hold powerful cards. Eighty-five percent of the islands' 55 million people reportedly are Catholics. In its manifesto of Feb. 14, the nation's Catholic Bishops' Conference unanimously condemned the election: It was unparalleled in its fraudulence; it was characterized by harassment, terrorism and murder; it amounted to "a criminal use of power to thwart the sovereign will of the people." The bishops called for the faithful to take non-violent appropriate actions "in a creative, imaginative way." These creative, imaginative ways also will be pursued by Aquino. Even the rigged, official count gave her more than 46 percent of the vote. She has become a force in Philippine politics that cannot be discounted. When she calls for a general strike, or for boycotts of products associated with Marcos, millions of angered Filipinos will follow her leadership. THE TRUTH is that none of the alternatives to Marcos is a happy alternative. Ronald Reagan cannot oust him by force; he can use only persuasion. Too brazen an interference by the United States in the internal concerns of the Philippines would be deeply resented. If somehow the United States could give the presidency to Aquino as if we had it to give she- would be tagged "the American puppet." Perhaps no one who professes faith in a democratic system is now capable of effectively governing the islands; and the communists, whose guerillas are active in 60 of the 73 provinces, are waiting at the gate. By JAMES J. KILPATRICK Universal Press Syndicate WASHINGTON - Members of Congress returned to Capitol Hill this week, all charged up about Ferdinand Marcos. They were in a mood to do something about the Philippines' newly re-elected president. The questions were what to do, and how to go about doing it. About 20 members of the House and Senate went to the Philippines to observe the election at first hand. No one challenges their 'conclusion that the election was fatally tainted. m, I 'A U i Kilpatrick The National Assembly proclaimed Marcos the winner with 10,807,000 votes to 9,272,000 for Corazon Aquino, but the figures are thought to have little meaning. Given a free and peaceful election, followed by an honest count, Aquino would have won. SO FAR, so good. But what precisely to do? Rep. Dante B. Fascell, D-Fla., wants to suspend all economic and military aid to the Philippines. Congress presumably has the power to do this. If the move succeeded in causing Marcos to resign, well and good. If the move failed, the mismanaged Philippine Army would be further weakened in its effort to contain the communist New People's Army, and the country's faltering economy would be further impoverished. Everybody wants Marcos to "step aside." Sen. Mark Hatfield, R-Ore., voiced a great idea: Marcos would be installed as president. His running mate, Arturo Talentino, would be installed as vice-president. Then Talentino would resign and Marcos would name as his new vice-president Salvador Laurel, who was the opposition's running mate with Aquino. Marcos thereupon would abdicate his presidential office "and let Laurel take over with the understanding that Marcos would stand trial." U.S. senators sometimes have very odd ideas. MARCOS HOLDS powerful cards. His party controls the National Assembly. Are his people also to "step aside"? Marcos controls the army. It isn't mm. --r fit vk,. Did Manafort prevail upon the president to make his startling press conference utterance that "both sides" had cheated in the Philippine election, and that nothing really mattered save the U.S. air bases a statement revised by "spokesmen" two days later? It could have been Reagan's instinct: He's crazy about "stable governments," although in Central America and Africa he is trying to overthrow a couple. Black, Manafort, Stone & Kelly, however, also provides an example of what a hard-breathing firm can do for a client when the wind is right. The visit of Angolan rebel Jonas Savimbi to Washington was a triumph. SAVIMBI was put out of business 1 0 years ago by the Clark Amendment, which forbade covert activity in Angola. He has changed his position on communism as often as Reagan has switched his on the Philippines, but the right wing is mad about him, and his PR firm staged an extravaganza worthy of a world dignitary. He had two long sit-downs with Secretary of State George Shultz, who once opposed helping him; a meeting with Senate Majority Leader Robert Dole, R-Kan.; dinner with Republican senators, and an Oval Office photo opportunity and a press conference with a White House backdrop. Sometime during the visit, the decision to give Savimbi $15 million in covert aid was made. It was announced during a Senate hearing by Chester Crocker, assistant secretary of state for African affairs. It was a 10-strike. It was an easy job, like arranging a welcome for Princess Diana at a London pub. It was extremely well done and worth every penny of the $600,000 it has cost the big jungle-fighter. NO ONE is sure whether these highly paid firms are making foreign policy a la Reagan or just making money. They could in the process make the State Department obsolete. Most of their business is in arranging tricky trade deals. How much political counsel changes hands will have to await some distant congressional hearings. Columnist William Safire, once a White House insider, sees "an excess of access." Tom Mathews, an old campaign hand and partner in the direct-mail firm of Craver, Mathews and Smith, ,.,. - - - ( n ni. ,j,jM,M, UPI photo Angolan rebel leader Jonas Savimbi with Vice-President Bush in Washington late last month says that many countries that are insecure because they are small or doing something awful or both "will do 1 anything to get an Indian guide in the maze of Washington. "It's access, not advice, they want. Once they've hired a former presidential aide, they feel they have a greater latitude. They don't need to worry about public opinion. They have someone who can call up the White House." "Where were going AP photo Hwan with President Reagan in We have to ask ourselves what Marcos and Chun might have done differently if they hadn't had Deaver or Manafort whispering to them. Probably nothing, which suggests that the firms are reinforcing Reagan and helping him circumvent the sometimes wimpy State Department. If you approve of the "privatization" of foreign policy, you have to love what's going on. PLUS- Many other styles not pictured. Most colors at all stores. ihpfp. arfi.nirflds..y By MARY McGRORY Universal Press Syndicate WASHINGTON The government of South Korea has just cracked down on Kim Dae Jung, its most famous and popular dissident politician. It has also arrested 100 Koreans who signed a petition for the direct election of the president. ., Does that make Korea look good? Well, not so you'd notice it. i Yet Korea's president, Chun DooHwan.hasre- at least the hot-1 lest, nacK in me business, Ronald McGrory Reagan's confidant and image-maker, Michael Deaver, who gets $2 million from the folks in Seoul to make them look good. ! Did Deaver, who piloted the president through some choppy water during--Reagan's first term, call up his clients and say: "Listen, it really Doesn't look good to barricade Kim in his house and throw soldiers around it and make his wife go to church in a police car; I'm trying to sell you as an emerging democracy, and you're not helping"? Anybody could have told him that for nothing. We don't know what Deaver does for his $2 million. He declines to say, 'but we are free to speculate. Did he tell Chun to call off his goons, and did Chun tell him to mind his own business? What does a high-priced Washington PR firm staffed with former campaign aides do for its customers? WE CERTAINLY know what it shouldn't do. It's what Black, Mana-fort, Stone & Kelly did for Ferdinand Marcos, president of the Philippines, during his recent election campaign. Did the firm advise Marcos to go for it and never mind the niceties? Or did the advisers content themselves with getting him on "Nightline"? -'-"Again, we don't know. All we are "sure of is that the company run by political operatives Paul Manafort was Reagan's convention director in 1980 and 1984 received $950,000 for -it's efforts although Marcos' name is 'now-' mud in the free world except, intermittently, with its leader, Reagan. Sanctuary -I-I honor the 'mother of exiles" By CORETTA SCOTT KING Special FeaturesSyndication Sales r " NO WORK of sculpture has ever . received so much attention as the Stat-"Ue of Liberty, which is now undergoing a $230 million renovation in preparation for Its centennial celebration. As !the most potent symbol of the nation's commitment to freedom and refuge, its restoration is worth every penny. ' - Despite all the hoopla about the centennial, how- ever, America s credibility as a haven for those seeking freedom could be sorely diminished if 11 church workers, members of the sanctuary movement, are convict It- ed in a federal court in Tucson of harbor and transport King conspiring to illegal aliens. Some 275 churches, synagogues and colleges in the United States have joined the movement, agreeing to provide asylum for Central American refugees. With its vast network of courageous individuals working under the threat of imprisonment to help those who have fled war and repression, the movement has been called "the Underground Railroad of the 1980s." ACCORDING to the prosecution, 'the 11 sanctuary defendants are a "typical alien-smuggling ring." To the defendants, to those whom they have helped and to civil rights workers across the country, they are men and women of conscience who have taken a courageous stand for human rights and fair immigration policies. - The trial is in its fourth month. The defendants admit to helping Central American refugees but insist they are on solid legdl, as well as moral, ground because the 1980 Refugee Act protects those fleeing war or persecution. , The prosecution counters that those 1 who have been helped by the Sanctuary 11 fled only economic hardship, ; and therefore are not protected by the act. This contention strains credibility ! ia view of the position of the UN High 1 Commissioner on Refugees that "the I problem of the physical protection of refugees is possibly more acute in ifantral America than anywhere in the jjjj -Pres. Reagan '54.95 VALUES EXCLUSIVELY AT S1BLEYS COMFORT PLUS! ALL LEATHER FOOTWEAR WITH FULLY CUSHIONED INSOLES 3 DAY SAL! $32.90 FANTASTIC SAVINGS OF $22.05 NOW THRU SUNDAY AND THAT'S NOT ALU ALL STYLES ARE ALSO AVAILABLE IN E EEE WIDTHS PLUS... 9k J or farms ... or factories voices legal residence in the United States face formidable problems. Competition for scarce jobs has fostered restrictive attitudes on the part of many Americans. As long as there is high unemployment, our capacity to assimilate immigrants will be limited. A genuine national commitment to full employment can go a long way toward facilitating our immigration policy. The same can be said for a more assertive human rights policy. Having supported dictators-who have crushed democracy and land reform in Central America for many years, the United States bears some responsibility for the turmoil and human rights violations that produce refugees. The case of the Sanctuary 11 is a timely reminder of our obligation to honor our ideals and heritage. As the nation prepares to celebrate the centennial of the "mother of exiles," let us remember the concluding lines from Emma Lazarus' great poem engraved on the statue's pedestal: "Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore, Send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed, to me: I lift my lamp beside the golden door." jfk. f Coovriohl 19(1. Core"" Smtt Kino Or towns ... or bridges ... other world." In addition, more than 100 Salvadoran refugees who have been deported by the United States have been victimized by political violence. Churches participating in the sanctuary movement have filed at least two lawsuits, charging the government with illegal wiretaps, searches and burglaries in violation of the free exercise of religion. "Never before in the history of our Republic has the government utilized such investigatory tactics against church workers engaged in non-violent activity," said A. Bates Butler III, the defense attorney for the Sanctuary 11 and a former U.S. attorney for Arizona. LAST YEAR the United States accepted some 536,000 immigrants, including about 76,000 who qualified as refugees. Despite the promise of the Statue of Liberty, U.S. immigration policy has often been racially selective. For 40 years Asians and Africans were denied entry under the Quota Act of 1924. In 1965 the act was repealed. By 1968 discriminatory quotas were ended. Yet in 1981 the Congressional Black Caucus charged that the interdiction of Haitian boat people, followed by hasty asylum proceedings for them on the high seas, was a "flagrant example of both an ideologically and racially biased ref ug je and human rights policy." 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