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The Oregon Union from Corvallis, Oregon • 1

Publication:
The Oregon Unioni
Location:
Corvallis, Oregon
Issue Date:
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1
Extracted Article Text (OCR)

The Oregon Union. AS IT WAS--THE CONSTITUTION AS IT IS, AND THE NEGROES WHERE THEY ARE. THE UNION VOL. IV. CORVALLIS, OREGON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1863.

NO. 41. The Oregon Union PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY. P. J.

MALONE, Editor and Publisher. Rates of Subscription: in advance, $3 00 Bone six year, months, always 2 00 No subscriptions taken for less than six and no paper sent after the time for months, which it is paid shall have expired. SUBSCRIBERS whose terms of subscription have nearly, or quite, expired, will receive their written on RED INK. paper Rates of Advertising: One square, twelve lines or less, first $3 insertion Back additional insertion 1 00 Professional and Business Cards, one square or less, one year 15 00 Same for six months, 8 00 Liberal deduction made to those who advertise largely, or by the year. All advertising must be paid in advance, or vouched for by some responsible person, to insure insertion.

Agents for the Oregon Union. Francisco. BOYCE, San Taos. BAILEY, general Yamhill county. J.

RALSTON, Oregon City. R. HOWARD, Franklin. O. P.

COSHAW, Brownsville. JOHN THOMPSON, Dayton. S. ELLSWORTH, Eugene L. MEAD, Pleasant Hill.

WETTERER, McLAUGHLIN KLIPPEL, Jacksonville. A. P. TURNER, Williamsburg. JOHN O'BRIEN, Applegate.

Hon. J. B. WHITE, Rock Point, PAT. McMANUS, Phoenix.

D. CROWLY, G. W. WELLS, Ashland. GUSTAF WILSON, Kirbyville.

O'REGAN Althouse. WM. H. BURNETT, Waldo. OWEN COYLE, Allen Gulch.

Col. WM. J. BLARTIN, Myrtle Creek M. ROSENBERG, Leland.

DENNIS HOWE, Roseburg. AMERICUS SAVAGE, Sand Ridge. DR. WM. F.

ALEXANDER, Linn county. GEORGE HELM, Albany. J. J. BURCH, Independence.

CAPT. F. A. LEMONT, St. Helens.

THOS. J. LOVELADY, Dallas. PERRY HYDE, Harrisburg. HON.

B. F. BONHAM, Salem. DICK IRWIN, 120 Front St. Portland.

JOHN HALL, Cedar Point, Washington Co. A. CAMPBELL, Lafayette. the Oregon Execution of Thos. A.

Snider and Ten Others. A little after twelve o'clock, One sad and gloomy day, Three wagons drove unto the jail, Where Thomas Snider lay. His fated chains were then thrown off, And he was ordered out, Then those same wagons bore him on, Along the gloomy route. To him and nine more hearty men This sentence then was read Before the setting of the sun, That they should all be dead. Ten rough board coffins were prepared, And in those wagons placed, And each was made to sit on one, As on they moved in haste.

The cortege soon drove up the line Unto the silent spot, Where these unlucky sons of men Were sentenced to' be shot. The coffins then were taken out, And placed down on the green, While soldiers, arms in hand, Were to close the scene. thirty, When all arrangements were prepared, The doomed kneeling down, A Mr. Rhodes then offered prayer, While yet they viewed the ground. When prayer was over all arose, And on their coffins sat, Then at each other cast a look, Whom guns were leveled at.

The Marshal then with R. M. Rhodes, To them a farewell gave, By shaking hands with all of them Before they met their graves. Then bandages were offered them, To bind around their eyes, "To Which hide their they study, could not honest disguise. gaze, But only two accepted them, The others looked with ire Upon the murderous vilains there, And waited for the fire.

Then soon the word to them was given To kill those helpless men, And in the fire of thirty guns, Fell two out of the ten. Then worse than savage fiends, the crew Withpristols bight in hand, Rushed in upon and butchered them, At Loyalty's" command. Now I have only this to say, Ye Devils, fiends of Hell! There is a place, too hot, I fear, Where after death yuo'll dwell. THE INDICTMENTS AGAINST SECRETA- RY fact that the present Grand Jury have failed to find any ment against Secretary Stanton must not be taken as an indication that the matter has ben abandoned. On the contrary, the prosecution will be conducted with renewed vigor.

There was not sufficient time for the December Grand Jury to do more than commence an investigation and accumulate evidence. It is upon this evidence, together with such additional testimony as shall be brought before them, that the Grand Jury, summoned for the January term, will be called upon to act. And we do not hazard much in predicting that before the 15th of January shall have passed away, a requisition from Governor Seymour will demand of President Lincoln the person of Edwin M. Stanton to answer certain indictments brought against him in the Court of General Sessions for the peace in and for the city and county of New York. -N.

Y. Argus. THE ABOLITION PROCLAMATION--THE SOLEMN PLEDGE. "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so." -Lincoln's Inaugural Address, March 4th, 1862.

Radical Legislation. Among the many evils which radical legislation is preparing for the future, not the least formidable will be found to result from the operation of unjust and proscriptive confiscation laws. Our Constitution embodies, on this subject, the true spirit of enlightened humanity, and asserts the correct principles of public law natural justice which limit and justify the right of confiscation. Every departure from these principles--every violation of them by usurpation of power under whatever pretext- every act of submission on the part of the governed, to such violations, will not only add to the difficulty of terminating our disgraceful war, but will leave upon our society, when the war shall ceased, the implacable resentments and passions which years of peace will neither subdue nor eradicate. No ment can hope to perpetuate its organization whose laws are at variance with the instincts of natural justice, and violative of the enlightened spirit which is supposed to pervade the humane and Christian civilization of the present eentury.

Our confiscation laws have been enacted in furtherance of a sectional and malignant policy which has earned for its supporters the merited title of In seeking, at all risks, the triumph of this policy, these radical terrible politicians have forced the country into a civil war, and would fasten on posterity, by means of their pernicious legislation, a legacy that will open up a source of litigation without measure--of ruin without hope. There is no mistaking the original source of this sort of legislation. It springs directly out of that puritanical spirit which filled the statute books of our, so-called, pilgrim fathers, with disgraceful and intolerant laws. If this spirit has been less manifested in late years than it was when these PIOUS pilgrims burned witches and imprisoned uxorious husbands for kissing their wives on Sunday, the difference is less the result of change of character, than alteration of circumstances. As opportunity offered, these sanctimonious gentry shew themselves as covetous of gain as they were bloody in persecution.

They were willing to barter immunity from their intolerant code, for the wealth they could secure by prostituting a calculating intellect to a thrift which hallowed means, provided the ends revealed a golden fruition. In this race of sordid passions, hypocricy was elevated into a virtue, and cant became the never failing cloak of dishonesty. It is this puritanical spirit, grown arrogant by the wealth it has achieved by its hypocricy, that now confronts the country with its cant about slavery, and proposes a legislation in consonance with its early teaching and practice. While this fanatical spirit is urging its destructive policy on the couutry, we may measure its able effects, from the analogies which history presents. The Jacobins of the French Revolution, confiscated property belonging to the Church, to the amount of nine hundred and fifty millions of dollarsand yet in the distribution and management of this vast estate, the expenses, during the first year, exceeded by ten millions of dollars, the revenue derived from it; and in a few years augmented the national debt thirty-five millions.

In accounting for this result, remarks the confusion conseq ent on SO great an act of spoliation, no account of the ecclesiastical domains could be obtain. ed; and the leaders who had sanctioned so prodigious a robbery, found it impossible after its commission, to restrain the peculations of their inferior agents." The same author, in another connection, observes that by the confiscation of the property of the Church, the Consittuent Assembly gave a fatal precedent of injustice, too closely followed in after times; exasperated a large and influential class, and rendered public manners dissolute." Up to May, 1793, and in a period not exceding four years, the property confiscated from the clergy and nobility, was valued at thirteen hundred and forty millions of dollars--and as the enormous emissions of assignats, were based upon this property, the value of the currency depreciated in proportion as the property was squandered. Nor did evils stop with the present bankruptcy of the government--the prostration of private creditand the demoralization of the people. The effects are still visible in France, will be traced in her social history in a long future. We again quote from Alison, who says: "The confiscation of land has been to France what a similar measure has been before to Ireland--a source of weakness and discord which will never end." The remarks of this author, on the subject of confiscation in Ireland, are so lib eral, judicious and apposite, that we venture to give them at some length to our readers.

They will repay perusal, and invoke serious reflections on the probable judgment of posterity upon the facts we are creating for historical criticism. first evil which has attached to Ireland was the original and subsequent landed property, and its acquisition by confiscation of so large: a portion of the persons of a different country, habits and religion from the great body of the inhabitants. In the successive insurrections which that country has witnessed, since the English standards first approached her shores, nearly all its landed property has been confiscated and lavished, either on the English nobility, or nies, or individuals of English extraction. Above eight millions of acres were bestowed away in this manner upon the adventurers and soldiers of fortune who followed the standard of Cromwell. It is the great extent of this cruel and unjust Radical Legislation.

measure which has been the original cause of the disasters of Ireland, by nourishing profound feelings of hatred in the descendants of the dispossessed proprietors, and introducing a body of men into the country, necessarily dependent for their existence upon the exclusion of the original owners from the inheritance of their -Balt. Mirror. Letter from Major Jack Downing, NUMBER TWENTY-THREE. WASHINGTON, Dec 20, 1832 To the Editers of The Carcash in: -Wal ef I ain't been bizzy sence I writ you last, I wouldn't say so. I got your letter about seein Blair on the questshin of sendin THE CAWCASHIN in the mails, an I hadn't any doubt but he would do it as soon as I put the subjec to him in the rite light.

Blair's father, "Parson Blair," as he used to be call'd in the old Ginneral's time, an used to be very thick. He helped me sifer a good deal when 1 was postin the Ginneral up about Biddle's Bank matters. But I hadn't seen the old man for a long time ontel I called on him tother day. He was dredful glad to see me, an shuck my hand as if he thought there warn't no feelin in it. Ses he, "Mar jer, it's a long time since we've met, an I know you are a loyal man, for there ain't no follerer of Ginneral Jackson that could be anything else." Ses "Ef there's a loyal man in this country, I'm one.

I go for puttin down every feller that's opposed to the Constitushin, I don't keer who he is. I only wish we had an Old Hickery to step in now an just deal out jestiss all around, without any parshality. I guess there's a good meuny fellers that don't expect it, who might get histed." "Wal," ses he, "Majer, I'm of your idee exactly. The truth is, I'm thinkin that the administrashin is played The Ultrys will ruin it." ses "Mister Blair, I've cum to see you about another matter. Your son Montgummery, who used to be a little shaver in the old Ginneral's time, has got the place of Amos Kindle, an he has been stoppin Dimmycratic papers in the mails." "Oh no," ses he, "I guess not only sum disloyal sheets." ses "I'll give you a hundred dollars for every word of disloyalty agin the Constitushin you'll find in that paper." Here I took a Cawcashin out of my pocket, an handed it to him.

He looked it over an couidn't find nothin to objeet- Then showed him the motto at its head, treen from his own words about the freedom of the press, and then I telled bim I wanted him to go with me to Montgummery, an see ef the thing couldn't be fixed. So we went over, an you never see a man sterc so as Montgummery did. Ses he, "Majer Downing, I'm tickled to see you. I think have slighted me sence you've been you in Washington. You've been to see nigh about all the members of the Cabynet except me." ses "I don't go around much, except on bizness for the Kernel; but now," ses "I've cum on another arrand; I've cum to see why you don't allow all the Dimmycratic newspapers to go in the mails "Wal," ses he, "Majer, that's jest what I'm goin to do.

It was bad bizness for us that we ever stopped these papers. It made more votes for the Dimmycratic party than any other cause. The truth is, it never was my policy. I never did beleeve in it, and now they all see it must be given up." Ses "Mister Blair, if you didn't beleeve in it, you orter have refused to do it. That ain't the way the old Ginneral acted, an he's my model.

Ef he thought enything was rong, there warn't a mortal man, high or low, that could have got him to do it. He would have died afore he would do wat his conscence told him warn't right, an it's them kind of men that are great and will save our country, ef it ever men, is saved." "Wal," ses he, "Majer, you're about right, an I don't think I shall stay in this bote much longer. Things are in from bad to wus." "Yes," ses "they are like old Sol Hopkins's dyin cow, 'gettin no better very "But," ses he, "Majer, you can rest easy on the papers. We are going back to the Free Press Principul, and let the people have their own way." ses "I'm a glad to hear it. It's about time there was change." So I bid him good by, an went back to see the Kernel, who I found in a peck of trubbil.

Ses "what's the matter now for I saw at a glance sumthin was up. Ses "is Burnside whipped agin or is Stonewall Jackson in our rear "No," ses he, "Majer, nothin of that sort, but sumthin jest about as bad. There has jest been a committy here from the Senit who demand that I shall change my Cabbynet. They we don't have eny success, an the peopul demand a change." Ses em down stairs ses he, "I didn't." ses "you orter. They might jest as well ask you to resign." Ses "don't your Cabbynet agree in your policy? Don't they do as you desire "Yes," says he, "they do." "Wal," ses "then what's the use of changin? If you intend to change your policy, then it is reasonable to ask you to change your Cabbynet, but otherways not." ses he, "Major, that's my idee exactly, but I didn't tell em so, I thought I would wait an see what you the thought of it." ses "I see hull cause of the rumpus.

The defeat of Burnside has made em so wrathy that they didn't know what to do, an they thought they must find fault about sumthin." Ses "fighten the rebels is jest for all the world like bar huntin. A good menny when it was common up in years ago, Maine, nigh about all the nabors would now an then turn out to hunt a bar. It they caught him they used to have a grand time, get up a big supper an drink whisky till they all got how cum you so. But if they didn't ketch the bar. then one was blamin tother, and tuther anuther, an sumtimes the affair would end by gettin into a regular fite all around.

Jest so it is now. If Burnside had whipped the rebils, it would all have been right." Ses Linkin, ses he, "Majer, you're right." But what am I to do? They komplain about the Cabbynet, an want me to change it." ses "Kernel, I tell you how to fix it. Get the Committy and Cabbynet face to face, and let 'em quarrel it out." "That would be a capital idec, Major, but how am I to do it "Wal," ses "you jest call the Cabbynet together for twelve o'clock to-morrow, an then send for the Committy, and put 'em in the same room together, an see how the happy family will manage." The Kernel was struck with the idee, and so the next day the Cabbynet were assembled, an pooty after the Committy, with Fessenden Cheerman, made their appearance. You never see a more flustricated set of people in this world than these men were. But cere was no backin out.

The Kernel called the meetin to order, he had received a good many komplaints, and he wanted the matter fully discussed. Fessenden got up, an said that the people were gettin tired of the war, an that the only way to satisfy 'em was to change Cabbynet. Burnside has been defeated, Banks has been sent a great ways off, when he was wanted at home, the sojers warn't paid, the gunboats warn't a finished, Chase got up first, he sed if the sojers warn't paid it warn't his fault. The fact was, that paper had riz onexpectedly, an his stock was low. Jest as soon as paper got more plenty, an he got the new patent National Ten Cylender Revolvin Machine at work, the sojers would be all paid regular.

Then Stantin got puffin like a porpuss. Ses he, "Mr. President, these ere remarks are impertinent, an if I had my way, I would send every one of this Committy to the Old Capitol. I'd like to know what these men know about war, and strategy. Why, they talk about the defeat of Burnside.

It is nonsense, sir, he ain't been defeated! The people are humbugged by the newspapers in the land. They inter fere with my strategy. Burnside has gained a great success. He has discovered the strength of the enemies works at that pint, and now we know that some other routs is the lake, and that one. Ef it had not been for this battle, we shouldn't have found that out.

This Committy of old gentlemen, or old women, I had almost said, don't understand the art of war. Their talk is sheer impertinence. I'de squelch em with a proclamashin, if no other way." Then Granfather Welles got up, an sed he didn't like to have fault found because his gunboats warn't reddy. He sed he would like to see eny one who had worked harder than he had. He sed he hadn't slept but fourteen hours aday for six months, while his naturel rest required eighteen.

He had sacrificed all that for the good of his country, an he didn't believe one of the Committy had done as much. Blair got up an sed he didn't keer how quick they turned him out. He was reddy to go eny time, as he thought the was played ont. Bates sed he thought things looked more cheerful than ever before, as he had jest discovered that niggers could be citizens, an that the Dred Scott decision was a humbug. When they, all got thru, there a ginnerel talk all around, they finally cum to the conclushin that there warn't eny reason for a change after all, and they all went off in a pretty good humor.

To the great Cabbynet erysis ended, and the Kernel feels like a new man. My idee of gettin them all together face to face, the Kernel ses, saved the nashun. That nite we set up till after midnight, and finally after takin a good swig Rye, went to bed. The next morning the Kernel was as merry as a lark, an could tell stories as well as ever. Yours till deth, MAJER JACK DOWNING.

The Draft. Gov. Seymour, in his inaugural messsays of the skulking Abolitionists who age, avoid the draft: I urge your immediate attention to the inequality and injustice of the laws under which it is proposed to draft soldiers for the service of the General Government. During a long period of peace but little attention has been paid to our military system. For the purpose of a conscription it is entirely defective; it contains none of the provisions which in the European systems mitigate the evils of compulsory military service; it pays no just regard on one hand to the evils which it may inflict, while on the other it makes numerous exemptions which are inconsistent with fairness and with the spirit of our Constitution, that contemplates that all ages alike shall perform military duty or pay some equivalent.

This purpose is fully expressed by the first Constitution of our State: "It is of the utmost importance to the safety of every State that it should always be in a condition of defense; and it is the duty of every man who enjoys the protection of society to be prepared and willing to defend The present Constitution has a provision to the same effect Not only the organic law of our State, but justice demands that every man who enjoys protection of society should, be prepared to defend it. cent legislation on this subject has departed widely from this principle; no conditions have been prescribed upon which those who have scruples of conscience should be excused from bearing arms. Exemptions have been multiplied until large classes are not only relieved from military duty, but also from giving any equivalent for such relief. They include numerous officials and other classes who have no claims to exemption beyond those which belong to every citizen engaged in useful pursuits. These favored classes are usually in a better condition to give an equivalent than the mass of those upon whom these liabilities nOW fall.

There should be no such unjust all male citizens of suitable years should be equally liable if those who are unfit to perform duty are drawn, they should pay such sum as shall be deemed just by suitable tribunals. If they are unable to pay, the amount can be remitted, or, like firemen, they might render an equivalent in an equally honorable branch of the public service. If the lot falls on officials, they can procure substitutes or pay such commutations as may be prescribed by law. It is glaringly unjust to allow those enjoying all the honors and profits of official station go free of liabilities, while the only son of the widow; or sole support of the family, may forced upon a distant and dangerous service. The "Grand Decree of Mr.

Lincoln is supposed an earnest believer in "impartial freedom," that is, in the equal rights of darkiedom, and however disastrous his efforts hitherto to carry out that "great principle," his chief organ, the New York Tribune, declares that he never doubts of final success, and on the first of January will issue a grand decree declaring all the negroes of the "rebel States" ipso facto, "free Americans." Of course this is the "higher law" in all its perfection, not only higher than the Con stitution and human reason, but higher than that of Great Jehovah, who, having made the negro subordinate to the white man, has decreed that he shall remain thus subordinate forever. But, after all, "honest old Abe" is a plagiarist, even in this great work of reversing the eternal order of God Himself. Seventy years ago, the French Convention issued a decree of "impartial freedom" in San Domingo, and sent out Commissioners to that island to carry it into effect. The Commissioners landed at Porter Prince issued a aotico for all darkiedoni to assemble together in a central place, where Santhonax, the chief Commissioner, was to read the decree declaring them all Frenchmen" on a certain day. The whites and mongrels were already in the midst of a frightful conflict, and the road of the Commissioners was lighted up by burning homesteads.

But Santhonax, with head high in air, and decree in hand, never doubted its success, and therefore marched steadily forward through scenes of death, burnings and desolation, to free the "unhappy slaves." At last, reaching the tre of the crowd, he began reading, without a doubt or a tremor in his voice, the grand "decree of freedom" to the infuriated negroes, who, of course, made short work him, and had his wise and benevolent head on a pole long before the time for finishing his great work. The advocates of "impartial froodom" in our midst, seem to be marching rapidly in the footsteps of the French Convention, and should they go as far as poor Santhonax, they are pretty certain to reach a similar end. Mrs. Douglas -The Washington correspondent of the St. Louis Bulletin takes the following liberty with this lady's name: A paragraph is going the rounds of the press stating that Mrs.

Douglas widow of the late Illinois Senator, is about to contract an alliance matrimonial, with Chase of the Treasury, the doubt founded upon the court Secretary of the Treasury is known to pay to tne accomplished lady, but it is understod here that the happy man, that is to be, is General Rufus Ingalls late Chief Quartermaster of Army of the Potomac, under General McClellan. One or both of these reported engagements may be the invention of lively Washington gossips, though it is pretty certain that the lady can have for a husbaud either the snsceptible Secretary, or the gallant General; and judging by her delay in coming to a conclusion upon their respective merits, it may be presumed the contest is about even between the two aspirants for her hand. It is a love tilt between statesmanship and greenbacks on the one side, and soldierly qualities and epaulettes, on the other. INEQUALITY--The six of New 3,136 England states population 000, have twelve votes in the UnitedStates Senate, while the State of New York with a population of 3,881,000, has but two votes in that The Abolitionists call this "a comfortable and pleasant fact." The Louisville Journal supposes that "the fortunes of war" we hear so much about, are the fortunes made by the army contractors. MAKING COFFEE.

-Coffee, as very commonly prepared, by persons unacquainted with its nature, is a decoction, and is boiled for some time, under a mistaken notion that the strength is not extracted unless it be boiled. But the fact is just the reverse. The fine aromatic oil which produces the flavor and strength of the coffee, is dispelled and lost by boiling; and a mucilage is extracted at the same time, which also tends to make it flat and weak. The best modes are, to pour boiling water through the coffee in a bag or strainer, which is found to extract nearly all the strength; or, to pour boiling water upon it, and set it on the fire, not to exceed ten minutes. The Turks and Arabs boil the coffee, it is true, but they boil each cup by itself, and only for a moment, so that the effect is, in fact, much the same as that of infusion, and not like that of decoction.

They do not separate the coffee itself from the infusion, but leave the whole in the cup. The -No glimmer of light yet penetrates the dark cloud of dreadful war that envelops our beloved country. On the contrary, it grows denser and darker each day; and Heaven a- lone knows when and how light and peace shall come again. The War is now nearly two'years' old. The South first threw its cap into the ring with a cool determination to win or but lithe, like well-developed and scientific Mace.

The North, big and burly, responded like the prizefighter, and then the battle began. The huge lunges of the mammoth man, confident almost to contempt were spent in empty air, while the smaller but more determined competitor shot forth blows both fast and heavy. One was headlong, the other wary. -One, maddened by repeated rebuffs, rushed blindly again to the attack, but lacking energy equal to the intent, was repulsed again. The other more skilled, though not more brave, artfully evaded punishment," but only to "return" again, unexpectedly and with unlooked for force.

Hooker has taken the place of Burnside, and the Army of the Potomac is farther away from Richmond than it was a year ago. And so goes the fight for championship of a mighty empire; the spectators being swayed more by passion than Press. THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAO- corresponpent of the New York World gives some statements in regard to the "wasting away" of the Army of the Potomac which are rather startling. The correspondent writes as follows: Without giving any clue to our real strength, let me say that any regiment which went out with McOlellan to the peninsula, and which can still number three hundred men for duty, has more than the average strength of these regiments. And the new regiments which joined the army in Mary land and Virginia during the past three months are melting away with a rapidity that makes one sick at heart when he considers the work before them.

Though many have suffered severely in battle, yet not onefourth part of the depletion is thus incurred. The real and great cause or causes, I may say, of depletion, is the irresponsibility of the medical service. Let me say that in this I do not allude to the service in the field, the attention and care of the sick in field hospitals, or the attention to the wounded after battle, but to the abom inable system which takes men from regimental hospitals, transfers them to distant points, and there, through management and mismanagement, corruption and illegitimate influences, at least two thirds of them are never heard of in any service again. It has become the regular habit of regiment al officers to look upon a man transfered to a distant hospital as dead to the service. And the records of the regiments show more than half of their original strength marked "sent to the hospital," and never heard from save through an application for a "descriptive list." for obtaining pay.

It does not need much figuring to tell where we shall be in this respect when the time of the nine months men shall have expired. And so unless some better means is devised of returning absent, convalescent and deserting men to the ranks, we shall look in vain for our army. EIGHTEEN HUNDRED YEARS -An important archeological disa covery mill with a great quantity of corn has just been made at Pompeii, of in excellent preservation, and an oven with eighty-one loves, arranged in rows, and but slightly affected by the heat of the lava, having been protected by a quantity of ashes which had covered the iron door fitted to the mouth of the oven. These loaves have all been got out entire. A large iron shovel for introducing the loaves into the oven has also been found on the spot, with a remnant of its wooden kind handle.

This is the first discovery of the on record. Not far from this place, 53 silver and 561 bronze coins have been found..

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Pages Available:
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Years Available:
1863-1863