Northwest Arkansas Times from Fayetteville, Arkansas on October 20, 1974 · Page 4
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October 20, 1974

Northwest Arkansas Times from Fayetteville, Arkansas · Page 4

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Fayetteville, Arkansas
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Sunday, October 20, 1974
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J^ortf)toe*t Editorial-Opinion Page The Publte Interest Is The First Concern Of This Newspaper 4 A · SUNDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1974 The Man Behind US. Foreign Policy Importance Of Cou nty Roads Arkansas' rural roads cannot adequately handle current farm-to-market truck traf- ' fie, according to a recent report on "The ' Effect of Deteriorated Country Roads on Ag- cultural Trucking In Arkansas" by The Road Information Program (TRIP), of Washington, D.C. It is no secret that TRIP'S business is to promote bigger and better road-building programs -- its sponsors include road builders, highway engineers and equipment manufacturers and suppliers--but the kernel of truth is there, too. County roads in Arkansas aren't good. Every other year, along about this time, county roads come in for more than usual attention in connection with election of county judges across the state. In Arkansas, county judges are judged on two accounts -- (1) how well they manage the county's road building and maintenance program, and (2) how careful they are to keep a lid on ways . of making do with an annual salary of $5,000. (It is to be hoped in the latter regard, that voters next month will approve Amendment 55 and Amendment 56, which govern salary limits in the first instance, and county government reorganization in the second.) Peculiar to existing Washington County politics is the fact that most voters live in the city, and hence are less well acquainted with county road conditions than their farmer neighbors. In addition, farm residents in one corner of the county are rarely conversant with road conditions in the opposite end of the county. Thus, the resident of a well- drained, reasonably smooth county road assumes the judge is doing a good job, whereas residents of a road full of ruts, bumps and potholes know dang well the judge is laying down on the job. A good test of every county judge's administration is the mileage and quality Art Buchwald of hard-surfaced road additions. These are the sorts of roads which provide adequate farm-to-market avenues of transportation for the county's agricultural produce, and the sorts that make it possible to divert more attention to needed maintenance operations on all-weather gravel roadways. To say that the matter is a serious one in Northwest Arkansas, in no way is overstating the case. One of the state's major agricultural crops is poultry, amounting to 1.9 billion pounds. A considerable amount of this production involves moving feed to the farm as well as broilers from the farm back to the processing plant. Every mile of this transportation across bad roads increases production costs, decreases the farmers' and the producers' profits, and event- .ually costs the consumer additional pennies per pound. The state of repair of county roads has similar effect on every aspect of agricultural finance, including increasingly ominous inflationary pressures against the small family- farm operation, which until recently has been a backbone of north and northwest Arkansas economy. According to TRIP, traffic on Arkansas' country roads is up 21 per cent the last five years, even though there is a general deterioration of road and particularly bridge quality. TRIP estimates a 45 per cent jump during the next 15 years. TRIP also deems more than one out of every two miles of county roads in the state as "critically deficient." Roads, then, are even more ciritical a consideration in the matter of county stewardship than they may have been in the past. It behooves county voters to judge carefully the road programs of the competing candidates for county judge this November. Chomping Down On The Bullet By ART BUCHWALD WASHINGTON -- W h e n President Ford said we all have to bite the bullet on the economy, I immediately went down to my local sporting goods store. "1 would like a bullet, please," I said to the clerk. "You mean a box of bullets," he corrected me. "No, just one would be enough." He looked at me suspiciously. "What kind of bullet do you want?" "I don't know. Are there different kinds?" "Of course. What kind of gun do you have?" he asked. "I don't have a gun," I said. "Then what do you want a bullet for?" "1 want to bite it," I admitted sheepishly. The clerk backed away from me, trying to reach a buzzer whjch I assumed turned on some kind of alarm. "Don't get frightened," I said. "You see, Gerry Ford, as part of his economic message, said that every one of us has to bite the bullet or we'll never lick it." "The bullet?" he asked. From Our Files; How Time Flies 10 YEARS AGO Herbert Hoover. 31st President of the United States died today at the age of 90. A record 23,347 poll taxes were sold to prospective voters 50 YEARS AGO Guisingcr Music House is holding an open house in the new building at the corner of the Square and Mountain Street. The apple crop of Washington County will net over a million 100 YEARS AGO Those who think our city dull should take a stroll over to the University where they will find scores of workmen busily engaged, the beautiful grove in Washington County this year. Washington County voters, in some precincts will be able to use cardboard voting booths in the November 3 election. dollars, according to W.F.D. Batjer, secretary of Fayetteville Chamber of Commerce. Baylor triumphed over the Razorbacks in a 13 to 0 game played at Waco. full of students and everything looks like business. Washington County voted 2,210 for the new constitution and 235 against it. They'll Do It Every Time HOWCUM? TRYING TO PUT'PROPS IN YOUR ev, YOU'RE AWAY Off TARGET- "No, Inflation, dummy," I said. "And he didn't say what caliber of bullet he wanted Americans to bite?" "Not that I know of," I replied. "Does it make a difference?" "I WOULD think so," the clerk said. "I mean people have different size mouths, and what might be comfortable for you might not necessarily he comfortable for your grocer. Here, try this .222 bullet." He placed it in my mouth. I bit on. it. "How does that feel?" he asked. "Not too bad. How docs it look?" "You have the shell casing sticking out. Did the President Indicate what part of the bullet he wanted you to bite?" "Come to think of it, he didn't," I said. "The least Mr. Ford could have done is tell us which end of the bullet we should get our teeth into." "Maybe he thought everyone In the United States had bitten a bullet before," the clerk suggested. "He shouldn't take tho.se things for granted!" I said. "Listen, my teeth are starting to hurt. You don't have another kind, do you?" "We have a soft-nosed lead .38 dumdum, but they're illegal to shoot." "Are they illegal to bite?" "I'LL HAVE to check t h a t out." The clerk called his superior upstairs. Then he hung up. "My boss said to the best of his knowledge, there is no law against biting a lead bullet as long as you don't spit it out at somebody afterward." I put it in my mouth. "It's more comfortable than the .22," 1 said. "And it has a nice taste to it." "Would you like to try a .45?" the clerk asked. "It's thicker than a .38 and lasts twice as . long." "No, I think the .38 bullet will do nicely. How much is It?" "Let's see," the clerk said. "On the box it says the bullets are four cents each. But we just got a bulletin from the manufacturer telling us they now cost eight cents. Since this was mailed out last week, we have to assume the cost went up another two cents. But we don't know what will happen NEXT week, so we?" I admitted we didn't. "We better add another four cents on the bullet just to be safe. Therefore, it will cost you 14 cents." "That's outrageous!" I said. The clerk shrugged his shoulders as he wrote out the sales slip. "Maybe if you bite on it long enough, the price will go down." (C) 1974, Los Angeles Times By JACK ANDERSON WASHINGTON -- For the past five years, U.S. foreign po-. Hey has been almost totally dominated by one man -- Dr. Henry A. Kissinger. Inside sources, with secret documents lo back up their story, have told us how he has manipulated the diplomatic strings. Throughout the Nixon years, Kissinger steadfastly maintained to inquiring reporters that he never recommended policy to the President unless his views were solicited. He merely presented "options," he vowed, and left it to the chief to make the decisions. It was said President Nixon would retire to the solitude of the Lincoln sitting room or to his secluded office in the White House annex, where he would pore over his options. After much agonizing and scratching on yellow legal pads, he would emerge and announce his momentous decisions. This is not according to our sources, how it happened. They say Kissinger seldom failed to give the President his personal recommendations and Nixon seldom failed to take the advice. As a former Kissinger associate put it succinctly: "Nixon agreed with Henry on the things he knew about, and he trusted Henry on the things he didn't know about." The pattern was set early in 1969 when Nixon gave the National Security Council staff a pep talk. After a few general remakrs, according to several eye witnesses, he nooded toward Kissinger. "Henry and I The Washington Merry-Go-Round are going to end the war," the President said, with a sly smile. "We want you fellows to take care of the rest of the world." Our sources say Nixon then launched into a furious and vulgar assault on the State Dept. Foreign policy was going to be handled by the White House, he declared, and not by the "striped-pants faggots" at Fog- .gy Bottom. There was a collective gasp from the two dozen NSC staff members. President Nixon,, with his penchant for saying the wrong thing at the wrong time, had forgotten that the majority of his audience had come to the White House from the foreign service. ' , Thereafter, Kissinger set up his own private State Dept. in the basement of the White House, where he directed every aspect of the decision-making machinery. He presided over the National Security Council, which determined overall policy. He controlled the supersecret Committee of Forty, which plotted convert activities. He also headed the Washington Special Action Group, which assembled to manage crises. The secret minutes show that Nixon seldom, attended these crucial meetings but waited for Kissinger to fill him in. The two men conferred together frequently. - Sources who occasionally were called into their private meetings say Nixon and Kissinger apparently didn't engag« In deep. Intellectual discussions. They talked about world Issues in terms of personalities and they were often vulgar, ripping · Into foreign leaders with crude, sometimes cruel, remarks. When Kissinger travelled abroad, he kept the President informed with cryptic personal messages. Only the two of them understood some of the refe- . rerices. ·:·, · A typical message from Kissinger in the Middle East, as recalled by a source who saw it, reported: "Met with Number One. Discussed options. He agrees in principle." Most of Kissinger's recommendations to the President were submitted formally In secret memos, which were guarded as closely as nuclear secrets. Very tew of Kissinger's associates were aware such documents exist. We, however, have seen some of them. A typical Kissinger-to- Nixon memo would be typed on White House letterhead and stamped SECRET. Kissinger would, ·begin with terse background information and then outline his "recommendations." 'At the bottom of the page were two blank lines, the leftmost marked "Approve," and the other "Disapprove." Almost never, according to our sources, did Nixon initial the "disapprove" space. Usually, a series of "tabs" followed on plain white paper. These took up specific issues, 'Nice Run, But The Goal Line Is Over There" /~\t Alln',*,* Mr. J Uf Affairs lega[ Jaworski's Legacy By CLAYTON FR1TCHEY W A S H I N G T O N -- Leon Jaworski deserves the thanks of the nation for his long and conscientious investigation of Watergate and other Nixon Administration scandals, but his retirement as special prosecutor may help rather than hinder the kind of job that still needs to be done before this crucial operation is brought to a close. ·JAWORSKI QUITS.' the first headlines reported, 'ASSERTS HIS TASK IS LARGELY DONE.' That, however, is only partly true for there are extremely important phases of the investigation yet to be completed and prosecuted. It is not, as Jaworski seems to intimate, just a matter of mopping up am. 1 letting the clock run out. T h e follow-up headlines reported Congress as "dismayed" over the Jaworski resignation, but some are having second thoughts, for Jaworski, who is approaching his 70th birthday, quite understandably appears to have lost some of his zeal after 12 grueling months on the job. The demands made on him would have exhausted a much younger man, so he may be wise in stepping aside at this lime. The new special prosecutor, hopefully, will bring fresh energy to an investigation that has recently shown signs of flagging. A FRESH VIEWPOINT could also be helpful. Jaworski's successor should not feel totally hound to confine himself to the limits set by the retiring prosecutor. Jaworski, for instance, ha? always shied away from prosecuting former President Nixon, justifying his constraint on grounds that may or may not be valid. The grand jury that indicted the defendants In the present Watergate coverup trial also wanted to Indict Nixon, but were barred from doing so by the special prosecutor because he felt an incumbent President was immune to criminal prosecution. So the jury was reduced to naming Nixon as an unin- dicted co-conspirator. After Nixon resigned, he lost this questionable immunity, but Jaworski then took the position that he still could not prosecute because he believed President Ford's pardon precluded any indictment of the former President, an opinion not shared by a)l of the nation's leading constitutional scholars. While Jaworski is a respected attorney with much experience in corporation law, he himself would not claim to be an expert on the Constitution. Yet in forestalling what could have been historic test cases on presidential powers, the special prosecutor took it upon himself to decide single-handedly close constitutional questions that might more appropriately have been left to the Supreme Court. So now, unless the new s p e c i a l prosecutor decides otherwise, the massive Watergate investigation unfortunately will still leave unresolved the question of whether a President can be prosecuted before impeachment and whether there are any limits to the presidential pardon power. Mrs. Ford gave Nixon a "full, free and absolute pardon" for all crimes he "has committed or may have committed" while in office. The foreman of J?worskl's Watergate grand jury said the reaction among the Jurors ranged from "deep disappointment to high out- rage." PROF. PHILIP Kurland, one of the nation's leading constitutional authorities, said, "It is certainly not clear that the power to pardon an individual may properly, that is, constitutionally, he invoked prior to indictment and conviction . . . . There is only one person in a position to make a challenge, one person together with a grand jury, and that is Mr. Jaworski." Jaworski's earlier decision to block indictment of Nixon while he was still President prompted Richard Spra'gue, the brilliant prosecutor of the Yablonski murder case, to say: "When the question came up concerning the right of a grand jury to indict an incumbent President for criminal acts, it should have been determined not by Mr. Jaworski hut by the presiding judge, John Sirica." If U.S. Dist. Judge John Sirica, Sprague said, "had instructed the jury that an incumbent President could not be indicted, anyone who had been aggrieved by the ruling could have taken an appeal, In this ' mariner, the American legal system would have properly and openly decided the question.' T h e special prosecutor, Sprague went on to say, should not have indicated to the grand jury his interpretation of the law of presidential criminal responsibility "without carefully advising the grand jurors that in a question of such momentous and unprecedented national importance they were not bound by his opinion hut should seek a definitive ruling from the court." Let the new special prosecutor keep that in mind. (C) 1974, Los Angeles Timei expressed in blunt, candid language. Each tab contained ' approve" and "disapprove" lines.- The crowning touch would come when Nixon called in his Cabinet or other, associates to brief them on his foreign policy decision. As he spoke tp them, he Invariably consulted a talk-, ing points" paper prepared, of course, by the ubiquitous Dr. Kissinger. Kissinger's personal memos and talking papers guided Nixon on the. Vietnam War, the invasion of Cambodia, the South Vietnamese invasion of Laos, and scores of other Initiatives around the world. . Our sources could recall only one major issue on which Nixon vetoed Kissinger's recommendations. That was the decision to bomb Hanoi and mine Haip- hong Harbor in May 1972. In that instance, Nixon overruled all of his chief advisers, including Kissinger. Kissinger's domination of foreign policy has continued into the Ford Administration. Indeed, President Ford had scarcely been sworn in before he assured the world that Henry Kissinger would stay on. Like Nixon before him, Ford leans heavily on Kissinger for foreign policy guidance. Our sources say, in fact, that Ford has not overruled Kissinger, yet. FOOTNOTE: Kissinger haj s o m e brilliant diplomatic achievments to his credit, in. eluding temporary peace in the Middle. East, detente with tha Soviet Union and rapproach- ement with mainland China. But there have also been a fe\y disasters, ,such as the India- Pakistan war, Chile. Cyrua and the aborted "Year of Europe." ' --United Feature Syndlcal* Handshake Across The Rio Grande WASHINGTON (ERR) -Gerald R. Ford's first foreign trip as President may well turn out to be his shortest in terms of distance. He is scheduled to · confer with Mexican President Luis Echeverria Oct. 21 in tliG border town of Nogales, Mexico. In so doing, he continues the long tradition of border meetings of Mexican anil American Presidents. The meeting no doubt will be described as cordial, even friendly, but an undercurrent of tension has usually charac- t e r i z e d Mexican-American relations. Mexicans remains painfully aware that much of what is now the western United States was seized from them in the 19th century. In recent years, American efforts to control the flow of drugs and illegal Immigrants from Mexico has aroused bad feelings south of the border. But these issues, if they are discussed at all, are likely to be overshadowed by that of oil. Three recently discovered fields in southern Mexico are estimated to contain up to 20 billion barrels ·' of oil -- .twice the amount believed to lie under AJaska's North Slope. If tho Mexican reserves live up to expectations, they, could go a long way toward meeting this country's needs for imported petroleum. BY THE SAME token, Mexico would welcome an infusion of oil money to help pay for imported food. "Mexico is potentially capable of feeding 200 million people," wrote Salvatore Bizzarzo. a professor of Latin American 6tudies at Colorado College, "yet she can barely feed her 50 million population." In 1973, the second year of a drought, agricultural production rose by only 1.7 per cent. The population, meanwhile, increased by 3.5 per cent. Unemployment is another problem. "It is estimated that 40 per cent of all Mexicans '.of working age are jobless, underemployed or do only seasonal labor," U.S. News World Report noted. "About 800,000 young people join the labor market each year, competing for the 300,000 new jobs that open up." THE FOUR-YEAR-OLD Echeverria administration has been plagued also by an unusual amount of political unrest. Conservative businessmen resented this outspoken support of the late President Salvadore Allende of Chile. Left- i s t s distrusted Echeverra because he had been responsible, as minister of the interior, for putting down student riots on the eve of the Mexico City Olympic Games in 1968^ Unofficial estimates of tha death toll run to 200 or more. A wave of leftist terrorism that began last year has resulted in the murder as well as the kidnapping of prominent persons, including two U.S. diplomats. When industrialist Eugcnio Garza Sada was killed in September 1973, Echeverria ordered the nation's security forces to crack down on terrorists. He also took steps to improve relations with the con : servative business and financial community. Some close observers of the Mexican scene believe the country is ripe for revolution. Mexico has a long revolutionary tradition, they point out, and the still-enormous gap between rich and poor is a continuing source of potentially explosive unrest. A more optimistic view holds that Mexico's political institutions are 'durable enough to withstand severe strain. The country has enjoyed 40 years of stable, democratic government -- a claim no other major Latin American country can make. It is in the interest of . the United States as well as of Mexico that this record of stability be preserved. ·;·;

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