The Algona Upper Des Moines from Algona, Iowa on September 9, 1896 · Page 9
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The Algona Upper Des Moines from Algona, Iowa · Page 9

Algona, Iowa
Issue Date:
Wednesday, September 9, 1896
Page 9
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ffl tetlrlnnsai weuid o wsiUa fL'ps^^^^fps^*--'4-;,'' "»<•"•-' *"* *>; < ; < ^'"fc'^'^S%v*" r X"'"*' 4 *" ''. ^ ', • ' **' FORMAL NOTE OF ACCEPTANCE, j Milk Should fee Opened to Lab&r ^ fj-ee linage Would Sat No Wheels * f CM ton, O., Atig. 26.— Following is the formal letter of acceptance Written by Maj. McKlaley, ttepubllcan nominee for president, ahd made public to-night: "Tho Hon. John M. Thurston and Others, Members of the Notification Committee of •the Republican National Convention— Gentlemen.- In pursuance of a promise made to Jrour committee when; notified of my iiomlnatlon aa the Republican candidate for president, ,1 beg to submit this formal acceptance o£ that high honor, and to con- elder In detail questions at Issue In the fending campaign. Perhaps this might be considered unnecessary in view of |my re- taarks on thnt occnsion, ami those I have tomdo to delegations that have visited me •since the- St. Louis convention, but In view of the momentous Importance of the proper settlement of the Issues presented on our suture prosperity, and standing as a nation, and considering only the welfare and happiness of our people, I would not be content to omit again calling attention to the questions which in my opinion vitally affect ,'tour strength and position among tho governments of the world and our morality, Integrity and patriotism as citizens of that republic which for a century past has been ^he best hope of the world and the inspira- "ttlon of mankind. We must not now prove Salse to our own high standards in government, nor unmindful of 'the noble example and wise precepts of the fathers, or of. the confidence and trust which our conduct in the past has always Inspired. fed obllgatlofl. It ., 6 dollar* Jhto circulation. 6Bly get them as a&y eltteen would fftt tfieta, by givifig BOinethtog for them. It would deliver thetn t6 those who deposited the silver a&d Its connection with tot transaction thefe e&d. Such are the silver dollar* which would be issued under itee col&ago of silver at a fatio of 16 to i. Who Would Maintain Parity. "'Who would theft maintain the pftfityf what would keep tfiem at par *ith gold? There would be no obligation resting upon the government to do it, and If there were, It would be powerless to do it. tho simple Is we would be driven to a silver colnafs at a ratio of 16 to i.- it will th* ftspulsion ot gold fJ-btfl euf cifculatlon. 5l5toef Vftiiieii, pas's—to silver monometallism. Thsse dollars, therefore, would stand upon their real ,value. i; the free and unlimited coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 ounces of silver to 1 ouhce of gold would, as some of its advocates assert, make 63 cents In silver Worth 100 cents abd the silver dollar equal to the gold dollar, then we would have no cheaper money than now, and It would be no easier to get. But that such would be the result Is against reason and Is contradicted by experience in all times and in all lands. It means the debasement of our currency to the amount of the difference between the commercial and coin value of the silver dollar which is ever changing and the effect would be to reduce property values, entail untold financial loss, destroy confidence, impair the obligations of existing contracts, further impoverish the laborers and producers of the country, create a panic of unparalleled severity and Inflict Upon trade and com- i The Hanger of Free Coinage. .]' v 'If never before there Is presented to the Americans this year a clear and direct issue as to our monetary system, of vast importance in its effect, and upon the right settlement of which rest largely the financial honor and "prosperity of the country. It Is proposed by one wing of the Democratic party and Its allies, the People's and Silver parties, to inaugurate the free and unlimited coinage of silver by Independent action on the part of the United States at a ratio of lG:.ounces of silver to 1 ounce of gold. The mere declaration of this purpose Is a menace to our financial and industrial interests and has already created universal alarm. It involves great peril to the credit and business of the country, a peril so grave that conservative men everywhere are breaking away from the old party associations and uniting •with other patriotic citizens in emphatic protest against the platform of the Democratic National convention as an assault upon the faith and honor of the govern- Lsent and the welfare of the people. We have had few questions in the lifetime of the republic more sei-lous than the one which is thus presented. "The character of the money which shall measure our values and exchanges and settle our balances with one another and with the nations. of the world, is of such primary importance and so far reaching in its consequences as to call for the .most painstaking investigation, and in the end, a sober and unprejudiced judgment at the polls. We must not be misled by phrases, nor deluded by false theories. Free silver would not mean that silver dollars were to be freely had without cost tor. labor. It would mean the free use of the mints of the United States for the owners of silver bullion, but would make silver coin no freer to the many •who engaged In other enterprises. It would not make labor easier, the hours of labor shorter or the pay better. It .would not make farming les8 laborious or more profitable. It would not start a factory or make a demand for an additional 'day's labor. It would create no new occupations. It would add nothing to the comfort of the masses, the capital of the people or the wealth of the nation. It seeks to Introduce a new measure of 'value, but •would add no value to. the thing measured, It wpuld not, conserve values. On the contrary, it would , derange all existing values, I{ wouja not restore business confidence, but Its direct effect would be to destroy the Mttle which yet remains, ..- ' • • ; ' ' ' ; '' Weaptns of tiie Coinage Plunk. "The meaning of the coinage plank adopt- ted at Chicago to that anyone may take a quantity of silver bullion now worth 63 ,«ents to the mints of the United States v»ave Jt coined at the expense of the government and use it for a silver dollar Which, ehall |>e legal tender for the pay- of all debts, public and private. The ' l , 1 ! wsr , of the Bl|ver would get the . Oliver .dollar, Jt would belong to him and .,;tq RQbQdy else. Other people would get • }t ppjy by.their labor, tbe products of , tb,elr land, ar something of value, The » tmUlon owner, on tbe basis of present vai- - Hef. ,wo,uld regejve tbe silver dollar for BS^opBts' worth, p,f silver and other people -vyroW be'required to receive Jt as a full » f 4qM»r .in the payment of debts, The gov" i. nnnmonf wpu },| ge t nothing from the trane- merce a deadly blow. Against any such policy I am unalterably opposed. Gold Driven Ont of Mexico. "Bimetallism cannot be secured by independent action on our part. It cannot be obtained by opening our mints to the unlimited coinage of the silver of the world at a ratio of 16 ounces of silver to 1 ounce of gold when the commercial ratio Is more than 30 ounces of silver to 1 ounce of gold. Mexico and China have tried the experiment. Mexico has free coinage of sliver and gold at a ratio slightly In excess of 16% ounces of silver to 1 ounce of gold, and while her mints are freely open to both metals at that ratio, not a single dollar in gold bullion is coined aud circulated as money. Gold has been driven out of circulation in these countries and they are on a silver basis alone. 'Until international agreement is had, it is the plain duty of the United States to maintain the gold standard. It is the recognized and sole standard of the great commercial nations of the world with which we trade more largely than any other. Eighty-four per cent, of our foreign trade for the fiscal year 1895 . was with gold standard countries, and our trade with other countries was settled on a gold basis. More Silver Tlinn Gold. "Chiefly by means of legislation during and since 1878, there has been put in circulation more than $624,000,000 of silver or its representative. This has been done in the honest effort to give to silver, If possible, the same bullion and coinage value and encourage the concurrent use of both gold and silver as money. Prior to that time, there had been less than 9,000,000 of silver dollars coined in the entire history of the United States, a period of eighty-nine years. This legislation secures the largest use of silver consistent with financial safety and the pledge to maintain its parity with gold. We have today more silver than gold. This has been accomplished at times with grave peril to the public credit. The so-called Sherman law sought to use all the sliver product of the United States for money at its market value. From 1890 to 1893, the government purchased 4,500,000 ounces of silver a month, or 54,000,000 ounces a year. This was one-third the product of the world, and practically all of this country's product. It was believed by those who then and now favor free coinage that such use of silver would advance Its bullion value to its coinage value, but this expectation was not- realized. In a few months, notwithstanding the unprecedented market for the silver product in the United States, the price of silver went down very rapidly, reaching a point lower than ever before. Then, upon the recommendation of President Cleveland, both political parties united in the repeal of the purchasing clause of the Sherman law. We cannot with safety engage in further experiments in this direction. "On the second of August, 1891, in a public address, I said: 'If we could have an international ratio which all the leading nations of the world would adopt, and the true relation be fixed between the two metals and all agree upon the quantity of silver which should constitute a dollar, then silver would be as free and unlimited in its privileges of coinage as gold is to-day. But that we have not been able to secure, and with the free and unlimited coinage of silver adopted in the ,United States at the present ratio, we would be still further removed from any international agreement. We may never be able to secure it if we enter upon the isolated coinage of silver, The double standard implies equality at a ratio and that equality can only be established by the concurrent law of nations. It was the concurrent law of nations that made tbe double standard; it will require the concurrent law of nations to reinstate and sustain it.' Pjirty Fnvovs vne ot Sflver Money. "The Republican party has pot been and js not Qpppged to tbe use of silver money as its record abijndantly shows. It has done all that could be done for its Increased use witb safety and honor by the United States Acting apart from other gov» '- There are those who tbiok, that it has already , beyond the limit of prudenpe, S^ely we can go no further, and we must not perinjt fa' lights to Sure us across tbe danger line, 8jc- H n» ,pefo«t •if there it &fiy onti Ihifig •which should ,frfe| ffoffl Speculation atid fluctuation, .. is the money of i country. It ought never to be the subject of mere partisan contention. Wheh we iiaft *lth. ouf labor, 6uf products or ottf prO&efty, we 6hoMd receive in return money Which is as Stable and unchanging in value is the ingenuity of honest men can make it. Debasement of the currency means destruction Of values. No one suffers so much from cheap money as the farmer* and laborers. They are the first to feel Us bad Meets and tho last to recover from theta. this has been the uniform experience of all countries, and hefe as elsewhere the-poor and not the rich afe the gfeatef sufferers from etery attempt to debase our money, tt would fall with alarming severity upon Investments already made, Upon insurance companies and their polley*holders, Upon savings banks and their depositors, upon building and loan associations and their members, Upon the savings of thrift, upon pensioners and the!? families, and upon wage earners and the purchasing power of their Wages. chcitp Moncr Experiments. "The silver question Is hot the only issue affecting our money in the pending contest. Not content with Urging the fres coinage of silver, its strongest champions demand that our paper money shaft be issued directly by the government of £he United States. This is the Chicago Democratic declaration. The St. Louis People's party declaration is that 'Our national money shall be issued by the general government only without the Intervention of banks of Issue, be full legal tenfiar for the payment of all debts public aad private,' and be distributed 'direct to the people and through lawful disbursements of the government.' Thus, in addition to the free coinage of the world's silver, we are asked to enter upon an era of unlimited irredeemable paper currency. The question which was fought out from 1865 to 1S79 ia thus to be reopened with all its cheap money experiments of every conceivable form foisted upon us. This Indicates a most startling reactionary policy, strangely at variance with every requirement ot sound finance; but the declaration shows tho spirit and purpose of those who, by combined action, are contending for the control of the government. Not satisfied with the debasement of our coin which Inevitably follows the 'freo coinage of silver at 16 to 1, they would still further degrade our currency and threaten the public honor by the unlimited Issue of an irredeemable paper currency. A graver menace to our financial standing and credit could hardly be conceived, and every patriotic citizen should be aroused to promptly meet and effectually defeat it. Dividing: the Peoiile Into Clnsmcs. . "It is a cause for painful regret and solicitude that an effort is being made by those high In the councils of the allied parties to divide the people of this country into classes and create distinctions among us which in fact do not exist and are repugnant to our form of government. These appeals to the passion and prejudice are beneath the spirit and intelligence of a free people, and should be met with stern rebuke by those they are sought to influence, and I believe they will be. Every attempt to array class against class, the classes' against the masses,' section against section, labor against capital, 'the poor against the rich,' or interest against interest in the United States is in the highest degree reprehensible. It is opposed to the national instinct and interest and should be resisted by every citizen. We are not a nation of classes, but of sturdy, free. Independent and honorable: people, despising the demagogue and never capitulating to dishonor. This ever recurring effort endangers popular government and Is a menace to our liberties. It is not a new campaign device or party appeal. It is as old as government among men, but was never more untimely and unfortunate .than now. Washington warned us against Jt and Webster said in the senate words which I feel are singularly appropriate at this time: 'I admonish the people against the objeot of outcries like these. I admonish every Industrious laborer of this country to be on his guard against such delusion., I tell, him the attempt is to play off his passion against his interest and to prevail ota him in the "• name of liberty to destroy afll the fruits of liberty.' Protection of Snpreme Importance. "Another Issue of supreme importance Is that ol' protection. The peril of free silver is a menace to be feared. We are already experiencing the effect of partial free tradeu The one must be averted, the other corrected.. The, Republican party is wedded to. the doctrine Qf protection and was never, more earnest in its support and advocacy .than now. If argument were needed to Strengthen its .devotion to 'the American 'system' or increase the hold of that system/upon the party and people, it is found in: the lesson and experience of the past three years. Men realize in their own daily lfives. ; whst before '.was to many of them onljy report,.'-'history or tradition. They have ihad a trial of both systems and know What each has done for them, _ "Washington, in .his farewell address, Sept. 17, 1786, 10Q years ago,.said; 'As a very import/ant source of 'strength and security, cheriish ^public credit. One method of preserving it is to use (t, as sparingly, as possible; avoiding the accumulation of debt not ; only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts t which unavoldaple wars way have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden wh c?j we. ourselves sugbt to bear.' To facilitate -the enforcement of tbe maxims which be announced, be declared ; 'It is essential tftat you should practically b eai a W lud that toward tbe payment of debts there muse ne revenue; that 4o have revenue there, must be taxes;<' no taxes can be devised whjch are -pot more or less in- St,485. Darlntf the first 6i* toontt* df the breseht Calendar yeah 135, fi6« li wef6 built, of which 40 wei-s cottofl 48 kflittiag fflllis, S6 Wddlet inilli, mills, 4 plustt miliS, and i ttfien fflllls. Of ' > ha inilli, 16 silk toftf cottofi -mills, ts ognvenjlent or unpleasant: tbe in- - trinsic erabarrassnjent inseparable from the selection o$ prpper eWects (which Is always a choice of difficulties) ougbt to be a decisive motjve for a construction vQ t tbe conduct of tbe government jn making }t; apd for » ppjrjt of aequlesceape in tbe njeasurea f,or obtaining reyenue wbJcb 1 t£e< publlo 11 exisenpje9 my at apy tjme dictate.' been built .la tbe Southern states.' Th fairly describes the happy condition of the country Ifi DeceMbet, 1892. What haB it been since, and what 18 it now? Mdfitiil Later. '"fbe messages of JPresidenl Cleveland from tb6 beginning of his second administration to the present time abound with descriptions of' the deplorable Industrial and financial «ltuatl6fl of 'tbe country. While no resort to history or official (statement 18 required to advise tis of tbe present condition and that which has prevailed during the past three years, t Venture to quote from President Cleveland's first message, 'Aug. S, 1893 ( addressed to the fifty-third congress, which he bad called together ia extraordinary session. 'The existence of an v alarmlng and extraordinary business situation,' said he, 'Involving the twelfare and prosperity of, all our people, 'lias constrained me to call together In extra session the people's representatives in congress, to the end that through the 'wise -and patriotic exercise of the legislative duties with which they solely are charged, the present evils may be mlti* gated and dangers threatening the future may, be averted, pur unfortunate financial plight Is not the result of untoward events, nor of conditions related to our. natural re* sources. Nor is it traceable to" any of the afflictions which frequently" check national growth and prosperity. With plenteous crops, .with abundant promise of remunerative production and manufacture, with unusual Invitation to safe investment, and with satisfactory assurances to business enterprises, suddenly financial distrust and fear have sprung up on every side. Numerous moneyed institutions have suspended, because abundant assets were not immediately available to meet the demands of frightened depositors. Surviving corporations and Individuals are content to keep in hand the money they are usually anxious to loan, and those engaged In legitimate business are surprised to find that the securities they offer for loans, though heretofore satisfactory, are no longer accepted. • Values supposed to be fixed are fast becoming conjectural and loss and failure have invaded every branch cf business.' Stnrtltiig nml Sudden Change. "What a startling and siSdden change within the short period of eight months, from December, 1892, to Auguit, 1893! What had occurred? A change of administration; all branches of the government had been entrusted to the Democratic party which was committed against the protective p'ollcy that had prevailed uninterruptedly for. more than thirty-two years and brought unexampled prosperity to the country and firmly pledged to its complete overthrow and the substitution of a tariff for revenue only. The change having been decreed by the elections In November, its effects were at once anticipated : aml felt. We cannot close our eyes to these altered conditions, nor would it be wise to exclude from contemplation and Investigation the causes which produced them. They are facts which we cannot, as a people, disregard, and we can only hope to improve our present condition by a study of their causes. In December, 1892, we had the same currency and practically the same volume of currency that we have now. It aggregated in 1892 $2,372,509,601; in 1893 $2,323,000,000; in 1894 $2,323,442,362, and in December, ISOo, $2,194.000,230. The per capita of money has been practically the same during this whole period. The quality of the money has been identical — all kept equal to gold. There is nothing connected with our money, therefore, to account for this sudden and aggravated industrial change. Whatever is to be deprecated in our financial' system, it must everywhere be admitted that our money has been absolutely sound and has brought neither loss nor inconvenience to its- holders. A depreciated currency has not .existed to further vex the troubled business situation, Good Money Never Made Times Haril. "It is a mere pretense to attribute the hard times to the fact that all our currency is on, a gold basis. Good money never made times hard. Tnose who assert that our present industrial and financial depression Is the result of the gold standard have not read American history aright, or been careful students of the events of recent years. We never had greater prosperity in this country, in every field of employment and industry, than in the busy years from 1880 to 1892, during all of which time this country was on a gold basis and employed more gold money in its fiscal and business operations than ever before. We bad, too, k protective tariff under wbipb ample revenues were collected for the government and an accumulating surplus which was constantly applied to the payment of the public debt. Let us hold fast to that which we know is good, It ia not more money we want; what we want is to put the money we already have at work, When money is employed, men 'are employed and both have always been steadily and remuneratively engaged during all the years of protective tariff legislation, When those who have money lack conflderipo in the stability of values and investments, they will not part with tbeir money. Business is stagnated^-the life blood of tracje ,is checked and congested, \Ve cannot restore public confidence by an act which would revolutionize all values, or an act which entails a deficit in the public revenues. We cannot inspire confidenpe by advocating repudiation oy practicing dishonesty. We cannot restore confidence, either to the treasury or to the people without a change in our present tariff legislation, si Lbslhg e nave either 1 be'efi defidlfig ted feucn f 'ml Of the CBuntfy Bf getting tdtf little ifl, of Mta. We have lost tt&tdtiy tetn difrectiefis-, Otif ttfelgft {fade has diminished, and ouf <foflie*tf8 trifle' suffered, incalculable loss. Jtttet ficH suggest the cause of oUf present, dettfes' Stan, and indicate its remedy? Coiiftdette« in home enterprises has almost whbliy disappeared. Our shops ate closed, 'or* funning on half time at reduced wages and Mail profit, if not actual loss. Our ffien at home afe idle, and while, they afe idle, men abroad are .ocitipled ifi supplying us with goods. dfifc%IflValed hotae ..inafket for the, farta&f ;; fi&8^ also . suffered, because those who constitute it— the great aria/ Of AiMe-Heafl tags e&ftiSf s— afe with- olit the wdrk and wages they fo?mefly|had. If they cannot earn wages they cannot buy products. They cannot eaffffif they ' ho -employment, afld l they dd not of tUp Tariff, "The pjjjy measure of a genera) that ftffeoted tbe treasury and the employ- went of our people'd., by the Fifty- third congress was the. General Tariff act, \yhicb, 4J4 B°t receive ,the approval of the TiVljateyer virtues wa y . be for tb.ftt there Js,, 3 -•• frr^tl: rv,-' ji- -TB* I^- flV I—ITT ^f *-^r^4f.VB*»; V-£f J one whlgfe it gpej. »pf pps 9 eg«, « lacks tha »««» n t}|j yjrj^e, of its creatlon^th^ . reYegup eufijcjent to supply tbe Tjnywt. Jt hae ft t ,np , earn the farmer's homeTfifttket is lessened and impaired and the loss'ls felt 1>y both producer and consumer. The loss Of earn- Ing power alone in this country in thd past three years is sufficient to have produced our unfortunate business situation. If our labor was well employed, and, employed at as remunerative wages as In 1892, in a few months every farmer In tha land would feel the glad change to increased demand for his products and In the better prices which he woUid receive. IVot Open Alliitfl, .tout Open Milt*. "It is not an increase In the volume of money which is the need for the time, but an Increase in the volume of' busliVfr-s. Not an increase of coin, but an increase ''ft- confidence. Not more coinage, but a inivo active use of the money, coined. Not opef. mints for the unlimited coinage tf the silver of the world, but open mills for the full and unrestricted labor of American worklngmen. The 'employment of our mints for the coinage of the silver of the world would not bring the necessaries and romforts of life back to our people. This will only come with the employment of the masses and such employment is certain to follow the reestabllshment of a Wise protective policy which shall, encourage manufacturing at home. Protection has lost none of its virtues and importance. ' Jfeiv TnrlH Lniv Promised. "The first 'duty -of the Republican party, If 'restored to power' In the country, will be the enactment of -a tariff law which 'vlll raise' all the money necessary to conduct the government economically and honestly administered, and so adjusted as to give preference to home manufactures and adequate protection to home labor aud the home market. We are not committed to any special schedules or rates of duty. They are and should be always subject to change to meet new conditions, but the principle upon which the rates of duty are Imposed remains the same. Our duties Ehould always be high enough' to measure the difference between the '• wages paid labor at home and in competing countries, and to adequately protect American investments and American 'enterprises^ Our Fuvmers nnd the Tariff. "Our farmers have been -hurt by the changes in our tariff legislation a^*sev3i'ely as our laborers and manufacturers, uiflly as they have suffered. The Republican platform wisely declares in favor of CT.CIS encouragement to our sugar interests as will lead to • the production on American soil of all the sugar which the American people use. It promises to our wool and woolen interests 'the most ample protection,' a guaranty that ought to commend itself to every patriotic" citizen. Never was a more grievous wrong done the farmers of our country than that so unjustly inflicted during the past three years upon the wool growers of America. Although among our most industrious and useful citizens, their interests have been practically destroyed and : our woolen manufacturers Involved in similar disaster. At no time within the past thirty-six years, and perhaps never during any previous period, have so many of pur woolen factories been suspended as now. The Republican party can be relied upon to correct these great wrongs, if again entrusted With the control of congress. Advantages of Ilceliiroelty. "Another declaration of the Republican platform that has my most cordial support is that which favprs reciprocity. The splendid results of the reciprocity arrangements that were made under authority of the tariff law of 1890 are striking and suggestive, The brief period they were in force, in most cases only three years, was not long enough to thoroughly test their great value, but sufficient was shown by the trial to conclusively demonstrate the Importance and the wisdom of their adoption. In 1892, the export trade of the United States attained the highest point in our history. The aggregate of our exports that year reached the immense sum of $1,030,278,148, a sum greater by $100,000,000 than the exports of any previous ysar. In 'l$93, owing to the threat of unfriendly tariff legislation, the total dropped to $847,665,194, Our exports of domestic jnerch.andise decreased $189,000,000, but reciprocity still secured us a large trade in Central a.nd South America, and a larger trade with the West Indies than we had ever before enjoyed. The increase of with the countries with which we had reciprocity agreements was $3,560,515 pver our trade in lS9g and $10,440,721 over our trade in 1S91, The only countries with which tho United States traded tha^shpwed increased exports in 1893 were practically those with which we had reciprocity arrangements, Ihe reciprocity treaty between this country and Spain, touching the. markets of Cuba and Puerto Bico, was' announced Sept. 1, 1891, The growth of our trade wjtn Cubft was phenomenal, In 1891," we eold that country but 114,441 barrels of flour; in 1892, 366,175; Jn 1893, 616,406 and in 18.94, 668,848. Here was t t?'**-" ,th« ad> M slates must tightly' — of another. ..uur Has beefi abuses'and frauds in 6ua claims allowed by the the policy governing tin, » u of the Pension bureau must i fair and-liberal. No deserving should ever suffer because of petrated by or for another. wur and sailors gave the government | they had. They freely offered strength, limb and life to save the in the time of its greatest peril, „„ government must honor them in need as in their service with theV and gratitude due to brave, noble ainf"«'« 1 ^ sacrificing men who are justly catM*« generous aid in their increasing neccssl^'" Ott* Merchant Marine nnd J "the declaration of the Remibti«'j"-i platform in favor of the up-buildineir our merchant marine has my heartv J? proval. The policy of dlscrlmlnatini? L\t in favor of our shipping which Prevail^in the early years of our history be .again promptly adopted by and vigorously supported until our prating and supremacy on;the seas Is fully attalnMa We should no longer contribute directwil Indirectly to the maintenance of the < sal marine of foreign countries, but „,.., vide an efficient, and complete marine ^1 Our own.' Now that the American uatil is assuming a position commensurate \i|tl'1 our importance as a nation, a policy am glad to, observe tho Republican plattou™ strongly endorses, we must supplement H with a merchant marine that will 1 gitffl U9 the advantages in both our eoastt\|J| and ^foreign trade that we ought naluraS'f and properly to enjoy. It should be it! once a matter of public policy and hattou)! pride to repossess'tnis immense and perous trade. Civil Service Reform. ."The pledge of the Republican Nation! j convention that our civil service Ini' 'shall be sustained and thoroughly ui honestly enforced, and extended wherei'itl practicable, 1 Is in keeping with the poi|. I tion of the party for the past twenty-tori years, and will be faithfully observed, Ogr''I opponents decry the reforms. Thtjip. ! f pear willing to abandon all the advailijaJ gained, after so many years' agitation u effort. They encourage a return methods of party favoritism which toi^ 1 parties have often denounced, that liW perienoe has condemned, and that (k'| people repeate'dly disapproved. The o publican; party earnestly opposes thte r>| action,, and entirely unjustifiable policy.|i| will take no backward step upon thlsqwf tion. It will .seek'to improve, but nets;] degrade the public service. . nearly 500 per cent., while pur expp,rtaU 9! ,g Of flpyr to C«b,9 for the year epjjing Jun| 30,. 1895, the year following th7 repefU It the reoiprpclty treaty, fell *tq 379,856 ba,-/ ms, ft Joss of nearly half our trade with that cpupfry. Tfte, value of o, W r total ex, orts of merehjigdlse from, tjje United to Patriotism of the Fcopltj "There are other important and deelaratlons in the platform which I oil not here discuss. I must content my^i with saying that ,they have my appranll If, as Republicans, we have lately ill dressed our attention, with what mm seem great stress and earnestness,.•to : tki new and unexpected assault upon i 1 financial integrity of the government have done it because the menace Is if grave as to demand especial considerate and because we are convinced that iff people are aroused to the true understai ing and: meaning : of this silver Inijatli movement they will avert the danger. 1 doing this, we fee.r that we render the 1 service possible to'the country, and we I peal to the •intelligence, conscience a patriotism of the people, Irrespective i party, or section, 'for their earnest sup port. It Will Itlalntnin Lnvy nnd Order. "We avoid no Issues. .We meet the i den dangerous; and revolutionary assail! upon Jaw and order, and upon those ' whom, is confided by tbe constitution laws the authority to uphold and, ra them, which our opponents havo , witb the same courage that we have Jacwl every emergency since our organization ail a party, more than forty years ago. Gw-1 ernment by law must first be assurMjfi everything else can .wait, the spirH J'l lawlessness must be 'extinguished by ttff fires of an unselfish and lofty patriotism,] EJvery attack upon the public faith M* every suggestion of the repudiation o|[| debts, public' or private, must be rebiiWI by all men who" believe that honesty is 16JJ best policy or who' love their country anji would 'preserve unsullied its national honor, ScotloiMillxm Almost Obliterated- I "The country is to be congratulated upoij the almost tota) obliteration of 6ectl°w| lines, which' for many years marked toil division of tbe United, States into slant and free territory, and finally threatened its partition into two separate govern-l ments by the dread ordeal of civil \v»r,J the era of reconeiltation, • so long •"""' earnestly desired by Gen. Grant and . . other-great leaders, Nortb and South, M! happily come, and the feeling of wrujs and hostility between the sections is ev-, erywhere vanishing, let us hope never V>$ return. Nothing 'la better calculated Ml • strength t? ,the j^tipn at home, ifl.| our povyer and influence -'"•««''•• aud add to the pernsanepoy »nd seourjt/ Of. -our free }i}gt>t«tlops, than the reetoria ' p)e of , r?latjpps between the Of o«r belQ , ft cai}e4'byjb e «u(fpww people to assume, 'tb? flutlef ot tb« > p| preplan of the VniteO S to.«td, count »- tfte «llft(twt. of the spjj-H p| , IP th,e oitlze ,, nubUc, - Aftej- th ? lapse of a to «ttv«9P& M.up * . * at parity wfth tender f or ttw pay- PUblJQ w$ 'In "We have much ro? re silver ; ||§Q,ap&eQO,n?ore B»ore thaalpflia mm 4eM, jyr n , ™ »»&MH!

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