The Algona Upper Des Moines from Algona, Iowa on September 9, 1896 · Page 8
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The Algona Upper Des Moines from Algona, Iowa · Page 8

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Algona, Iowa
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Wednesday, September 9, 1896
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«.««*»«»-Jh.n*a»mM».«. SHOWING IT is fieartVia Maw Yei-k en the Vital Issues of the Great aiga o POPOCRAT success, ; • ', """• } H" \\ :•?<- •••''" "• '. "". : - '"'' "TVJ'-!'; ^f '- ] ~-~ ^£r^:±!±f±iil-.L-^ i^i±£ fill * >BW^ - ^ff-^-^HiSv^l V* , a* ".*.'**<» V ..felLSL-.. stirring Address !n Which -All Questions Are Handled in a (Masterly Way, few York, Aug. 28.—At. Carnpgio Imll, Tirsday night, an immense and onthu- j|ie uiidience gathered to hear tho DCS of tho campaign discussed by ex- l&idciit Benjamin Harrison. Hon. Stthcey M. Depew presided over tho Iting. Both Mr. Iltm-ison and Mr. |ew wore tho recipients of ovations 111 they entered the hall. Upon calt- ithc gathering to order, Mr. Dcpow tvercd an address on campaign issues, |he close of which ho introduced ex- sldenty Harrison, who at once entered i a discussion of the issues. He spoke _considerable length, being very fro- Intly interrupted 'by applause. Re- Ting to his appearance as o campaign "user he said it was duo to his sense tile duty ho owed to tho country to Bbat the fallacies sought to be foisted ft. the people by the Democratic party its allies. He acknowledged his rest for the feelings which actuated fgold Democrats in occupying tho po- gn they do, but said they must not 'Get the Republican party to rcorgan- Btself because the Democratic party r disorganized itself. The Demo- gc party had once more exhibited its Ocity to be ruptured and a party that Sot bu split was a public menace. |n the leaders of a party assembled Invention depart from its traditional eiples and advocate doctrines that Ktoii the integrity of the government, social order of our communities and security and soundness of our nee, it ought to bo split, and it digni- fitself when it does split. A bolt b any party is now and then a most BBuring incident and was never more jpsuring and never had better cause a now. The Republican party fronts Edestructiouists and trumpets its der ge to the enemies of "sound money." yill fight, however, without covering for the 'glorious mottoes and iuscrip- js that nre upon its banner. Coutin- g,_ Mr. Harrison said: at is a leading issue of a cam- which most agitates the people, gy opinion there is no issue presently the Chicago convention more im- |nt or vital than the question they 1* raised of prostituting the power gouty of the national courts and na- 1 executive. The defense of the ptutiou, of the Supreme court of the fid States and of the President's er and duty to enforce all of the J of the United States without await- ithe call or consent of the governor any state is an important and "living fli in this campaign. Tariff and coin- fwill be of little moment if our con- jjtionul government is overthrown, eil we hayp a President who believes J it is neither his right nor his duty lee that the mail trains are not ob- pcted and that interstate commerce £ its free way, irrespective of state |s and state courts, who fears to use jh ancient and familiar power to re- Tiin' and punish lawbreakers, free JU9 and free silver will be appropriate oomponiments of such an administra- 1 ti and cannot add appreciably to the lional distress or the national dis- 001'. (Applause.) .Krhe atmosphere of the Chicago conation was surcharged with the spirit T revolution. Its platform was car- ]j and its nominations made with nc- npanying incidents of frenzy that star- the onlook(rs and amazed the coun- The courts and the President were ^.jgned for enforcing the laws, and Comment by the mob was given pref- enco.over government by law enforced p.tho court decrees and by executive ders, There was no calm deliberation; fire was frenzy, There was no thought- J searching for tha man who from ex- Mence was most able to direct public fairs. There was an impulsive ro- E'nse to jm impassioned speech that so- B ^ed the nominee. Not amid such roundings 'as that, not under sueh indices, are those >calm, discreet things ne that will conimenq themselves to £ judgment of the American people. . -.They denounce in their platform jn- fference by federal Authorities in local rt T aTs ,? , vii Sl Rt J^ n of i the constitution ie United States and a crime against institutions. Mr. TiUroan in bis £cn approved this declaration, It 3 intended to bo 'in words si direct jjeninauon of Mr. Cleveland »s Pvesi- , of tho United States for using the .cr of the' executive t,o bmsh put of bv»y every 'obstacle to the free pass, of the majll trains of! the Uwtod •a _and the interstate commerce, und, gfrjends, wjjpnever our people ap- Jho oljoico of a President who BS he must asl?_Gpv, AltgeW 'qv pthej.' state perwigsjon to ewforce the |gf'5 f *] >ei JWnJtlf4 Pl.fttes, we have Kgdered tjio victovy the bpys \yon "pftl (Applause.) y, fviende, . tUJs^ constitutiowal ques, this 4Wsion between th,o.ge»eral ,. jpcnl authorities js a pjam am] easy ;- 4 aistuypauce which Js purely lo> » state is a state aff«ir, The ent qannoi se»cj troops «v leiKj any imjesa- the I^egisjatuj'e cajls |fpy hep, oi-.the gpyeww, if "turo i w- 'Hot in session, p u ^ of jp.-Uuitea @t«(N IB iuya duty o| th ttryati asserts that lie is opposed to foreign domination in our affairs* ber of judges and prick the court to get a decision to please them. (Applause.) "My friends, our fathers who framed this government divided its great powers between three great 'departments— the legislative, executive and the judicial." It ''sought to make these •independent, the one of the other, so that neither might overshadbw or destroy the other. The Supreme court, the most dignified judicial uody in the world, was appointed to interpret the laws and the constitution, and when that court nronouuced a decree as to the powers of Congress or as to any other constitutional question, there is hut one right method if w< disagree, and that is the method pointed out by the constitution—to amend it to conform with our views. That is the position today. , "You are to answer, then, my fellow citizens, in all tho gravity of a great crisis,' whether you will sustain a party who propose to destroy the balance which our fathers instituted iu our system of government, and whenever a tumultuous Congress disagrees with the Supremo court and a subservient President is. in the white house, that tli9 judgment of the court shall be reconsidered and reversed by increasing the number of judges and packing the court with men who will decide us Congress wants them to. (Applause.) I cannot exaggerate the gravity and the importance and the danger of this assault upon our constitutional form of government. "I do not intend to s_peud any time in the discussion of the tariff question. That debate, has*'been won, and need not be protracted. It might run on eternally upon theoretical lines. We had had some experiences, but they were historical and remote, and not very instructive to this generation; We needed an experience of our own, and we have had it. It has been a hard lesson, but a very convincing one, and everybody was in the. school-' house when it was given him. A.panic in 1893 of most extraordinary character has been succeeded by a gradual drying up, less and less, until universal business distraction and anxiety prevails over all of our community. I .do not believe there has been a time, except, perhaps, in the very heat of some active panic, when universal fear and anxiety and watchfulness, even to the point of desperation, has characterized this great metropolis as it does today. (Applause.)' Men have been afraid to go away for a vacation. They have felt that they must every day in this burning heat come* to the city and watch their business, That is the situation. .* "What has brought it about? Gentlemen, who is there to defend tho Wilson tariff bill? Who says it is a good tariff measure? (A voice: "Nobody,") I don't believe a> candidate can be found to say that it is. Mr. Cleveland repudiated it. It \yas so bad that he could not attach his official signature to it, and it became a law without it. Ho said/ it was full of incongruities and inequalities. What has been tho result of that measure? > It has failed to produce revenue enough, supplemented by our internal taxes, to maintain the government. There has been on annual deficit approaching $50,000,000 every- year, and the national treasury has been continually in a state of embarrassment. Our manufacturers, left without adequate protection, have been successively and gradually dosing up and putting out their fires. But not only has this produced such an effect, but It has practically contributed t9 the financial depression that we are in. The maintenance of the gold reserve up to $100,000,000 by the government for the redemption of our notes was essential to confidence iu the stability of our finances. When the government reserve runs down people begin at once to say: -\Vo may come to a silver basis if gold is going out. 1 ' The reserve is generally down and this fear is grpatly increased, but how can you keep ft gold reserve o£ $100,000,000 when you have not got $100,000,000 in tho treasury all told? How can you maintain this gold reserve for redemption' of notes when y_ou have on annual and continuous deficit and your income not, equaling your deficit? ' So that, my friends, this tariff bill has not only contributed, by increasing importations, by taking away the needful support tot our own mtinufacturers, buj v, has contributed in the way of increasing the silver scare to bring us into the present condi' tion of distrust amj dismay which ppw prevails, (Applftuso.) •'B.ut J 4o apt intend, tp, follow that question,, father, I a.m. quJte as much (Wosed to cheapen.}?!,- "•- *— ! 'ringm.a.n a.nd-.wprk,|ug»\vpm,jin as auj Jo cheapening -ojjr .gpjlavs., pl^use). I ain. qmle as .strongly in pf keeping days' wait a" " p| .many {togs, ,fe* 'I CMsSUflJ ,jm Jiigb.esJ ^Ijtoe^oji ,f j»p bjj$ that parity between our silver and gold coins which the law declares is tho policy of tho government, and because he has the courage to execute tho powers given to him by the resumption act to carry out that declaration of public law. I undertake, therefore, to say that if Mr. Bryan, or a man holding his views, were in the presidential chair, without any legislation by Congress, we should be on'a silver basis in a week's' time. (Applause). "The silver question—what is it? Do you ;want silver because you want uioro money, a larger circulating medium? I have not heard anybody say so. Mr. Bryan is not urging it upon that basis. If anybody were to seek to giVe that as a reason for wanting free silver he would be -very soon confounded by the statement that free silver would put more gold out of circulation than mints/of the United States could possibly bring in in years of silver, and that instead of having more money wo would have less. (Ap- plauso.) With our six hundred and odd million of gold driven out of circulation we will reduce our per capita money of this country between eight and nine dollars. So it is not for more money. Wo have an abundant supply of circulating medium—gold, silver, -national bunk greenbacks, treasury notes, fractional silver. We have something like $23 per capita of our population. What is it, then, that creates this demand for silver? It is openly avowed. It is not more dollars, but cheaper dollars that are wanted. It is a lower standard of value that they are demanding. They,say gold has gone up until it has ceased to be a proper standard of value, and they want silver. But how do they want it, "Now, my friends, there is a great deal of talk, about bimetallism and the double standard and a great deal of confusion in the use of those terms. Bimetallism is the use of the two metals as money where they are both used. By a double standard they mean that we shall have a gold dollar and a silver dollar which will* be a unit of value, by which nil property and all wages and everything is to bo measured.- Now, our fathers thought that when they used these two metals in coinage they must determine the intrinsic relative value of the two, so that a comparison of the markets of the world would show just what relation one ounce of silver bore to one ounce of gold; how many ounces of silver it took to be equal to one ounce of gold in the markets of the world where gold and sliver were used, and they carefully went about ascertaining that, Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton gave their great powers to tho determination of that question, and they collected tlio market reports and they studied with all their power that question, and when they found what appeared to be the general and nverogo relative value of these two metals they fixed upon a ratio between them. Now, what was the object of all that? Why did they lump it all? Because they fully understood that unless those dollars were of the same intrinsic value that both of thom could not be standards of value,' and both could- not circulate, (Applause.) "As things are now th'e silver dollars that we hove are supported by the gov<- ernment, and the government that supports this silver bullion hns issued these dollars on its own accountr-not for the mine owner—and it has pledged its /SB- crqd honor it would make every one pf these, dollars as good as a gold dollar, (Great applause.) And that is a powerful support. Our Populistic friends pro- nose that the man who digs silver out of the miuo may bring it to the mjnt and have it stamped and handed back to him as a dollar, the government having no responsibility about it, These men would reject with contempt the proposh tion that free coinage was to come with a. pledge on A behalf of the government to maintain the parity of the two dollars, (Applause,) But this feeling ' " adapted to teuch the prevailing 4...... bumptiousness and well adapted 'to touch that prejudice Against Bngla»4 which many have, but can we 4o this thing ourselves? Is it ft question wheth* ep we will dp it, or ask anybody's con^ sent whether we may, OT ask the co-operation of somebody? jSfot at all, J te|l you what this goverawent c»a do a.ioue, It can as its mopey 'unit, ~ cai) declare by J«w what shall be relative value of am OU.BCP of golfl an ouuge of silver, but it cannot that last declaration good, < .(App__ Jt te unquestionably fully wtfbjn, tb.e power ef this government tpbwng *----—- tQ ft silver- basis by mning — the» Jejgel." lent of a declaration that CO-ccnt pieces are dollars. They might just as well pass n. law that 50 cents is a dollar. That would not muko it so, would it? It would bo a legal dollar; but it wotahl not buy n dollar's worth of anything. What is the clTcct of that? Tho liwr- chant would take care of himself. "A man keeps a store down hero on Broadway, and that law is going into oncrntioti tonight He summons nil bis clerks and buys 25 cents' worth of pencils, and before he opens his store in the morning 1 he has marked up his goods to the new scale, lie can do all that. Biit there are great numbers of people, numberless people, who enlist our interest, and some of them enkindle our, sympathies, who cannot uso tho pencil. Taku ' the work of man. Ho cannot go to the pay roll wfth a pencil and mark it up. He has got to consult somebody. He has to enter into an argument. Ho has got to get some other man's consent before he can murk up his wages. Then there is the pensioner, those that are receiving pensions from this government for gallant deeds done in the war, and others for the loss of beloved onus. He cannot take his pension certificates, and when it reads eight dollars/make it road sixteen dollars. He: must wait for on appeal to Congress, and a Congress that is populistlc in character would bo unsympathetic. (Applause). Take the men who have life insurance.! • Can they, where the policy reads $5000, make it $J.O,000? No. Can the managers of these institutions make it. right with them? No. This policy coerces integrity. (Applause). "My friends, the men surely do not contemplate tho irretrievable and extensive character of the disaster and disturbance and disruption which they are proposing for all of us in all our business affairs, great and simple. Take the laboring man; how full of sympathy they are' 'for him. My countrymen,, I" never spoke a false word to the laboring man in my life. (Great applause). I have never sought to reach his :vote or .'influence -by appeals to that part of his nature that will pollute the intellect and itjae conscience. I have believed and I believe today that any system that maintains the prices of labor ia this country, that brings hope into the Life of the laboring man, that enables him to put by, that gives him a stake in the good order, the prosperity of tho country, is tho policy that should be our American policy. (Applause,) I have resinted in many campaigns this idea that ti debased currency could help the workingmau, Tho first dirty errand that a dirty dollar does is to cheat the workingmen, (Applause,) "My friends, a cold statistical inquiry, non-partisan in its character, was made by a committee of the Seriate in 1800 and some following years, The committee was composed of Democrats and of Republicans, and they set out to study as statisticians the relative prices of com? modities and wages at cliffcreut periods in' the history of our country. This investigation covered the years of tho war, It showed how prices of goods went up and in what proportion labor advanced, Goods went up rapidly because the pencil process is a quick process. Wages went up haltingly and slowly, because the employer has to be persuaded and the pencil won't serve. "Now, I have hero n memorandum of some of those facts resulting train that investigation. Labor in ono period advanced 3 per cent.; goods, the things the Jnen had to buy out of their wages for their families and their Jiving, advanced 18 per cent, Through another period the laborers' wages advanced 10$ per cent, and the price of' goods advanced 40 per cent. 'In another period the wages of the laborer went up 25 per cent, and the prices of merchandise ad- yanced 80 per cent, - la another pori they foUfid.that-tfie efioffflesi betfefefi -m adfaftee 6f thS tfc~ 4 - ^y, tn¥nttd tfce adVafiCS ifi *«i«f falls W«tj ftctly wittt What we ttotlfd tfofieltidfc^jtf advance^ ' LabofefiBV mett Who* W8fK/ whethfef With hfead.df; hftnd in,salaried Bosltidfls, would-do 1 well to, take these facts tb he'ftft iiid settle the question ftftef Jhat bfroadj ddep" Ihijflif? to 4 wmch Mr. Bryan ihvitcs yoty as to whether you wnnt to eflffef . itito another, expeffn ehce stlch as you bftd, during the war> when wages ndVaftced so slowly ftfid tediously 1 and the tBSt of yotti living moved on so swifttyv ' "1 have sketched fdry; hnstity some «£ the evils that will result ffoifl k thls change to a debased doHat-"* t'ofttfac* tion of our currency by the expoi'tiug of our gold ttnd n readjustment of eVejPy- thing. Now, who will get aitf benefit? Well, the mah who owes t aii it deb t that he contracted upon n gold bttsis and is able to pay it with it 50-ceht'dollar. '.He altd the mine owner who gets tth exaggerated price for the'products of his mine'We the only two pcopld, or classes of people, that I cah see that would have any benefit out of It. They make a strong appeal to the farmer. They say It will put tip prices. Well. In a sense, yes. Nominally, yot. Really, no. If wheat goes from BO cents to $1.20 the price has boon increased, you will say, but if tho price of everything else has gone up in the same proportion, a bushel of wheat won't buy. for tho farmer any more sugar ov coffee, or farming implements, or anything else that ho has to purchase. "It Invokes the idea that this government of ours shall pay not only its debt of honor but that they pay tho interest on its bonds and the circulating notes in a debased currency. My countrymen, this country of ours, during the troublous times of tho war may have had severe trials, but these financial questions nre scarcely less troublous than those. Does not every instinct of pride, docs not every instinct of self- interest, docs not every thoughtful, affectionate interest iu others, does not our KCIIHO of justice and honor riso up to rebuke tho infamous proposition that this government and its people shall become n pooplo of rcpudiators? (Prolonged applause and cheers;) CAMPAIGN NOTES. _ One of the anomalies of this campaign is that .the business man whose wisdom and experience, is 'sought for by farmers and laboring men in their private matters, is considered by many of them us an unsafe adviser in political matters. The issues of this national election are business issues. The question is. how can the industries of the nation be revived? It would seem as if the judgment of the men who manage tho industries should be consulted. It is an odd spectacle to see a free silver orator who never did a day's work in his life, who has had no experience in managing business affairs, who has never organized or managed a labor em ploying industry, who has never paid t laboring man a dollar for work, and who never evolved a practical plan whicl: resulted in giving employment to unem ployed people, delivering nn oration over the "fallen ruins of a dead industry,'" telling how it can he revived. It took Bryan and the other Democrat ic orators two and a quarter years to pass the Wilson bill, although they had been telling the American people foi thirty years that they knew' the tarif question all by hea'ft, and were agrecc as to what they 'were going 'to do, Hov long will it take these sumo Democrati free silver orators to pass a free coinage bill? And what will happen to tho conn try in -the -meantime?. The Democratic orators talked tarif reform thirty years before they got th< consent of the American people to pu their plans into effect. When at las the people consented to lot them try thei tariff reform, it took those orators two and H -quarter years to agree upon the exact wording of their tariff law. In the meantime, while they held the coun try iu suspense, the industries of the no tion became paralyzed from doubt ant uncertainty. If it took these tariff re form orators two and one-half years tc make a law after thirty years of study how long will it take those free silve 'orators to make a law after only fiv years of study? And if these two an one-half years of dispute and uncertain!; on the tariff paralyzed tho industries what will become of these industries i another series of free silver specche is hurled against them,' seeing that thes industries are more afraid of free coin ago than they were of free trade? Tho crop now iu the fields of Nebraska would under ordinary conditions bo wort: $100,000,000. If tho laboring men o the country were at work there woul. be a demand in tho Bast for tjiis crpp In every town of NeurasKa the proces of loading this crop into cars would b going on all over, tho state. As fas as tho 'cars were loaded sight draft would bo drawn on Chicago, New York Baltimore and other market centers an by means of these sight drafts the baS anco of credit would be transferred fron the Jpast to the West. Every ba.Jlk i every' Nebraska town would be easy money would be plenty and wo woul call that good times, Good times wii come to tho Western farmer when th Eastq'rn laborer goes to work, and no till then. What would it avail th Western farmer to see trainloads of sjl ver bullion passing, through the cpuutr on its way to tho Eastern mint to b coined, if the factories in the East wer still idle, and the people out of emplpy ment. Would the mere opining of thes 'Western silver dollars make 'a- If', YVBBl Kit wart &ftifirt&fl Jefies issued Jot Hfref ki«P Will see hHMlftl Ji ir ffitf ttoS* he ttMta Mi^S t strategy *° fflft ^ e & > * OBf ffiws that the free sllves mehr^H^ solely ol "lm& fittl.larddflyya fl had « #!»««.f» * fpfflef he did what he cotita/' Thn't" alow hit'over 2$ Amerlcftfl flheep fHisett. „ , It is ah Insult to the pdW fflaft t£ ti that silver is tho pbof mttii'* mouey^ ioor man is entitled to as good anr-" :he rich man. , , The old Boldidfs will willy ttttcfe «.«». „•,*., It will be on November 8, ahd McKtaley, -*,; will be the color beateh ,j= ^*z Every President of the .United States , - ( ;f. ins been either a lawyer or ti soldier, 1 OK /- ^,|M °Tho pebhftfare swflfmlti£ to hear Me- ' £ ** Kinley. Brynn travels about the country/ to find nttdiences. , , .. ' The duty of every Pinn is to mnko h m- income eqnnl to his expenditures and U,iB^ the some with n nation. " , „, And tho Democrats nre nonv complain"'/i,\*s ngr that the Republican plan of campaign ,->*" educates too much, » , --.*•.; tTho Humorous Side* In storming the citadel it begins look as if Tom Watson wjls to lr 'outside the breastworks." ( ''• '" £ tit # * • < Bryan hns been flshlttB too. It all what nil Inborn penchant Douiocratsi and Popocrats have for fishing. ,„. '^, "*' * * '"' ' ' i, ( ; It Is safe to sny thnt.What Mrs..Lcnse-,",.-' and Helen Gougnr advocate, the rest <',, of tho country bettor steer clear of. , , •-<, * * * -• <,. ,- f ^ The mnftngers don't seem to know 5 -' 1 -' where to place Brynn so as to do the-'' most good. Ho nilght take a sea voyage, ' * * * , • • , 't r Bryan is quite a talker.' 'Ho'can wind* 1 ,"/' up his vocal organs and go ofC nnd leave- Vfi thorn and no stoppage will h.e noticed.W 1 ; Bourkc Cockran is also something of a ,v, % talker himself .—Dixon Star. ' - -,, i Oh, The Badge of fvoo Trade. ' times they arc hard, and money la ' scnrcc, > • » We're viewing the future aslftince; And thousauus of workmen, all Idle ancIV poor, '" Wear a patch on tho scat of .their pants,. '..' pants, pants, ' ' ' Wear a patch on the seat of tho!,r pants. . Abandon protection and hard times 'will stay, • ^ Our troubles will only enhance; • .-, '', And millions o£ people will wear tho, now" " badge, , " < A patch on tho seat Of their pants, pn.lta, • pants, ' . , V s A patch on tho scat of their pants. , . yjj,^ There's mnuy a man who wanted a ohangPtJfc-.jraj You can spot him the very flrst glance." .|,JV'™ There's a look that Implies when you gazo •",* V In his eyes > i Af, Kick the patch on tho seat of my pants, -, T,«i: pants, paiits, , '-.'«,... Kick tho patch on the sent of my pants. - Soranton (Pa.) Tribune.^'' •i'^a .. > »/>«* IB A Populist Belief. . ,, ; .h' A resident of Poughkeopsie a few dnya '. '-\ ago received a letter from a friend in} V' Nebraska in which it is shown what > *•*';-, the mental caliber is of some of the be- <t ' l '*\»Vj lievers in free silver. The Nebrasknn, vli ,.,„ who wrote the letter heard a Populist'-' "••>wv explain the meaning of 16 to 1 "to .a 1 " '•«, v %1 group- of attentive listeners. • ' '' " ' " He said that if Bryan should be elect- -, • \ 1 ! ed he would sell his grain this fall and • demand payment in gold; Then he would,' * go to the mint and receive $1000 in sil-,' /, . ^ ver for each $100 in gold, and with that' •' ,Mii silver he would pay off the mortgage on,'''"**''« hjs farm. He admitted that some- of i his neighbors did not explain the meaning of 16 to 1 in the same way, but ho was quite sure he had the right understanding of it. . •'! Such a story seems almost too nbsurd to be true, but it may be assumed, logically, that a man who thoroughly,- and honestly believes that the carrying out of the financial policy laid out at Ohl-. cago will believe anything else that would reveal itself to normal minds at once as nonsense.—Albany Express, Not in 'a Hundred. Bill Bryan fooled tlio voters ' ,* In elghteen-nlnety-two; The promises he made us , Mj Brought soup to jnw wnd youf ' • Again ho would enchant us ; ' a By singing hopeful tunes; He fed us soup top'ofteu— ' ? He cannot feed up pnjnes. ; Another, • _ '. s "-t The original and picturesque reason given by a flpppey to Pppocratio sjlveri |sm, residing in this county, is that "the price of steers went d,own while John'.M,. Stull was a state, senator."--Warren '(0.,) in Hie Otlior Foot, i' - v" Syracuse Standard; Bryan' is tr,ust}ng".L to the left bind fopt pf a rabbit. Lgt iin* ;C« look out for the right fore fpot of ajf e}e»'' r ' 6 phant. . . ,-• If it is true, as repprted,.,that Uncle Benjamin .Harrison Js gpjng make a Pullman tpur, tbe.cpynt soon be treated to an exhibition work fi'oni 8,1-68.1 ftrtis{. \'i•'; ;< i mjgb,t say you f 4o)lars r but '

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