The Dixon Sun from Dixon, Illinois • Page 3

mxnrrmxwn-. REDUCE TAXATION. Ex-Senator McDonald Discusses Message and Replies to John Sherman. The Treasury Surplus and How Reduce of Protection. to Able Address of Hon.

Joseph E. Donald at the Indiana era tic me lic debts and to provide for the common defense and general weliare of the United This is sometimes called the and under it men have sought for a warrant to do almost anything that a majority iit Congress might desire. But no fair-minded man, and certainly no Democrat, can insist Aliat money, raised by taxing the wliole people can bo 250,000. So we have the broad proposed special bsuclit of certain I sition to reduce the revenue by classes, or that taxes can be laid under the taking oft one-half the present duty on pretense that it is for "the general welfare sugar and then to take an equal amount of the United aheu the object i. out of the Treasury to be pa.d bount.es not to realize revenue at all, as in the case to, of tlP.

cripple this industry by reducing protective duties except by giving the producers of domestic sugar a bounty equal to the reduction of duty on the imported Just preceding rids sentence quoted he had suggested a reduction of one-half the present duty on sugar, which, according to his tables, would reduce the revenue TARIFE TRUTHS. A Brilliant Speech by Emery A. Storrs, Delivered Eighteen Years Ago. Gentlemen, this timely meeting of the leading men of the Democratic party of Indiana cannot fail to have an important bearing upon the political contests of the year, and tho result of our deliberations is looked for with moro than common interest by the people of the whole country. The issues that are to enter into the political canvass of 1888 are already beginning to be clearly defined.

Tho discussion of them in detail would require more time than it would bo proper for mo to occupy on this occasion. Chief among them is the one the President in his late message has so clearly placed before tho Congress of the United States and the people. And it grows out of tho fact that there is a large and increasing surplus of money in the treasury of the United States, arisiug from overtaxation. It is to this condition of our -affairs and to the issues growing out of them that I will claim your attention for tho brief time I shall address you to-night. Tho report of tho Secret iry of tho 'Ireas- ury made to the Congress now in session informed tho country that the nntionM revenues l'or the fiscal year ending June 30, 1887, exceeded any present cie- maml upon tho treasury by the sum of $102,000,000, and after deducting tho amount to bo placed to the credit of the sinking fund, there still remained tho sum of $50,000,000 of unemployed money; the receipts for the present fiscal year ending on the 30th day of next June, received and estimated, would probably reach the sum of deducting tho sinking fund of $47,000,000 would leave $60,000,000 of unemployed money to be added to the amount srireadv there of the last revenue, making the enormous sum of $122,000,000 that must lie idle in the Treasury out of circulation, contracting iho currency, depleting the arteries of commerce and threatening a financial panic, or be loaned to the banks without interest, or be invested in bonds not now due or payable, at a premium on the bonds almost equal to the amount that be due of principal and interest when the bends shall become due.

And, furthermore, the revenue which had caused these results were still on the statute book in full force, and would there remain, adding daily anti hourly to this anomalous, oppressive and threatening condition of our financial affairs until Congress should modify or repeal them. The determination of the Republican party to maintain tho system of high tariffs and excessive taxation which th public necessities during the war period hud enabled it to fasten on the country, had, before the present time, given out clear premonitions of the dangers we were approaching, and the President had not failed in his annual messages to call tho attention of Congress to the necessity of providing proper relief; but, as the revenue laws remained unchanged, notwithstanding the Executive recommendations. on the assembling of the present Congress, the President in plain and unmistakable terms placed the whole subject before it, and relieved himself and his administration from all responsibility for its continuance by pointing out iu the clearest possible manner the wrong of tion. the dangers to which it was leading, and the remedy which, in his judgment, it was the duty of Congress to apply. After stating the condition of the Treasury he turns to tho subject of tho reduction of the taxes, states briefly the sources from which our national revenues are derived, namely: from custom duties nud our internal excise tax on whisky, malt liquors and tobac and recommends that the necessary fednction be made on articles of prime necessity, and raw material taxed under the tariff law rather than upon the articles taxed under the internal revenue law, having due regard iu the reductions to be made to the interest of American labor.

Let me call your attention now to a few of the questions that arise out of the state of our affairs which the message brings so prominently before the public. Even tho most malignant Republican partisan admits that the revenue must bo reduced. Tho report of the Secretary of the Treasury and the facts stated in the message disclose that the reduction can safely be made of anywhere from $75,000,000 to $100,000,000 annually. The Treasury statistics show that the revenue for the last fiscal year derived from customs duties was, in round numbers, $218,000,000, and from internal taxes that the estimated revenue from customs, the present fiscal year, will be $228,000,000, with a corresponding increase from internal taxes. Suppose we say.

for that the reduction shall not exceed if this should all bo taken oft of customs duties, it will still leavo something over $150,000,000 to be raised by the tariff tax. The ad valorem rato of last year collections was something over 47 cent, on dutiable tho on dutiable goods imported last year, there was collected iu actual taxes $218,000,000, which, to bo exact, is 47.13 per cent. If you collect $150,000,000 off of the same amount of imports, the percentage will bo about 30 ad valorem. Now, if you adjust this duty as the President suggests, so as to do no injury to American labor, it is as much of a burden as the consumers of this country ought to bo required to bear, and it would give all the protection that ought to be demanded. Incidental protection is a necessary consequence of the form of taxation by custom duties, and more than that, is class legislation in its worst form.

The power to tax is one of the necessary powers of any government, but it is not without limit It can only be rightfully exercised to the extent necessary to meet what governmental expenses. The taxing power is vested xu the Congress of the I nited states by the Federal Constitution, in the following language; Congress shall have power to lay aud collect tuxes, duties, imports, and And the purpose for which this may be done is set forth in the following language: 1 Pft.V the pub- with all tariff. In recommending a redaction of taxes and suggesting that it should be chiefly made upon customs duties, the President specified some of tho articles of prime necessity which ho thought might be thereby cheapened to the people and oiliers that, bj taking pff the governmental burdens, Might benefit oar manufacturing Interests, and for this he has been assailed by the politicians and press of the Republican party with a malignity seldom known in party warfare. Tho most noted review or attempted review of the President's recommendations from a Republican standpoint that has thus far appeared, is the carefully prepared speech of Senator Sherman, delivered in the Senate last week. Senator Sherman is the undoubted parliamentary leader of the Republican party, and is a man of commanding ability, but he is sometimes a statesman, and more often a politician, this last effort exhibits him in the latter character.

It is singularly unfair and misleading. But I shall not have time to moro than briefly refer to some of its salient points. It starts out by attempting to ridicule the idea that redundant taxation is any special evil, and charges the President with disbelief in the fears he has expressed because he did not call an extra session of Congress, admits finally that tho taxes ought to be reduced, and with an air of sincerity expresses his readiness, as a Senator, at any time in the past to have united with tho House in correcting the inequalities of the if the House had only sent any kind of a revenue bill to the Senate for its And yet no man knows better than the distinguished Senator himself that throughput the last Congress a large majority of tho Democrats of tho House, under tho leadership of tho Chairman of the Committee on 5V ays and Means, aided by the Speaker, were unremitting iu their efforts to have the question of a reduction of the tariff considered, and that tho whole political force of the Republican patty in tho House, aided by a few Democrats, some of whom voted against consideration in the belief that no favorable a tion would bo taken iu tho Senate, and somo, as representing what they regarded as the sentiment of their districts on tho subject of protection, defeated the very action which the Senator now complains was not taken. I think it is fair to assume that if Senator Sherman had expressed to his friends in the House the desire he now manifests ho could have had the opportunity at any time during the lust Congiess to have redeemed the pledge his party had made at Chicago. But it is evident he did not desire it.

It is equally evident that he does not now believe there are any such unjust inequalities in the tariff of 1883 as is charged by the Republican platform adopted at Chicago. On the contrary, his speech is a bold defense of the principles aud policies imbedded iu that tariff'. And even in its details he sees nothing to object to; and while ho expresses his reudiness to unite with the President in increasing the free list, he can think of nothing that ought to be on tho free list that is not already there. He is quite willing to reduce any duty that may be found to be too but can see no articles that will safely bear a reduction without injury to too, believe in fostering and protecting domestic industry. But tho methods and very different, lie believes in protection, so called, a system which necessarily limits the growth of our manufacturing interests by confining them to a home market, and by shutting out foreign competition, enabling those who aro engaged in any particular branch of business to limit the productions bv combinations among themselves and raising the price upon the consumer.

The Standard Oil monopoly is a striking illustration of this. Another striking example iy bo found under which many poor people are now suffering, in a monopoly in coal. We have in the United States three- fouiths of all the coal treasuics in the world, yet we have a protective tariff against the other fourth to shut out competition. It might be an interesting, and I know it would be a painful mission, to go through the houses of the poor of Indianapolis, to see how mauv are shivering with cold because of the high pric of fuel caused by the output being limited by tho grinding monopolies of this country aided by tho so-called protective system. But, notwithstanding the cavalier manner iu which Senator Sherman is inclined to treat the President warning as to the probable result of continued taxation, he finally admits that a reduction of taxes, or rather a reduction of revenue, is necessary, and the manner in which he proposes to accomplish it may be taken as containing the Republican plan as opposed to the recommendation.

He would strike at the whole system of internal taxes, but especially she toba icq tax. And to do this he invites tho aid of the traditional disliko of the peoplo to excise laws, well knowing, with constantly increasing expenditures, that a very high tariff will be necessary if the internal tax laws are repealed. But if tho whole laxv cannot be repealed, aud tobacco alone can be set free, he has found one article on tho dutiable list of imports upon which lie is willing make a reduction of one-half the pieseut duty, not, however with a view to reduce the burdens of taxation, but to introduce his pet theories of protection in another form -that is, to pay out directly from the Treasury of the I nited States the amount of the reduction in counties. That I may not bo accused of misrepresenting the distinguished Senator, I will quote from his speech as found iu the record just what ho says ou this point. It is as follows; believe in protecting all one industries without respect to section, to place, or to mauner of production, whether on the farm or iu the workshop; but if not know that this is much worse than tho indirect bounties which a protective system entails on tho tax-payer.

but I do know, or think I know, that if this suggestion of Senator Sherman's should be adopted, we should enter upon a system of bounties direct, under which tho people of the United States will soon be called upon to bear a burden of taxation more intolerable than any kfiOWii in any ci'ilized portion of the globe. It is a favorite method of tho Republican party in defense of their cherished doctrines of protection to charge any attempt made to reduce the tariff taxes as an attack upon the labor interests of the country and as being hostile to the working classes, when nothing could be more foreign to the truth. Tho Democratic party has always been tho friend of the laboring man. Its motto has ever been and exact justice to all men; exclusive privilege to And for myself, if I believe that either its principles or its practices ere detrimental to the labor interests of the country, I have independence enough to denounce it and leave it; but my judgment tells me tho best way to build up and strengthen the industries of tho country is to open up and extend the sphere of their operations, and to carry their products into new markets. And tho best guarantee to good wages and steady employment is to increase the demand for labor by giving the products of labor the world for a market.

This cannot be done under the so- called protective system. Protected industries aro house they have not the roots or branches of a healthy aud vigorous growth, and can only flourish in the narrow limits and in the artificial soil in which they have been planted. They do not become hardy by lapse of time, but require the constant and increasing care of their 1 protectors. It will soon be one hundred I years since the Government of the United was formed under the Federal Constitution, and soon after its formation a tariff law was passed, partly for revenue and partly, as was said, to protect our Tho highest rate of duty I in that tariff did not exceed fifteen per and the average duty was only about i seven percent. Aud now, at the end of a I hundred years, these same it is" claimed cannot live without the protecting power of the tariff, with an average rate of duty of forty-seven per and running to over one hundred per cent.

There must be something radically wrong in such a system. The advancement and wealth of the country is measured not by what it produces and consumes, but tho amount and value of its productions which are sent abroad for others to consume. In looking into our reports of domestic merchandise, we find that out of the $700,000,600 sent abroad last year, less than 19 per cent, of the amount was made up of domestic manufactures, while over 8') per cent, were products of the And of the meager amount of our domestic manufactures which were able to enter a foreign market, much the largest portion was from the shops of our unprotected industries. In view of all these facts, would it not he well to begin in a moderate degree, at least, to adopt a different policy by taking off some of the burdens that add so much to the cost of domestic manufactures in the shape of high tariffs ou machinery and implements of trade, upon the raw material used, and upon the clothing which the mine are Workmen and their families must wear, and The High Tariff a War Measure Th v. Ought to Be Dispensed With.

If Farmers Need Protection Agalm Anything, It Is Against Protection. the Chicago In 1870 Emery A. Storrs addressed a large meeting of farmers at Springfield, 111. An of $125,000,000 lay in the Treasury, and there was of necessity a feeling that the heaviest burdens of the war should be laid down. Some extracts from tho speech then made cannot fail to have weight when it is considered that nearly two decades have passed, the tariff has been reduced less than five per the of Government increased $75,000,000, and the has swelled from $125,000,000 to $231,000,000.

And it should not be forgotten that this surplus is left after counting many liabilities that are purely conjectural. A strain on tho Treasury, such as war, would undoubtedly reveal at least 100,000,000 that could be spent without putting tho nation iu debt. Mr. Storrs said: During tho prosecution of the war it was deemed necessary, iu order to enable tho government to meet the gigantic expenses which its prosecution entailed, to impose upon every eomnnvtthlo product of human use, wear or consumption heavier tariffs than had ever before been known in our history. Taxos were also levied upon nearly everything that we ate, or drank, or wore, upon the product of our industry, upon the artiojes which we manufactured, upon tho incomes which are derived from tho prosecution of our business, whatever that business might be.

Put little complaint was made against thooO tariffs and taxes hi to the war was pending. They wore regarded by the groat mass of the people as war measures, and to cease when the war itself ceased. Moreo.er, as every form of industry and almost every character of business was stimulated to a feverish activity by the vast requirements of the government, aided in 110 Binall degree by a paper currency, these taxes, onerous as tin wore, weru easily paid, and hence, durmg that period of time, public complaints wore not ireuuent. But tho war finally ended. The vast demands of tho government upon the industry of tho country ceased.

Nearly a million of 1 men who eeu engaged in the armies, relieved from those duties, returned quietly but suddenly to their ordinary pursuits. As the currency wfis conim ted end in value prices began to shrink, and under such a change of circumstances the turdeus of taxation began at once to he felt, and the desire in some measure to bo relieved from those burdens came to bo almost universally expressed, and tho necessity for some such relief is urgent aud undeniable. thus" in crease the purchasing power of the wages received, so that iu time, and, 1 bei lieve, in no far distant time, our country may become one of the great workshops of the world, until its products of manufactures sent abroad suall equal, it not surpass, our surplus products of the sod upon which we now almost wholly rely to nuun- tain our foreign commerce? A few words in regard to the system of internal taxes, and especially to the tux on tobacco. With whatever prejudice we may look upon the system of excise taxes and I have felt them as much as any you may rest assured that the age has gone by when wo can alone rely upon the tariff taxes for our national revenues. What it was comparatively easy to do when the amount of governmental expenditures for i the whole year, as in 1860, did not exceed $60,000,000, cannot bo done in the year of 1888, when the amount dispensed for pensions alone exceeds and therefore, as the system of direct taxes provided in the Uonstitution is impracticable, tho internal excise tax has come to stay, and as we emancipate our industries from tho hot-house of protection and place them in the open uir, where they wdl have room to grow, our revenues from customs duties will fall off aud become less certain, and in the end our national revenues will have to mainlv depend internal taxes.

In the meantime, if, when the proper reduction is made in our tariff tax, there is still moro revenue likely to be raised than the actual wants of the Government require, 1 am very wiling to see the tax on tobacco reduced or repealed; not that I regard it as entitled to be classed with coffee and nor that the Government should do anything to especially encourage its consumption, but because it is one of the products of our soil and enters largely iuto domestic and foreign trade, and should not bear any unnecessary burdens. 1 do not believe iu taxes, except as a Government necessity, and would gladly abolish all, if the Government had other means of providing for its expenses less onerous to the people. As to the campaign of 1888, it is morally certain that the National Democratic Convention will nominate Grover Cleveland without opposition and by acclamation, anti I believe he will be re-elected by a triumphant majority. His first nomination was an experiment; his second nomination will bj on full infoimation aud approval. And on the record of his administration and the platform contained in his late message, no on me iarm or ny- platform eonianieu iu um protection is not the object of tho law, and can doubt of success.

And with is the meat evil to be dealt nf 1 inrnnftmiic surplus revenue is tho groat evil to be dealt with, why not give relief to our people by a reduction of the tax on sugar; tho effort to produce sugar in this country in quantities at all approaching the demand has failed, though protected by rates among the highest imposed by our tariff laws. Still, in view of the hopeful prospects of producing sugar from beets and sorghum cone, us well as sugar cune, I would not success the futuro of the Democratic patty is assured, for the Republican party will never be able to make another stand in a national contest. A banal fifteen miles long, affording communication between theCaspian and Baltic seas, lias just been opened iu Russia. Tlio requirements of tho Government aro certainly not us great as they were live years ago Its expousos havo boon, during tho short period of tiuio that General Grant has been reduced many millions. A vast amount of tho national debt has already been paid, and iu the mulst of general business depression the over-burdeued public uro curiously enough confronted by a surplus which will, during tho year roach at ase, one hundred millions, aud probably ouo hundred and twenty-live millions of dollars.

A surplus so gigantic demonstrates, better than any argument could possibly do, that taxation is unnecessarily high, i-till there stands, in a time of profound peace, an tyjiff. the effect of which is felt in every department of business, and the maintenance of which enhances tho cost of living of every man in tho laud. VV hy should that tariff bo continued Tho fact of the surplus demonstrates that it is not necessary for the support of niout, and so those who are interested in maintaining it are compelled to place their demands upon what they oaii tho of American industry." 1 will inquire precisely what is mount by protecting American industry? Against what, or against whom, is American industry to bo tocted? Who attacks, or pruposos to attack, American industry? How is tho attack made Is American industry so feeble that it cun not, without assistance from the Government, protect itself? i I iohq are all ital questions, if no ouo is attacking American industry, it needs no protect! n. The forms American industry are wonderfully diversified, iho gicat bodv of the farmers of the country constitute a largo element of what mav bo called American industry, and I know of no attack upon them so serious in its character as that made by tho tariff; aud if the fanners need protection against anything, it is against protection. There are thousands of printers iu the country who attacks or proposes to attack them No cue, except it bo tho tariff, which enhances the cost of the material with which their industry is earned on, Of the clothes which they wear, of the coal which they burn, of the lumber with winch their homes aro built, of the salt which they consume, and of the books which they reau.

1 hero aro thousands of ship-buiklers tho country who attacks them uud thoir interests, and from hat nemy do they need to ho protected? The desert a ship yards of the East answer this need to bo protected against protection, aud that is all tho protection they need. The thousands and hundreds of thousands of curpeuteia and joiners, boot and shoe makers, blacksmiths, aud the daily toilers with their hands, upou the land or upon the sea, aro threatened with no attack against which, for their own protection, the intervention of the Government is necessary. I apprehend that, should tii Government levy a direct tax uj on all the property of tue country, to bo paid over directly to the non manufacturers, so that they might bo enabled to hold their own against the competition of the foreign manufacturers, but tow would oe found who would justify such au exorcise of tho power of taxation. When reduced to exact practical operations, tho protection of A industry, so-called, is simply the forcible taking from the consumer of a portion or lua earnings and banding it over to the manufacturer The proposition to the consumer is simply this: We, the Government, will take Hum you 10 or 16 or per cent, oi your and give it to the manufacturer, and he will spend it so much more judiciously than you would that ultimately and iu the process of time it will iu some curious and circuitous manner, which we haven tno tune to explain now, redound more greatly to your udvautagethHiiit would had you spent it ourself and for yt ur- Bolf VVe are all now in favor of free speech, free thought, free soil, free labor; what is there trade that it should nut bo free: On the shores of tho Mediterranean, the Almighty has seen tit to confer warmer suns aud more genial heats than shine upon the salt marshes of Syracuse or Saginaw Congress has sought to correct this order of Providence. aud to protect the Onondaga and the Saginaw salt, manufactured by utechnt icsl heals and uppli- an es ugamst that perfected by the cheaper Uoi r.ngm ntds no more salt from the chores aud toe of the Mediterranean 'V get poor salt, and at a higher price than formerly; but be assured, Providence will A aentlomanTaf the name of SpauLltftl prepares glue and sells it lor a good price under the name of Prepared Glue.

His is an American hence is protecU'd I ast veur the Government received wa revenue irmu the tar.lt on glue the magn.hceu sum of $17, Lens are 1, and the Government receive 1 on ostrich eggs; and y.t I believe that even thus protected, fciva hen will never sm far at least as the size of the egg is competition with the mdnch Hauer kraut is protected, ami the protection yielded a revenue to the Goveiument of 30 Apple sauce is also protected, and in I Yielded a revenue to the Government of We are also protected against H) uniwh dies and Bra ilian bugs, our native and bugs are in tUeir infancy, and must be protected. ILLINOIS AFFAIRS. P. Lautz, of Oak Grove, has a bill that once passed for five shillings, being issued in Pennsylvania in 1773. All writing and printing thereon is plainly legible.

Turner R. King, formerly a notable politician in this State and a friend of Lincoln, through whom he secured several offices, died at McLean recently, aged 76 years. A. Funk has bought from Eli Maxwell tin? farm of 160 acres lying two miles northwest of McLean, on which tho latter has been living, paying $55 per acre, or $8,800 cash. H.

Stinson, special agent of the United States Bureau of Labor, is traveling over the State, getting statistics in the matter of divorce. After examing the records he finds that in McLean County, from Jan. 1, 1867, Jan. 1, 1887, there were granted 666 divorces. insurance company of Louisiana is to bring suit to test the constitutionality of the law in this State that exacts from a foreign corporation doing business in the State a license fee equal to tho foe collected from corporations of this State doing business iu the State of which such foreign corporation is a resident.

the canning companies in Hoopeston are making arrangements to can peas next summer. Every boy and girl in the vicinity will be able to get steady work all all next season. It is estimated that the two companies will distribute nearly in and around town next season. Greenville father bought his only son a handsome target rifle, with which to kill sparrows. The boy has owned tho gun nearly a year, has shot off oue of his fingers, ruined two suits of clothing, been licked by a boy for shooting at the family cat, and has managed to kill one sparrow, for which ho is entitled to 1 cent bounty.

John Linebarger, of Prairie Creek township, was iu Lincoln a few days ago making out the necessary papers preparatory for an application for a pension as a Mexican war veteran. Mr. Linebarger, who is now about 80 years old, was captain in tho 2d regiment, New York volunteers, his commission being executed in 1846 by Silas Wright, the Governor of the State. Henry Lawrence. Lake R.

Hitt, State Swamp Land Commissioner, has gone to Washington for the purpose of arguing the swamp-land claims of Illinois before Congressional committees and departments. Among twenty-three cases I 10 is to argue are tljose involving claims to the amount of $147,383 for the following counties; Gallatin .........810,374 Warren and 3,020 1,001 17,273 22,036 0,311 Mercer 1,104 50 15,433 7,203 2,3 0 Indemnity certificates once issued to the State for use of these counties. The certificates authorized the State to locate 117,908 acres of public lands. There is not, and was not at the issue of the certificates, any public land in Illinois to satisfy the indemnity, and the Government must pay the State cash in lieu of lands, for it will not allow of the entry of these certificates except in Illinois. Senator Farwell has already introduced a bill directing a settlement.

Pensions: John father of Robert It. Keller, Hazel Dell; Martin, father of Martin Grove, Marshall; Eva widow of James W. Mayfield, Ursa; Emma, widow of Daniel W. Davis, Wataga; Rebecca widow of Dennis G. Jones, Miletus; Mary widow of Peter Crips, Alto Pass; Isabella, widow of William A.

Foster, Christopher; Henry Inman, Liberty; Reuben Smiddy, Jonesboro; Charles Walstedt, Quincy; John M. Sanders, Alton; Joseph A. Boiee, Walnut Hill; Andrew Dunning, Dunning; Michael Daly, Quincy; Adam Button, Shumway; William S. Richardson, Atwater; Albert Staecker, Rockford; George Silverhoru, Carmi; David P. Burns, Sparta; Daniel B.

G. Bryant, Fisher; Frederic Noah E.Dye, Time; Chauueoy Moor, Sheridan; Andrew J. Cunningham, St. Elmo; Aaron Antwerp, Capron; Aaron Gross, Cheneyville; Amos Criley, Murphysboro; Elizabeth, mother of Noah S. Howard, Aurora; minors of Thomas B.

Adams, Benton; Jacob Beck, Hillsboro; Elijah Burns, Mur- ithysboro; Adam Cruse, Jonesboro; Edmond It. Mallory, Bedford; Ambrose Greenfield, Long Creek; Inom- tvs Daily, Channahon; James M. Branson, Exeter; William T. Scott, Lewiston; lleury M. Barnum, Rock I alls; Altes, Bloomington; John E.

Bal- Bmh Half Day; Terence McSpirritt, Dallas City; Frederick Fowler, Friumlsvilio; Daniel McCalley, Kidley; John M. Shepherd, Mam to; Luke R. Sunders, Marion; William A. NVilson, Sidney; Andrew J. Moore, Sunnier; Benjamin May, Dix; Joel Q.

Meador, Hickory Hill; George Fether- Uug, Woodland; Rufus Russell, ltoaemoud; West, Moiris; Jessup luttle, Harrisburg; Jane widow of Marshall Duckworth, Batavia; Margarette, widow of John W. Bechtold, Nauvoo; Mary, mother of Robert Norris, Anna; George W. I ssell- ton, Shawueelown; Lewis Man-ker, Thebes; Francis C. Joues, Marseilles; William deceased, Springfield; Ferdinand Herr good, Hillsborough; i Thomas R. Owen, Springfield..