Logansport Pharos-Tribune from Logansport, Indiana on August 29, 1896 · Page 7
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August 29, 1896

Logansport Pharos-Tribune from Logansport, Indiana · Page 7

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Saturday, August 29, 1896
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HARRISON'S VIEW, Ex-President Discusses the sues of the Campaign. ATTACK ON THE SUPREME COURT The Plank in the Democratic Platform He Considers the Most Important. AUI)1E>CE OF .1,000 HEAltS HIM. Say* Me Looks Upon the Tariff Question an Practically Settled In Favor of Protection, Experience IlKvlDK Been at Work with tlie People, but Glvun » Few Minutes to 1U I>l«oii»»lon—Silver Question Taken Up' nnrt Handled In n Vlcorom Argumentative Style. Now York, Aug. 28.—To'5,000 persons in Carncgio Hall, ex-President Benjamin Harrison made the following speech last last night: Ladies and Gentlemen: I am on the Republican rotirccl list, not by reason of any age limit, nor by tho pica of uny convention; but that the younger men might hove a chance nnd that I might have a rest. [Laughter.] But I t\m not a soured, or disappointed, or bcd-riddon citizen. My interest In my country did not cease •when my 'last salary check was cashed. [Laughter and applause.] I hoped to ndd to tho relief from official duties retirement from tho arena of political debate, but Clio gentlemen having in charge this cam- BTSJAMIS HARRISON'S REVISED DEARO. paign deemed to think that I might in some (ray advance the interests of thoso principles which are not less dear to mo than they are to you by making hero, In this great city, a public addresi. [Applause.] I thought they greatly magnified tho Importance of anything I could say, but I could not quite content myself to subordinate what others thought to bo a public duty to my private convenience. [Applause.] I am hero tonight, not to make ii key-note speech, but only to express ray personal views, for which no one else will bo in uny measure responsible. [Applause.] For this speech has not been submitted to tho judgment of any one until now. [Applause.] I shall speak, my follow citizens, as a Bepubllcan [cries of "Good"], but with perfect respect to those who hold differing opinions. Increased Koipect for Democrat*. Indeed I have never had so much respect for Democrats as I have now. [Applause.] Or perhaps I should say I never had so much respect for so many Democrats as I have now. [Applause.] That party has once more exhibited Its capacity to be ruptured, and a party that cannot be split Is a, public menace. When the leaders of a party assembled In convention depart from 'its traditional principles and advocate- doctrines that threaten the -Integrity of the government, the social order of our communities and the security and soundness of our finance, It ought to split, and' It dignifies Itself •when It does split A bolt from any- party Is now and then a most reassuring Incident, and was never more reassuring and never had better cause than now. [Applause and cries o£ "You're right."] But these Democratic . friends who- are disposed more or less directly ; to .help the cause of ; sound finance- in this campaign ought not . to expect "that the Republican party will disorganize itself because the Democratic party has disorganized Itself. [Laiighter and applause. "That was a beaut."] The Republican party, the Republican voter, if sound money triumphs— as I bellve It will— must In the nature of the thing constitute the body of the successful -army. We' ought not therefore to be asked to do anything- that wll affect the solidity; the loyalty, the discipline or the enthusiasm. of -the Republican party. -[Applause. A voice "Nobo'dy going*' c-u't." This reference to the Bryan meetln'g-In Madison Square garden was greeted with prolonged applause and laughter.] The Quet tlon for Gold Domocrnti, The : Republican party fronts the de- •trnctionlat and trumpet* Its defiance to the enemies of sound money. Jt -will fight, however, without covering uny of • tho glorious mottoes and Inscriptions that are upon Its banner. [Applause.] When the house is on' fire — and many of our Democratic friends believe that to be the. present domestic situation— the tenant on tho top floor ought not to ask the tenant In the basement to bury any of his opinions before ho joins tho flro brigade, and if our Democratic friends realize as wo realize the gravity', tho far-reaching consequences, of thin' campaign thoy ought not. to aik tho Republican party to roor- gani ze Itself, to put aside any of the great principles that It- has advocated, In order to wln-a vote. If 'their opinion IB' sincerely held,' us thoy insist, it ought to determine their action for themselves without reference "to what anybody else should do. And I submit 'to thcso gentlemen, for whoso opinloni I have tho highest respect, whether., -If it Is true -as- they 'say, that this' success of the Chicago .-nominee- would; plunge this country. Into commercial distress and-drag' the nation's horiorjin'tho du«t, there cannbe^snyi quSstfor/'for (inch gen tlemen; but ; this: Howyoun 'W6' : moat •urcly defeat the Chicago; nominees? [Applause.] ' GENERAL'S PARAMOUNT Consider* It tlie Queitlon of the Power of National Courts. Neither conventions nor committees can create issues nor assign them to their place* aa to their Importance. *h»k Is, the leading Issue of a campaign which most agitates and most Interests the people. In my opinion there is no issue presented by the Chl- (3. cago convention more important and vital than the question it has raised of protecting the power and duty of thfi national courts and national executive. The defence of the constitution and of the integrity of the supreme court ot the United States, and oC the president's power and duty to enforce all of the laws of the United States without awaiting the call OL consent of the governor of .any state, Is an important and living Issue In this campaign. [Applause.] Tariff and coinage will be of little moment if our constitutional government Is overthrown.,When we have a president who believes that it is neither his right nor his duty to see that the mail trains an: not obstructed and that interstate commerce has its free way, [respective of state lines at:d courts: who fears to use our ancient and familiar power to restrain and punish law breakers—free trade and free sliver will be appropriate accompaniments of such an -administration, and cannot add appreciably to tho national distress or the national dishonor. [Applause.] There Is only one rulo by which we can live usefully us it nation or peacefully as citizens. It is tho rule of tho laws constitutionally enacted and finally interpreted by the judicial tribunal appointed by the constitution. When it becomes tha rule that violence carries its end wo have anarchy— n condition a; destructive to honest labor and its rewards as death la to tho tissues of the human body. [Applause, ] Tho atmosphere of the Chicago convention was surchargo-d with the spirit of revolution. Its pltitfonn vns carried and its nominations niido with accompanying incidents of frenzy that sr.'irtcd tho onlookers anil inn i/ud tho country. The courts and tho . provident woro arraigned for enforcing tho laws, and government by th i ni')b was given preference over government by tho law enforced by the court docruefl and by executive orders. The spirit that exhibited itsalf in thU con- ventlou was so wild and strangely enthused that Mr. Bryan lilinsolf likened it to the 7.u:\\ that possessed the crusaders when they responded to thu impassioned appeals of Peter tlio Hermit i o rescue thu sepulchre of our Lord from the hands ol tho InfldiiU. His historical illustration was more potent and more forcible than ho knew; for the zeal of tlio crusaders was a blind and ipcnorant zeal; they sought to rescue the transient and ineffectual sup- ulchro that hnd held tho body of tho Son of God, while they trampled upon the precepts of love and mercy, which Ho had loft for their guidance iu life. [Applause.] He told us that tho silver crusndo had arrayed father against son and brother against brother, and had severed tho ties of love. Senator Hill, watching the strange proceedings, had to extend that brief political code from which ho has gained so much renown. Ho felt com- polk-d to Sivy: ''lama Democrat, but 1 am not a revolutionist." [Applause.] Senator Vest, realizing that they wore inaugurating a revolution, reminded the convention that revolutions did hot begin with tho rich and prosperous. Mr, Till man telt that the change in tho management of public affairs was to be so radical that he proposed sulphur fumigation for tho ship before tho new crew took possession of it. [Laughter.] Xow, my friends, all these things indicate tho temper in which that platform Was adopted and the spirit that prompted the nominations that were made. There was no calm deliberation-. There was frenzy. There was no thoughtful searching for the man who from experience was most able to direct public affairs. Thora was an Impulsive response to an Impassioned speech that selected tho nominee. Not amid such surroundings as that, not under such Influences, are those calm, discreet things done that will commend themselves to the judgment of. tho American people. [Applause.] They denounce- In their platform interference by federal authorities In local affairs as a • violation ot tho constitution of the United States and a crime against free institutions. Mr. Tillman, in his speech, approved this declaration. It was intended to bo in words a direct condemnation of Mr. Cleveland, as president of the United States, for using tho'power of the exec it- tlvo to brush;.out of tho .way every obstacle to tho free passage- of the mall trains and inter-state., com uurco. And, my friends, whenever our people approve tho choice of a : president. who believes ho must ask Governor Altgeld or any other governor of any other state permission to enforce the laws of tho United States wa have surrendered the victory tho boys won In 1861. [Great applause.] Onco we were told that a grave, question .was raised, whether tho United Siates.could pass Its troops through' Kentucky to-me.it a rebel army In Tennessee. THE RIGUTS OF NATION AND STATE. Whut the Frenlilout Can Do ftnd What He Canuot Do. My friunds, this constitutional question —this division between the general and local authorities—is a plain and oasyone. A d.sturbdnco which Is purely local !n a state Is a state affair. Tho president cannot send' troops'or lead any aid unless the legislature calls upon him for help', or tha governor—if 'the legislature 'is liot In session. But when 'a law ''of theUnlted States is irivadod and broken it is the sworn duty of tho president to execute it and this.con vcntlon arraigns the president for doing what his oath compelled him to do. [Applause.] Comrades of the great war for the union, sous of thoso who 'went out to battle that the -flag lyight not lose its lus- tre, will wo consent after these years Tories of "No, no"] that the' doctrine that was shot' to death in the groat war' shall be revived and made victorious in a civil campaign?. [Cri.sof "No."] . . But this aes.iult does not end'here, inn supremo court of tho United States and tho federal lower courts are arraigned because they used the; familiar writ of injunction 'to suppress violence, to restrain ,meu from breaking the law, and that platform plaiuly moan's—I will show yon : that it was understood in the convention :[ind In.the committee on resolutions—that tho Democratic policy was tha; when the 'supremo 1 court,' exercising 'Us constitutional powor'and duty.' gave nn interpretation'™ a law of :the.Unlted-Statol that IWM not pleasing, to congress they,.would. incr»ase tho number of judges and pack Uwojnrt'to geta decision to'pleaae them. [Applause:] ' My friend*, our: father* who' framed-this goTernmentdlvidod ;Ks,-great powers between ..three.departmont8--th« legislative, the executive and the. Judicial. It"godfrht'to make thebe hi'dependent, • tha 'one of the other,-so"thufneltTier might overshadow or destroy, the other. The supreme .court, th.e most dignified judicial' bp'dy In fhe' world' [applause], 'was ' appointed ; to- Interpret : the laws and the constitution and when that court pronounces a decree as to the powers of congress or as to'any other constitutional question there Is but one right method If we disagree, and that is the method pointed out by the constitution—to amend It to conform to our views. .That Is the position today. Mr. Hill said In his speech of this assault upcn the court; "That provision, if it means anything, means that it 19 the duty'of congress to reconstruct the supreme court ol' the country. It means" —and now note his words— "and It was Ope'nly avowed that It means the adding of additional members to it or the turning out oC office ami reconstructing the whole court; I will not follow any such revolutionary step as tlmt." You arc to answer, then, my fcilow-cltl- Kens, in all the gravity of a greut crisis, whether you will sustain a party that proposes to destroy tho balance which our fathers instituted In our forrii of government, and wherever a tumultuous con- gross disagrees with the Supreme court and a subservient president is in the White House, that tho judgment of tho court shall 1)0 reconsidered and reversed by in creasing the number of judges and packing tho court with men who will decide us congress wants them to. I cannot exaggerate tho gravity and the importance and the danger of this assault upon our constitutional form of government. One of tho kindest and most discriminating critics who ever wrote with a foreign pen about American affairs, Mr. Bryce, in his "American Commonwealth," pointed out this danger that the constitution did not fix the number of tlic supreme court judges and it was possible for a reckless congress and a reckless executive to subordinate and practirally destroy the supremo court by tho process I have just described arid the Englishman, after speaking of this, says: "What prevents such assaults on tho fundamental luwP Nothing but. tho fear of tho people, whoso broad good sense nnd attachment to the principles of tho constitution, may bo generally relied on to condemn such a pcrvcrsiun of its powers." [Applause]. Our English friend did not misjudge, ] think, the sound, good sense of tho American people when an issue like this is to be presented. Whatever thu question is, whethtr Mr. Bryan's view u£ tho constitutional question shall prevail or that of tho august tribunal appointed by the constitution to settle it, the courts are the defense of the weak. Tho rich and powerful have other resources, but the poor have not. The high-minded, independent judiciary that will hold to tho line In questions between wealth and labor, between the rich and tho poor, is the defense and security of tho defenseless. [Applause.] TARIFF DEBATE ALREADY WON. Countrr Has llad a Tenclier Called Ex- perie'nce, Harrison 5»y». ' I do not Inteud to sp end any time in tho discussion of the tariff question. That debate has been won [applimso], and need not bo protracted. It might run on eternally upon theoretical lines. Wo had had some experience, hut that was historical, remote and not very Instructive to this generation. We needed an experience of our own, and wo have hnd it. [Laughter.] It has been a hard lesson, but n very convincing one, aud everybody waa in tho school house when it was given, [Laughter.] Mr. Dcpew [applause and laughter], whose absolute accuracy and veracity when ho tells u story you can all bear witness to, in telling that story of our tiilk on the White house steps did nn unintentional ' injury to mj modesty. [Laughter.] I did-not for a moment suppose that any of thoso influences that have elevated American prosperity until the mark on the stones was higher than any other record that had been made was at all significant or ot consequence. As I have more than once said, it was a controversy not of men—It wns not a question of what men controlled tho government—it was wholly a controversy between Democratic followers and Republican followers, and in this tariff debate—if it is to go on—we have history so fresh and recent, history so indelibly written on tho hearts and minds of our people that certain things must bo admitted, and among, these things is tho historical fact, that iu 1893 we had tho most prosperous times, the most general diffusion of prosperity, the most universal participation in prosperity, and the highest mark of prosperity we have ever attained as a nation. [Ap plauso.] •Now, what has happened since? Then our business prosperity was like the strong current of the mighty river; now'it is like the'fading spring In an August drought: A panic In 1893" of most extraordinary character has been succeeded by a gradual drying up—lens, and less, and less.untll universal .business distraction and anxiety prevails all over our community. I do not believe there has ever been a time, except perhaps in the very heat'of some active panic, when universal business fear and anxiety -and watchfulness even to the point of desperation have characterized this great metropolis as it does today. [Applause.] Men have- been afraid to go away on a vacation. They have felt that they must'every day'In this burning heat come into the city and watch their business. That is the situation. What-has brought it about? Gentlemen, who Is there to defend the Wilson tariff bill? Who says It is a good'tariff measure? [Applause, and a voice: "Nobody:"] I do not believe a Democrat can be found to -say, that t Is, ' Mr. Cleveland repudiated It. It was so bad that he would not attach his signature to It, and it became a law without it. He said it was full of incongruities and inequalities, .And it was a better one than he-wanted to 'give us. [Laughter and applause.] What has.lieen the result of that measure? .When a few years ago, during the' 'Morton campaign in New Tork [applause], I discussed this question I said that the old Democratic doctrine' used .to be that the burden of-our public, expenses should be laid upon Importations, that the, tariff 'should pro•vide for 'the cost. : of ruining;'-dur' government, and .1 pointed 'out then .how our Democratic friends, had left, that platform and were now endeavoring .to obtain revenue by Internal taxation rather than to allow th'e support of the government, of the United-States to be' maintained upon foreign goods. What'has 'been the importation of the result? One of Ithjse' -experiments In internal - tax-- •ation—the- income tax—was held to .be 'unconstitutional by the .supreme court- Bo eager were' our Democratic friends to relieve' their :; embar'assmeht' and to put:dlrectlyiupon the; pe'ople- according to . the JEntrlish system-a.tax; to support: our government that .they ; passed r an unconstitutional' act' In' 'order' to 'levy 'internal taxesiand'help-out a tariff till]' iwhich had-reduced the duties-upon im-" portatlons. Now what has been the effect of that? It has failed to produce revenues enough supplemented by our Internal tax to maintain the grovcrn- ment. There has been an annual deficit approaching $00,000.000 every year, .and the national treasury has been continually In a state oC embarrassment. Our manufacturers, left without adequate protection, have been successively and gradually closing up and putting out Ihelr fires. MAINTAINING T1IU GOI,!) RESERVE. Canuot l}u Done Whim .Tln-ru I* nn An- nujil Dortclt hi Incoino. But not only has this produced such an effect, but it has practically contributed to thu financial d'jpression that we arc in. Tho maintenance of the gold reserve up to 8;00,000,000 by th'n government for tho redemption of our note* was essential to confidence in the stability of our finances. When the government reserve runs down people begin at once to say: "We may come to the silver basis; gold is goingout; the reserve is going -down," and this fear •is greatly increased. But how can you keep a gold reserve of one. hundred millions whc:i you have not got one hundred millions in the treasury all told; how can you Tiialntain this gold reserve for the redemption of notes when you have an annual and continual deficit in your income not equalling your expenses? So that, my fr'.ends, this tariff bill has not only contributed by increasing importation, tiking away tho needful support for our own manufactures, but it has- contributcd in the way of increasing the silver scare to bvinpr us i::to the present condition of distrust and dismay which now prevails. [Applause.] Tho bond sales have been iiiudo necessary by reason of this deficit—because, I think, every ono will agree that as a financial problem It is one thing when you have $300,000,000 surplus in the treasury to keep ?liu$3in gold, and quite another when you have only $125,000,000 in the treasury all told. ; Applause.] fcBut I did not Intend to follow this qucs tlon further. I am as much, however, op posed to cheapening the American work ingmon aud working women as I am tc cheapening our dollars. [Applause.] am quite as strungly in favor of keeping a day's work at home as I am gold dollars [Applause.] If it could be known touigh that the gallant soldier, that typica young American, that distinguished and useful stuuvman, William McKinlcy, o Ohio [applause and cheers], would cer tuiiily be elected president, how the bear; would take to cover on the stock exchangi tomorrow! My friends, as a Republican 1 am proud of many things, but i can sun up us the highest satisfaction 1 have hud in the party and it£ career tlmt the pros pect of Republican success never did dis turb business. [Applause].' ' THE EXECUTIVE IS IMPORTANT. Only a "Sound Mouey" PrcHlilcnt Will Maintain tho Parity, In connection with this financial mat tor do wo all realize how important the choice of a president is? Do you know that as the law is now, without the pas sage of any free coinage of silver law a all, it is in tho power of the president o the United States to bring the business oi this country to a silver basis? All he has to do Is to let the gold reserve go,- to pay out silver when men ask for gold and we ore there already. • It is only because tho presidents of the United States that wo hiiyo had and the one we have now have regarded i\ under the law as his public duty to maintain the gold basis, maintaining that parity between our silver ant gold coins which the law declares is tho policy of the government, aijd because he lias had the courage to execute the powers given to him by the resumption act to :urry out that declaration of public law, Jmt our money is good as guld. [ undertake, therefore, to say that if Mr, Bryan or a man holding his view were, in the presidential chair, without any legis- ntlou by congress, we should be on a sil; ver basis iu a week's timu. [Applause]. SOME TALK OX FKKK SII/VBK. S»y« It In Not Demanded Because We Need More Money. The silver question—what is it? Do wo want silver because we want more 'money—a larger circulation? 1 have not heard a'.iyb dy say so. Mr. Bryan is not urging it on that biisis. If any one were to seek' to give that as a reason for wanting free silver he would be very soon confounded by thes:atement that free silver would put more gold out of circulation than the mines of the United States could possibly put In in years of silver, and that Instead of having,more money wo would have less. [Applause.]. With our sis hundred and oild millions .of gold driven out of circulation we<will reduce' the per- capita money : of this country between eight and-nine dollars.-. So it is not lor more money. We have-an abuiidan't. supply of circulating menium—gold, silver, national bank paper, greenbacks,'treasury notes fractional silver. • We have.something like f2:j per capita, of pur population. What is it- then that creates-thls-'domand for silver? It- is openly avowed: It is not more'dollars, but cheaper dollars that are wanted . It is a •lower standard of value that, they are de- mauding. They sny gold has gone.up until it has censed- to be a proper standard of value, and- they want silver. .-But how do they want it?. Now, my friends, there is 'a great.deal of talk of bimetallism, of the. double standard, anil n great deal of confusion In the use of tho c terms. Bimetallism is the use of the twj. metals as money, where they are both used. By a double standard they mean that we have a gold dollar and a silver dollar which shall be units of value by which all property and all wages and everything is to bo measured. . . - \ow, our fathers thought that when they used'these t^o metals iu coinage they must-detcrmine.the intrinsic relative value of the two, so that a comparison, of the markets of the world would show just what relation one ounce of silver bore to one ounce of gold—how many ounces of silver it. took to be equal to one Ounce of gold In th'e" markets uf the world where gold and silver were used—and they carefully went about 'ascertaining that. Jefferson; and Alexander Hamilton gave their, great powers to the determination-of that _:.«.->inn' anil th'av collected the market that It is essential that the length of his stilts below the tread shall be the same. [Laughter.] What is the law that governs here? It is just this simple- law of human selfishness and self- protection, that if you have two things, either one of which will pay a debt, and one Is not. as valuable as Uie other you are sine to,Biv(? tho least valuable one. [Laughter.] H is just upon the principle tli.it a man who can pay a- debt with one O.ollar won't give two—precisely that. So that unless these two things maintain approximately the relative value tliai sixteen ounces nf silver is worth one ounce of gold you cannot'make such dollars circulate together. The one that is more valuable the man will keep In his pocket, or he will sell It to a bullion broker, and everybody will use the other. Tt is an old Inw proclaimed years ago In England by Gresh.-im that the cheaper dollar drives th'e better one out. [Applause.] It has been illustrated in our history repeatedly: ]t has been illustrated in the history of every commercial na- In tho world, and anybody of half sense couirt sec why it is so, [Laughter.] You might just as well say that if we, had two kinds of bushels—if the law should declare that sixty pounds oC wheat was a bushel and thirty pounds of wheat was a bushel—wel! what farmer would deliver wheat by the sixty-pound measure If he had .sold it by the bushel. [.Applause.] Now so nice were our people about this—in trying to adjust tills—that they went into decimal fractions. We say 1C to 1. In fact that is not the ratio. It is 15.938 plus. Now t-h.-it is (he actual ratio. It is so near 10 that, we call it lii, but tho men who nvidc our silver dollar and our gold dollar were so nice in their calculations that they went into decimal fractions into thousandths to adjust it accurately. Now what do these people propose to do? To take any account of thousandths? No. When tho markets of tho.world fix tho relative value of silver or gold at 31 ounces of silver to! ounce of gold'thcy propose to say 1C. [Laughter.] Well, my friends, there has been nothing i)iore«musin;j; and yet I fe-'.r that with the thoughtless it ni:iy have bce:i i:i some measure misleading. Then the repeated dccl.-.r.-ition of Mr. Bryan thnt ev.-rybocly admitted that bimetallism was a good thin-!;—there is no debate on that subject, nud that the debate of the campaign has come, down to this fine pointH-'tlie Republicans say that we cannot have this good thing without tho consent of England, and we say wo can have it ourselves"—and he has endeavored to pivot this great campaign with its tremendous Issues upon that pinhole. [Applause. ] RESOURCES, WEALTH AND POWER. Tlie Argiuncut «» to National Sovereignty Given a Review. We hear a great den.1 about the great resources and wealth and power of this country, and I do not allow anybody to go beyond my appreciation of them; bur, what is the use of talking about all that when you do not propose to put this wealth aud power and influence behind the silver dollar at all. [Applause.] As things are now the silver dollars that we have are supported bythe government and the government that supports this silver bullion has issued these dollars on its own account—not for the mine ownur—and it has pledged its sacred honor it would make every one of these silver dollars as good as .a'goW dollar. [Great applause.; And that is a powerful support. Without it disparity between these two metals would at once show itself in the markets and there would be some sense In the talk which our Popullstio friends indulge In when they speak of tho power of this government, if they propose to put this power behind their free coinage. But they do not. They propose that the men who dig silver out of the mines may bring It to the mint and have it stamped und handed back to them as a dollar, the government having no responsibility about It. These men would reject with contempt tho proposition that free coinage was to come with a pledge on behalf of tho government to maintain tho parity of the two dollars. [Applause.] But tnis feeling is well adapted to touch the prevailing American bumptiousness, and well adapted to touch, that prejudice against England which wo people have. But, can we do this thing ourselves.. It is not a ques-. tlon whether we will do It oraafcsjmo- body's consent whether we may, or ask the co-operution of somebody. Not at all. that iSiould be our American policy. plauso.] I have resisted in many campaigns this idea- that a debased cu rrenpy could help the workingmiin. C DEGRESSION At IN VKST1O ATIOJf. Tlic Speaker Re fern to i.lie C«Jcbr.ttei! Report to tho Semite. Thnt; first dirty errand tJiat a dirty dollar does is to cheat the, wurklngmnn. [Ap- plnnse.l My frii/cds, n cold, statistical inquiry, non-partisan in its character, was made by a committee of the senate ID ISM and Bonn; following years. The committee was comprised of Democrats and Republicans and they set out to study a* statisticians the relative prices of commodities and wages at different periods in. thu history of our country. This investigation covered the years of the war. It showed how prices of goods went up and in what proportion labor advanced. Goods went up rapidly, because the pencil process is a quick process. Wages went up haltingly and (slowly, because the employer has to be persuaded. Now I have here i-omcwhero a memorandum of eome of those facts resulting from that inv.-stlgatloii. Labor in one period advanced 3 per cent. Goods, the things the men had to buyout of their wages for their families nnd living, advanced 16 per cent. Through another period the laborer's wages advanced K'jtj percent., and the price of goods advanced 49 per cent. In another period the wagot of tho laborer \\vni up 05 per ceat,. and the prices of merchandise advanced 90 per cent. In another period the laborer'i! wages went up -i:> per cent, and tha prices of goods 117 per ceut. Sow, tiiase statistics are the result of ft cold. ?fieiit,iflo inquiry, made by IUCD of both parties to determine what. the. truth was, ms'l the truth they found was that il>r: enormous disparity between the ndv.ir/^e of the cost of . living and the n'lvniu-s •••? wages falls in exactly with wh:itwa would conclude ir. advance. Thelaborc:-- ' • " ' '• ' ••-•'•"•>. with header .. .-.,. ••••• would do wo '. . : . - * - - • - - - .... and settle tli -i;.- i..-....: - ... •• '-deep inquiry t;- -.-'•- . • • > ; you as to v " : '•' - ••• i ...'«. another CM. . . • . • • '••• •"'' ihe war. wiio;i way. ? .. ( . ' ..-•--. and tediously aifd ito cn.st oi y«..*•;.. i..;. moved on so swiftly. [ Mr. Harrison looked at his watch--cries of "Oo oa, we are a!3 here."] All of my strength and my voice is not here. 1 have sketched very hastily •ome of the evils that will result from thi£ change to a debased dollar, a contraction of our currency by the exporting of oui gold, and a readjustment of everything. ILLUSTRATED WITH A STORY. UUO o.,.vini anil they collected' the mar reports and' they 1 'studied with alV'their power that question', and' wherf they-found; what appeared;to.-be.the,general and average relative ralue of, these-two metals they fixed "upon i ratio between them. Now what was the object of all that? Why did they lump all? Because they fully understood, that unless these.dot-, lars' were ' of the same Inherent;. .in- trirrc • value',' both : of them'' could' 1 hot be standards of value, and. both'could not circulate. Why, everybody know» : I will tell you what this government con donlone, Itcanflx its money unit. It can declare by law what shall be the relative value of an ounce of gold and an ounce.of silver, but:it' cannot .make that last declaratioj good. [Applause], It is unquestionably fully within the power of this government to bring this country to a sllvcr'basls fty coining silver do lars" and making them legal tender. They can do that. This, government says tha- .you shall take one of those dollars In discharge of any debt owing to you for a dollar, notwithstanding you may have- loaned gold-dollars, but it cannot say and enforce its decree If you should call out the regular army and navy and muster all our great modern warships and rfdd the rni.icia and put William J. Bryan in cjm- mand k of ;them—It cannot enforce the decree that one ounce of gold is thecquiva- ent of Ifl OUUL-CS of silver. [Great applause and ; cheers.] Not only that, uoc franco and England and Germany ™mlo that unless the inarke s respond. !>i,- jlause.] Why? You may ninnc mu ^....c i silver dollar for a debt; but u ' r..--o )ought my-goods at gold prices yu.i,....- uot make roe give as nvuiy yards ~. -.--.1 or a silver dollar as 1 have ben :-> ••'-• habit of giving for a gold one. [Aiii.i.iu.-:- md cheers.] WhatU another consequence? In th:s connection these gentlemen say: "\Vhy, lid not 'we win the battle at Bunker 1111 r" [Laughter.] ."Did uot we whip he British at Yorktown, nnd do you mean to say wo can't do it again?" Tho ogicof thse gentlera^n—If I may use nch a-term-In connection with such bal- lerdash—is that a-nntlon ihat can do these great things and establish its political in- [epondoiK-b can also be financially and commercially'free. It cannot bj free of the laws of trade. [Applause.} * * * i * * * ' .Take tho laboriug man; how full of sympathy they arc for him. My countrymen I never spoke a 1 false word to the-, laboring man in myillfe.: [Greatapplause.] v I have uover sought-to reac£-his vote or influence,by.np'ueal3..t6 that.part of. nil nature'that will pollute the intellect and. the corisc'ieniie. Ttmvo believed 1 , »ud I bo- |iev«: tod-iy, .thut auy system that'main:- (Alns-tho prices of labor in this-country, that'brin >'hqpe into the lite of the labor- iiigVnan, ; that'oimbk-s him to put by that; •which ft'rvqit-hlfn'n'StiKe" ill good order; In •-the property-of ihri 1 country, Is t,he policy The Trouble* of a Ticket Ageut on tht Mexican Border. I road the other day in a paper s- most amusing description of the troubles of the ticket agent at Laredo, a station on the Jlexican railway, who had to sell tickets to people who came from the United States with "United States money going into Mexico, and then to people who came out of Mexico and who gave him Mexican money. He had a large book bound up with yellow paper, and he had to cover one whote sheet in the calculation, usually, whan he sold a ticket. [Laughter.] That is what would happen everywhere. Everything would have to be readjusted— the prices .. £ everything, the whole intricate bu: ..ess adjustments of the country, \\-t-ld have to be readjusted— and while that process is going .on uncertainty would characterize business resulting in panic and disaster. They make a strong appeal txs the farmer. They say it will .put up prices. Well, in a sense, yes. Nominally, yes; really, no. If wheat goes from 50 cents to a dollar twenty the price has been increased, you will say; but if the price of everything also has gone up In the same proportion a tmshel Ol • wheat won't buy for the farmer any more sugar or coffee or farming implements or anything else that he has ,-to purchase. If that dollar won't buy Cor the farmer any more, or be a tetter dollar than the one we have now.where la the g-ood to anybody of introducing these fictitious prices that are.now real. They would work vory well for the farmer If the prices of'wheat, hay.'oatt and rye would 1 doublo and nothing else would double; but if -everything doublet who is tho richer? who' Is richer than be was before? .Only tho man who bought when we bad an honest dollar and paid Us a debased-one; onlyitho'mine owner who uses-this government to add. 50 cents tq the value of every dollar's worth of metal that he produces from his mine. [Applause.] That is not even n Democratic doctrine. It involves tho ido» Start this goverjimenrof ours shall pay not only it» debt of honor, but that it pay the interest on its bonds and circulating -notes in a debased currency: BAD AS THE TIME OF THE WAR. Tho Financial Question»» Troublous M Thoc of '01-'05. My countrymen, this country of ours during tho troublous times ot the war may have had severe trials, but these financial questions .are scarcely les« troubulous than those. During those troubulous times wo had accumulated^ debt so largfi that many ofour pessimistic Democratic friends told us wo could never pay it. We had had a currency which we were compelled to make a legal tender and uso that the constitution might live;, but no sooner had the war ended than the great conscience of this pe°P l0 declared that the nation that has crushed this great rebellion, that, has lifted itself inltsprido and its constitutional glory to a fearles* position among the nations of the-earth should not continue to have a depreciated and debased current y, and wo walked up to resumption and we made the greenback dollar a par dollar m gold. Shall we now in those times, when all. the Ills we suiter are curable if we only- pass a re-venue bill that wil generally replenish tho treasury of the United States, that, will generously protect American labor against injurious competition, and brlnpr back 'again full prosperity to all Our people—shaJl we now contemplate for a moment, or allow to have any power over- our hearlt and minds this temptation' to debase sour currency and put it In Its financial position alongside--of the Asiawic countries or our weak and struggling, .sister republic of Mexico. Does not "every' instiiiec of pride, doM not every iristiuet of solf-intfrcRt:, doe« n« 'every thoughtful affectionate Interest in ' others, docs not our sense of- justice and honor rise up to rcbtifec .the Infamottf proposition i hat this government and U* peopl; shall •'become a 1 tuition nnd a peopfe of repudiation. [Cheers.]

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