Freeport Journal-Standard from Freeport, Illinois on July 5, 1968 · Page 6
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July 5, 1968

Freeport Journal-Standard from Freeport, Illinois · Page 6

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Freeport, Illinois
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Friday, July 5, 1968
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Page 6
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FREEPORT JOURNAL-STANDARD Published daily except Sunday and six legal holidays By The Freeport Journal-Standard Publishing Company AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER FRIDAY, JULY 5, 1968 JAMES RESTON The Agony Of GOP The Highland College Budget The Highland Community College Board Tuesday night adopted a new budget calling for a total tax increase of 7.5 cents, five cents of it for operating expenses and the rest for building purposes. The action pushes the college to the maximum rate of 25 cents allowed under state law. It is our belief, as it was of several people who attended the public hearing preceding final approval of the budget and the tax increase, that college officials are trying to do too much, too soon. We further believe that the board is following too closely the assumption that increased spending will necessarily increase the quality of education. The district served by Highland Community College has a broad range of public service needs still unmet, such as financing growing common school expenses, protecting the physical environment and providing for the needs of the elderly and the less fortunate in a humane fashion. If those needs are to be met, the cost must be paid out of roughly the same pool of revenue upon which Highland College draws. We agree that some salary increases for college faculty members and administrators were needed. But we think they could have been held to a much lower level and still remained competitive with most other colleges around the state. . The board could have further re- 'duced the need for new funds by postponing several courses it now offers that are not essential to meet state requirements. The public hearing Tuesday night was not well attended. Those who attended had to sit for several hours and listen to the board and administration explain and question the budget before they were allowed to make any inquiries of their own. The administration, moreover, rather glibly brushed aside questions about possible reductions in certain salaries or cutbacks in newly approved or already existing programs. While we think the extensive use of tax anticipation warrants is a wasteful method of public financing, we do not consider that to be the real issue raised by the new college budget. To the contrary, the real questions are whether this budget goes too far too quickly in the context of other needs in the area, and whether the large increase approved by the board really will produce significantly higher quality education at the college in its early stage of development. These questions never were really faced in the discussion Tuesday night. We remain unpersuaded that a tax increase on the order approved Tuesday night was necessary. It is clear that the college operating expenses cannot continue to increase at the rate they did in this budget without seriously damaging the capability of Northwestern Illinois to deal with its' problems in areas other than higher education. That is something that the board and administration of Highland Community College should reflect upon most seriously as they begin making decisions that will affect the next budget. A Rockefeller-McCarthy Ticket? The St. Louis Post-Dispatch suggested in a recent editorial that in this year of election surprises, the possibility of a Nelson Rockefeller- Eugene McCarthy ticket could not be discounted. At best, this is only the speculation of some editorial writer with time on his hands, but the events of the past few days indicate there may be some political shuffling. . McCarthy supporters in several states have walked out of state conventions to protest the number of delegates they had been given to the Democratic national convention. [Since then, a group called the Coalition for an Open Convention has been formed. The organization charges that the Democratic convention is practically rigged in favor of Hubert Humphrey, and they fear their candidate and his ideals will be buried beneath an avalanche of Humphrey votes. They have indicated that if Humphrey is nominated, they will shift their support to Nelson Rockefeller, if he is the Republican nominee. '. This prospect, of course, raises some interesting problems which Jeaders of both parties, and supporters of all candidates, will be wrest- Jing with in the coming weeks. The Democrats face a wide split in their party which would almost assuredly throw the November election to the Republicans. The party regulars must consider ways to Appease the dissidents and still nominate Humphrey. They also •must decide how they can reach the youth, the blacks and the poor •with Humphrey at the head of the ticket. I The dissidents, however, also !face a dilemma because their convention falls several weeks after the Republican convention. If Nelson Rockefeller is not nominated by the Republicans, and McCarthy is not nominated by the Democrats, they will be forced to start a fourth party campaign or vote reluctantly for Humphrey. If they start a fourth party drive, they will become politically impotent within their own party for several years, and if they vote for Humphrey they may- be voting against their principles. The Republicans, however, must do some re-evaluating of their own. Richard Nixon is clearly the leader for the nomination with nearly enough delegates to win on the first ballot.. But Nixon does not draw well among independents and weak Democrats, a group the Republicans must dent to win any election. The Republicans thus face possible defeat with Nixon at the head of the ticket. Rockefeller, however, finds great support from the liberal-moderate Republicans and the independents, and he possibly could gather more votes than Nixon as head of the Republican ticket. He does not have much support among strong Republicans, thus making it difficult to gain the nomination. In all probability, the Coalition for an Open Convention will have little effect on the nominations of either party. The prospects of more divisiveness with the parties may cause party members to reconsider past decisions and seek compromises to bring the dissidents back to the fold. Thus the Coalition may only give the pundits more opportunity to speculate on the uncertainties of this election year. But no speculation, however outlandish, can be discounted this year. H Lef Wa//ace Speafc President Johnson, in a speech Thursday, told his audience it was •anti-American to heckle and pre-vent George Wallace from making 'campaign speeches. The remarks grew out of a disturbance in Minneapolis this week jn which hecklers stopped the third- iparty candidate from giving his 'speech. , Such actions, regardless of who '.participates, are indeed undemo- ^cnitic, mid in the mime of justice, "they threaten a very basic freedom. George Wallace docs appeal tu many racists and bigots, and no doubt, he inflames some of the problems of prejudice and hatred between races in this nation. But he is a candidate for the presidency he has supporters, and he must be allowed to speak. President Johnson said we should heed the words of Voltaire who said: "I may not agree with what a man says, but I will defend to the death his right to say it." George Wallace does have the right to present his case to the American public, and like all other candidates, he deserves protection from those who would prevent him. © 19H8, NY Times News Service NEW YORK - At. the art of losing elections, few political organizations in the world can match the Republican party. They have lost seven of the last nine presidential races, and while the election of 1968 should be almost impossible for them to throw away, they might just manage it. If they do stagger and blunder to defeat this time, it will not be .possible for them to say they were unlucky or couldn't see the danger signals. The withdrawal of President Johnson, the death of Robert Kennedy, the continuation of an unpopular war in Vietnam, and the fierce divisions within the Democratic Party have all worked in their favor. GOP Crosscurrents The popularity polls have been running clearly and consistently against their man. They show Vice President Humphrey beating Nixon, and Gov. Rockefeller of New York beating Humphrey. The latest Gallup Poll also shows Sen. Eugene McCarthy running ahead of Nixon, and the Gallup Poll on the conduct of the war is clearly in favor of another bombing pause in all of North Vietnam and in favor of bringing American troops home as the South Vietnamese are trained to replace them. Yet the more the polls indicate the weakness of both Nixon and his war policies, the stronger he seems to get with the Republicans who will pick the party's nominee at Miami Beach in August. Republican voters, of course, tell Mr. Gallup that they would prefer to have Nixon handling the war than Humphrey, but when Gallup asked them if they would approve turning the war over gradually to the South Vietnamese and bringing American troops home in 100,000 lots as soon as each 100,000 South Vietnamese took over, 75 per cent of the Republicans said they would approve. This was even higher than the national average of all voters, 71 per cent of whom approved a staged withdrawal from the war. Eisenhower's Formula It may be, of course, that Nixon is beginning to pay attention to this sentiment. He certainly did not persuade Sen. Mark Hatfield of Oregon, the most consistent Republican dove in the Senate, to support Nixon by repeating in private to Hatfield what Nixon has said about the war in public. On the record, however, Nixon has actually managed to r e verse the policy Gen. E i s e n - hower found so effective in promising to disengage American power from the Korean war. In the campaign of 1952, which started the only Republican era of the last 36 years, Eisenhower said: "There is no sense in the United Nations, with America bearing the brunt of things, being constantly compelled to man those Korean front lines. We do not want Asia to feel that the white man of the West is his enemy." What Eisenhower was saying then is much closer to what Sen. McCarthy is saying now than what Nixon is saying: "If we cannot win the war, at least let us not shed so much of our blood in that region," Gen. Eisenhower argued. "We must avoid the kind of bungling that led us into Korea and could lead us into others. The young farm boys must stay on their farms; the students must stay in school." Nixon Persists Nixon, however, is still sticking on the hard line. He is arguing for a military' victory and against reductions in defense spending, and he may be right, but there is no evidence that American public opinion favors "How to Siifoeed in the Business of ... Politics, Without Really Vying" these themes, or that Nixon could preside over a peaceful era by following them. Beyond that, there is another point the Republicans may have to consider. The nomination of Nixon could help bring about a cease-fire in Vietnam but for an odd reason. There is no man in American political life the Russians distrust more than Nixon. If he were nominated, it is certainly not beyond the realm of possibility that they would really use all their influ- ence on North Vietnam to bring about a cease-fire before the election. But that would merely enable the Democrats to go to the polls saying the fighting 'was over, and thus enhance their chances of keeping the Republicans out of power for another four years. GOP Runs Backwards If the job of the next President of the United States is to get peace, and find the m o - mentous sums of money needed to deal with the menace of the poor at home and abroad, this is likely to be done only by a substantial reduction in military expenditures, which in turn depends on greatly i m proved relations with the Soviet Union. Is Nixon the best man to win the election? To get peace? To negotiate a detente with Moscow? Maybe these are not the right questions, but if they are, the Republicans could be going in the wrong direction. RUSSELL BAKER: Tongue In Cheek The Perils Of Two-Week Vacation © 1968, NY Times News Service NANTUCKET, Mass. - Excerpts from a vacationer's diary: Saturday — Arrived exhausted and trembling after 14-hour drive. This house is named "Mare's Nest" and has a library consisting of every National Geographic published up to 1938, a complete set of The Bobbsey Twins, two novels by Marie Corelli, and a copy of "Beau Geste." The c h i 1 d r e n have gone to bed in a state of shock. Reason: no television set. Bambi wants to go home first thing tomorrow. Little Archie says "I feel like I've been amputated." Sunday — a 48-hour day of rain. Am bitten by a spider. More Trouble Monday — Rain continues like an all-day bombardment. Buy the children a radio to give them some noise. Read "The Bobbsey Twins Go to the Seashore" and 17 issues of the National Geographic, and pray for sunshine. ••Wail! Sloji! You're Acliag ui a Tout of Ukas Public HyMiria! llyMfria! ll Tuesday — Sunshine! Glorious sunshine! Everyone rushes to the beach, soaks up four hours of sun. Have just returned from Dr. Vetch's for treatment of acute sunburn. " Stay out of the sun for at least a week," he warns. "What am I going to do?" I ask. "Drop by my house," he says, "and I'll lend you some back copies of the National Geographic to help pass the time." Wednesday — Snaak into town and buy copy of "Playboy." Thursday — Josette bends the car around the fence post trying to get out of the yard. Damage: about $150. Friday — Every fuse in "Mare's Nest" blows out at 8:10 p.m. Conduct a two-hour search for the fuse box and finally locate it in a secret chamber under the back porch. Strike head on nail-studded rafter and have to visit Dr. Vetch for tetanus injection. Saturday — Finally solve mystery of why Bambi, Josette and little Archie have been so serene the past few days. They have found a friend with a television set and are sneaking off to his house to mainline big injections of "McHale's Navy" and "Gun- smoke." Sunday — Rain. Play "Go Fish" for six hours with children. Monday — Finish the last National Geographic in the library. Josetle loses the car key at the beach. Little Archie undertakes to fix the antique grandfather's clock on the stairway, and it now strikes 52 times every 15 minutes. Tuesday — Carried to Dr. Vetch's by ambulance for eight .stitches in scalp after being struck by an escaped surfboard while floating in the water off the south shore. Still More Trouble Wednesday — The clock repairman comes and for $29 restores things temporarily to working order. Since 7 p.m., however, the clock has been striking 208 times every hour. Thursday — Our neighbors in "Heathcliffe's Nightmare" complain to the police that our clock is keeping them awake. The clock man promises to take it away and replace it with an even more antique clock for $835. Little Archie got up on the roof this afternoon and kicked off half the shingles on the East end of "Mare's Nest." Friday — Awakened at 3 a.m. today by a sense of dampness about the feet and found the lower half of the bed afloat as a result of heavy rain pouring in through the damaged roof. Developed a fever of 103 about noon, and Dr. Vetch urged going into the hospital as a precaution against pneumonia. Saturday — Leaving "Mare's Nest" for home within the hour. Have not felt so good for a year. Children have never been happier. Dr. Vetch just dropped in to say good-by, but as the clock was striking the hour it was impossible to converse. Sensed, however, that he was genuinely going to miss me, and in a moment of emotion handed him my copy of "Playboy." He seemed as delighted to "get it as I was to see the end of another vacation. MAX LERNER French Recoil One old combatant emerges again into the light that beats on a vindicated throne, the other goes back once more into the shadows of defeat. I'm speaking, of course, of Charles de Gaulle and Pierre Mendes-France. De Gaulle is resplendent with the glory of the most consummate parliamentary victory in France for 50 years. Mendes- France was barely nosed out of his seat, but the thin margin cannot disguise the bitter taste of defeat for a man who has had his withdrawals and returns. What kind of country is it, one may ask, that brings back from prison and exile the old right-wing Putschists and conspirators — Bidault, Salan, Argaud — and has no room among the deputies for the grandest and truest liberal that France has produced since Briand and Blum? 'Politics Of Recoil The consequences of the student rebellion in France have now worked themselves out full- circle, and De Gaulle proves to have been its greatest beneficiary while Mendes-France is one of its incidental victims. The student leaders didn't intend it that way, of course, but they brought it about. They were hailed as "revolutionaries," yet see what they achieved. Perhaps revolutions are too important to be left to revolutionaries. For a moment in May it looked as if not only France but much of Europe was on the brink of overturning. But then came the politics of recoil, and the moment in May became — in G.M. Trevelyan's wonderful phrase — "a turning point in history that didn't turn." Nor will it do any good to delude oneself, as liberals are doing in France and America alike, that DeGaulle owes his victory to the fat, rich, overfed, bejeweled G a u 11 i s t bourgeoisie. They would have voted for DeGaulle anyway. The landslide effect came from many, including factory workers, who had formerly voted the left-wing slates and switched over. Many of them believed in the need for change, perhaps even drastic social change, but not by the methods they now associate with the black and red banners of student revolt. Trends In France The irony of it is that Mendes- France is the one man on the left whom De Gaulle has always respected. But Mendes-France is also the one man of the Old Left whom the young people of the New Left respect, Mendes-France and DeGaulle have much in common. Both are revolutionaries, not in the sense of playing at it, but in the best sense of being resolved to make radical changes to live with the future. Both, also, are imbued with tradition, although with different phases of it—De Gaulle with the religious and martial values, Mendes-France with the values of a parliament which has made him an unyielding foe of De Gaulle's authoritarian bent. Mendes-France does not share with many in France and America today the great indignity we do to democracy— the indignity of taking it for granted. I have been suggesting that there are really three revolutionary currents in France: the revolutionary traditionalism of De Gaulle; the Old Left, in the form of the Communist Party and trade-unions, and their willing or unwilling Socialist allies in the Federation of the Left; and the New Left, in the form of the passionate student movements and the breakaway worker segments. France Not Reactionary I suppose Mendes-F ranee could have saved himself if he had stuck with the Old Left forces as Mitterand and others did, and thus kept the support of the Popular Front cadres. He could have saved himself, also, if he had kept his support of the student revolts silent and discreet and thus avoided becoming a scapegoat in the politics of recoil against the revolt. But Mendes-France didn't and doesn't play it that way. His appearance at the big Charenton rally, where the student hostility to the Communist union officials was most vocal , doomed him with the Communists and made him a national symbol of the revolt. His final gesture, in offering on May 29 to form a provisional government if De Gaulle and Pompidou resigned, earned him also the vengeance of the regime, which assigned a strong social- welfare Gaullist to run against him. Yet it would be folly to believe that France today is a reactionary society. In France, as in America, there has been a sharp radicalizing of many who were traditional liberals or apolitical. In America this new radical-liberal consciousness is being partly channeled into the Eugene McCarthy candidacy. In France there is no longer Mendes- France as a viable force or symbol for the young, so there is only frustration. De Gaulle and Pompidou have a chance rfow to show that their promise of "participation" for workers and students was not meant merely as appeasement, but as part of a genuine revolutionary intent of their own, by their own methods. © 1968, Los Angeles Times Looking Backward Into The Files Of Freeport Newspapers ONE-HUNDRED YEARS AGO Brewers all over the United States advanced the price of lager beer to the extent of $4 on a barrel, the result of which has been that dealers discarded the old beer glasses and purchased new stock of smaller capacity to enable them to retail the staple beverage at the old figure. TWENTY-FIVE YEARS AGO Joe Spudich joins the FHS Athletic Department Staff. Lanark Christian Church is celebrating its Centennial. Fred Doeden, Forreston farmer, is the first to display a service flag graced by four stars. Not only does this household display the greatest number of stars, but is. the first Forreston home to have girls in' the regular service units, with Wanda and Rozetta becoming WAACs. Their brothers are Lloyd and Boyd. FIFTEEN YEARS AGO Wes Luedeking, won his third consecutive FHS Pentathlon. Mrs. Marjorie Cox, a member of the underwriting department of Economy Auto Insurance Company, found 25 roses on her desk and a piece of sterling, the gift of the company, on her 25th anniversary with the firm. Bob Eaton, Dave McNary and Brian McGinnis built a space machine in the Eaten back yard, 1572 W. Lincoln. The plans came from watching TV and scrutinizing an Elks magazine cover, with Malcolm Eaton assisting with the engineering problems. The ship is hollow, can be entered from the bottom, and has a peep window for the pilot. A fence around the space ship provides for maximum security and has a sign, "Restricted Area." Reader Enjoyed Railroad Article Editor Journal-Standard: When Pat Cunningham's article appeared in the Freeport paper it roused dormant memories for me — not just the passing of the freight house which was built about the same year that our grandfather was building two of his sons into switchmen, but the passing of a railroad. It brought back the memory of a child who wanted to be a railroad "man" when she grew up, and discovered there weren't many openings for women — two such jobs being expertly handled by Madge Gray and Gert Sullivan. It brought back the pride I felt that our Dad had anything to do with such a magnificent operation. It brought back the excitement of riding my bike down to get the check on payday (there were 12 hour days and 7 day weeks then) and occasionally getting to ride the switch engine and a caboose to and from Wallace Yards (before insurance laws, etc.), and sitting in the call boy's shack talking to Mr. Clancy. It also brought back memories of walking out to East Junction at night with Dad and watching the trains pick up messages from that big "Y" pole and wishing girls could do that job, of getting the 1 o a n e r watches from Mr. Luecke when the watch had to be checked regularly to keep that freight and passenger train on time, of the pride and shame that came from riding a pass to Chicago. The thrill of those big engines could only be matched by crossing the dry bridge across the yards when a big train roared underneath and possibly belched smoke right at the instant you stood there. Mr. Wilkey, maybe you feel the management of the freight house was all there was to the passing of the building — but I think I know what Pat feels, a nostalgia born in the railroad man's heart and that of his family's. It would be impossible for anyone to name all the men who were in any way connected with the freight house and railroad, but even though nameless, it is pleasant just to remember. Mr. Wilkey, one last comment on your criticism of Pat's reference to a railroad smell: You obviously lived on the wrong side of town or you just don't remember what a steam engine smcllcd like. MRS. L. M. BORDNER JR. 203 N. Bailey Ave.

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