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*t L EOII THE ARIZQNAREPUBLIC The Political Scene 'Page 6 , Nov. 6,' Mere 77»e Spin'/ Of TAe Lorrf /s, TAere /s £i n Corinthians 3:17 ; ,, .'/••, ' Published Every Morning by PHOENIX NEWSPAPERS, INC. 120 E. Van Buren, Phoenix, Arizona 85004 EUGENE C. PULUAM, Publisher Hobson's Choice No self-respecting parent who could afford it would dream of taking one child to the family physician for treatment and taking another child to a doctor in whom the parent had less confidence, merely because that doctor was less expensive. , -Yet because of existing law governing foster parents, a foster child must be taken to the county hospital for treatment. A foster parent cannot have the child treated by the family physician unless he pays the medical bill out of his own pocket, which in many cases is impos- , sible. We do not mean to suggest that patients at the county hospital receive inadequate or incompetent medical treatment. Staff doctors and doctors who volunteer their services at the hospital are top-notch, and provide excellent health care. But visits to the hospital are usually terribly time- consuming, and a foster child soon understands that the medical treatment he receives is somehow different from the medical treatment his foster parents' natural children receive. The House Judiciary Committee's subcommittee on Juvenile Institutions is aware of this inequality, therefore, it .plans to consult with insurance companies to discuss * optional medical health and hospitalization plans for- foster home children. Foster parents deserve credit for the vital service they render to their foster children and to society. They also deserve to be spared the unsatisfactory alternatives of paying for a foster child's health care out of their own pockets or having to wait in line at the county hospital. We hope the House subcommittee will come up with a satisfactory solution to what is now a Hobson's choice. One Year At A Time The General Electric strike will, we hope, be of short duration. The Nixon administration has been well- advised to keep hands off, and there is some evidence that negotiations will soon be commenced in the week-old strike. With 280 plants hiring 300,000 workers in 33 states, GE is about as nation-wide a manufacturing firm as any in the country. Which is one reason- why the current strike has such wide implications. Settlements at GE can be expected to affect a whole bevy of contract negotiations slated for next year. Long before the union contracts expired, negotiations were under way in General Electric's home office in Schenectady. Management had decided it could afford to pay an average increase of 20 cents an hour next year, and in effect asked the unions how they wanted the money distributed — in basic pay, in fringe benefits, etc. Labor negotiators objected to this placing of a ceiling over what they could get. BUT THE 20 CENTS is near the upper limit of recently negotiated contracts by other industrial giants, and probably is as much as. the unions can expect for 1970. .. Where the real conflict lies, however, is the matter of whether similar pay increases should now be agreed upon for 1971 and 1972. The unions want a three-year contract, with pay boosts spelled out for all three years. Management says that such agreements would be inflationary, guaranteeing the need for steadily increasing prices on its products through 1972. Just about the time that the strike was called, Presi- den Nixon wrote to 2,200 employers, labor leaders and prominent citizens asking them to hold the line on price increases. Since the administration feels it is getting inflation under control, it is seeking assurances that the oW cycle of higher wages followed by higher prices will not be re-established. '• SINCE INFLATION ranks second only to Vietnam in the nation's list of priorities, the need for banking inflationary fires is obvious. On the other hand, workers are faced with ever higher prices, and quite naturally want more pay to meet the higher cost of living. A contract with a substantial increase for one year would meet the immediate demand for more money and still leave subsequent wages to be negotiated when the economic putlook is a little clearer. One thing seems sure: if inflatipn isn't checked now, a 20- cent-an-hour boost won't satisfy the workers in 1971 and 1972. It might well be to the advantage of the union, as well as to the advantage of management, to settle for a substantial pay boost for one year and let the future take care of itself. Anything that will stop the continued : bdost of prices will obviously be to the advantage of the public. St- . ''• • ••'"•..' > • : • * ' '' "'. ' '". ." Deserved Recognition Over the years, Tucson resident Joseph Wood Krutch has won many distinguished awards. Which is hardly surprising, since Krutch is one of America's most distinguished men of letters, an author, critic, and philosopher whose writings and observations have graced the pages of many magazines and books. On Nov. 13, cMr. Krutch, together with Arthur F. 'Burns, newly-appointed head of the Federal Reserve Board, will be honored on the Columbia University campus with the 1969 Alexander Hamilton Medal, the highest award of the Association of the Alumni of Columbia College. No one is more deserving of a medal "in recognition of distinguished service and accomplishment in any field of human f endeavor," . ?1 : LAWRENCE Won't Cllt Vietnam Ties By DAVID LAWRENCE WASHINGTON - President Nixon has found a way to solve the Vietnam problem so far as it involves the United States. He asks the South Vietnamese government ultimately to assume full responsibility for fighting the war. This means that the build-up of a large army will have been virtually completed in the next few months and that American forces will be able to withdraw in large part some time in 1970. But Mr. Nixon, while indicating the process of America's pullout of its combat forces, is not abandoning South Vietnam. American military experts and technicians will be on hand, and there Will be a continuous flow of munitions and supplies to the South Vietnamese. This is the strategy which now is practiced by the Soviets and the Red Chinese at a high annual cost, but without casualties. Mr. Nixon cannot specify what he will do in every contingency. It is clear that if major attacks occur, or there are threats of a mobilization of larger forces against South Vietnam, the United States will be in a position to reconsider and determine just what steps can be taken at once to help the South Vietnamese. * * * MR. NIXON has in mind .the Vietnam- Ization of the war. He has been seeking this all along, but he has not been able to demonstrate the meaning of that term as he can today. The Saigon government is well aware of .Mr. Nixon's plans to withdraw American forces. In a nutshell, therefore, the South Vietnamese will be fighting their own war, and the United States will be helping them — riot with manpower, but with money and supplies. This should satisfy those elements of American public opinion which have been ignoring the importance of the Vietnam settlement to the future of Asia, and have been concentrating solely on getting American soldiers back home. But the prospects of a bigger war has been worrying the countries of Southeast Asia for some time. Mr. Nixon has made it clear from time to time that the United States should always be in a position to fulfill its pledges as proclaimed in the Southeast Asia collective defense treaty — namely, to help preserve the right of the peoples of. each country to determine their own form of , 'government, and to be free from acts of aggression. Naturally, he would ask Congress to authorize any use of military force. ;.,.... • »• •• •'•;; • THIS IS, therefore, really not a new turn of policy, but a carrying out of the promise made by President Nixon to ^ place the main burden of the war on the shoulders of the South Vietnamese. They have been fully aware that this move was coming, and they have asked for various kinds of military advisers to help them in training and arming sufficient forces for major combat operations, as well as for countering guerrilla warfare. Mr. Nixon's speech should satisfy domestic public opinion because it means accomplishing the purpose of almost completely withdrawing : troops, while at the same time South Vietnam will not be helpless or too weak to resist its advisers. In reviewing what has occurred since the United States announced a halt in the bombing of North Vietnam, Mr, Nixon has stressed again that America has done everything possible to encourage a constructive agreement at the Paris conference. • * * * BUT SINCE HANOI has refused to make any reciprocal concessions, the United States, while leaving the matter mainly to South Vietnam, could at any . time announce a readiness to be of help if North Vietnam launched a large-scale attempt to take over South Vietnam. The 'latter is not anticipated, however, as American troops will not withdraw completely till the South Vietnamese are strong enough to defend themselves. This means that the current low level of enemy action will have to continue for a long period before all American .forges are pulled out. Welcome Mat As I See If By Reg Manning Republic staff Artist Nixon Takes Rtde In Labor Isstie A Conservative View Preventive Detention Is Dilemma In Federal Bail Reform Proposal By JAMES J. KILPATRICK WASHINGTON - Ordinarily in this town, a man takes sides instantly, as a matter of partisan instincts. You are for the ABM, or against it. You are for Haynsworth, or against him. • You line up like football teams on gun control, open housing, and, the super-sonic, transport plane. This %, ,the,KnJPATBICK." way the game, is played; and . npbody-loves a middle-roader. Yet an issue is developing these days on Capitol Hill that requires a suspension of the rules. . On the question of further bail reform—more specifically, on the tough question of preventive detention—the - merits are so divided, and the opposing arguments so highly persuasive, that usually decisive men are beset by doubts. THE ISSUE may sound legalistic. It isn't. We are concerned .here with certain rights:of the individual that go back at,least.to tilagna Cart a; and we are equallyCon- cerned with certain rights of society that go back to the dawn of man. These misty concepts come down to the point of a pistol, every night in Washington, when a man who is free on bail commits a new crime of murder, robbery, or rape. - The question is: What should be done about it? Two of the most respected conservatives in Washington, Sen. Sam Ervin of North Carolina, and Atty. Gen. John Mitchell, have taken positions diametrically opposed. . -?; : :i MITCHELL is dead set on a new plan of preventive detention in particular, cases; he regards it as "the heart of bail reform." , . Ervin is just as dead set against the plan; he regards preventive detention as a "flagrant violation of due process that smacks of a police state rather than a democracy under law." Ervin attempts to minimize the seriousness of the problem by citing figures to show that "only about 4 per cent of those released on bail actually commit crimes while awaiting trial." :; The. figures, based on total offenses, are misleading. In the. category of serious, crimes — crimes of violence — the pic- , ture is alarming. , OF 345 persons indicted for robbery in Washington last year, and released on bail prior to trial, • 242 were rearrested while on bail. Mitchell is on sound ground when he insists that society has a right to be protected from professional criminals who treat their bail with contempt. The attorney general is pressing hard for amendments to the 1966 Bail Reform Act that would protect law-abiding per. sons 'from at least some of the 'savages who have made of this town a jungle. His plan would apply principally to persons arrested for robbery, burglary, rape, arson, arid, drug sales, especially if they were out on ball when arrested or had been convicted of, such an offense within the past . 10 years. IN SUCH cases, a federal judge could entertain a motion for preventive detention pending trial. A full-scale evidentiary Today's Postcard All That's Left By STAN DELAPLANE FIDDLETOWN — In snowy would go and stay until I ,was Illinois, winter, great /grandfa- called up Higher." ther remembe.red California in the days of, gold and wrote: "The climate ft.the gold mines of Amador suits'.me just fine, And if I had aBranch there I The Watchdog Committee Mr, rutch's cpncerjig are , , worldly, an,d we great respect for .his many pronouncements on the human condition and the. state of the world. Bwt it is equally important to note that he was. a, steadfast, bat'-' tier for conservation long before it became popular to be. His writings on the wonders of the desert, on the need to save our natural environment from the two- legged predators, pn the, necessity of living a life in harmony with nature, will endure so long, a,s men still care about beauty, about the spirit, and about the relationship between life and nature, We congratulate, Mr- Krutch on his prestigious award, Ana we salute the Associatiprj of th^ Alumni of C&lumbj^ £oll$ge;f«r, recognising the putgtaiidjnj* con- tr]b,utiQri8 of such a distinguished alumnus. PENTAGON We drove over to Amador City the other day. A block of wood and brick main street along Amador "Creek. The mother lodge towns fell apart in a leisurely fashion. The miners departed. The doors fell off the rusting hinges. THERE'S an old dirt road that runs along. Dry Creek to Fiddletown. About two miles down, great grandfather and his partners had a claim. It was rough living. Two of them died of cholera. "At that time hundreds of men were dying, 1 ' he. wrote, "and I often wonder to this day how it was we escaped." "They fried nearly everything they ate because it was the quickest way. Salt and pickled pork was sliced and fried or eaten raw. Beans were boiled with soda to make them cook quick, "Their coffee wag strong and black and their biscuits, when they had them, were as heavy hearted and sad as if they had lost all their friends." ALEXANDER and adversary proceeding would be held. And if the judge found "a substantial probability of the defendant's ultimate conviction," bail would be denied and the defendant would be locked up for at least 60 days. The prospect horrifies Senator Ervin. The North Carolinian is no weep-easy liberal; he is a conservative's conservative, a former judge, a dedicated constitutionalist. HE MAKES the counter- argument that Mitchell's plan violates the most fundamental precepts of our system of just tice, that a man is presumed innocent until proved guilty. What becomes of due process when a human being can be imprisoned on a finding of substantial probability? Ervin makes other solid points. The greatest single defect in our system of criminal justice today is delay. Court dockets are clogged, penal facilities overcrowded. To add the burden of full- scale evidentiary proceedings on motions for pre-trial detention could serve only to make the delays more prolonged. EVERY serious case would demand not one trial, but two. Who has the better argument? Tentatively, uncertainly, I incline toward Ervin's side. But here in Washington, crimes of violence have reached appalling levels. In this critical situation, Mitchell may be right. It's not easy, this time, to take sides. By HOLMES ALEXANDER WASHINGTON - Those who gripe that Richard Nixon is not being ait "activist" President, as he vowed to become, haven't followed his Philadelphia Plan to mafce jobs for Negroes in the construction trades. Mr. Nixon is throw- Ing his executive weight around here more than all the Democratic presidents since 1933 have done. Mr. Nixon, as head of a constitutional republic, has no lawful power to legislate, but he has muscled in with an Executive Order (11246) which instructs the Labor Department to do what Congress has forbidden. Mr. Nixon intervenes because he doesn't trust American contractors and labor unionists to do their own race- mixing. * * * • THE PRESIDENT'S mistrust, let's admit, is well founded. The construction industry, including management and unions, doesn't want Negroes on the job. Less than 2 per cent of ironworkers, sheetmetal workers, electricians, plumbers, pipefitters and elevator construction workers are black. The Philadelphia Plan would gradually force the figure up to above 20 per cent in that city on all federal or federally-aided contracts. The method is well-intentioned and complex, also activist and absolutist on the President's part. It's the bid question of whether the ends justify the means. The Civil Rights Act of '64 forbids "preferential treatment" in hiring and promotion,'- but the President' is ordering just that for the purpose of improving the employment of Negroes and other minorities. His intention may be socially and politically desirable, but he can't, bring it off without violating the separation-of-powers under the Constitution, and without taking an out-of-character step in the direction of benevolent dictatorship. As always, the conservatives in Congress are siding against a power-play, and the liberals ready to condone sta- tism as the quick remedy for a social grievance. IBB Washing t&n Congress Callous To Own >Confficf By RALPH de TOLEDANO . Since "conflict of interest" has become a headline word as ,a result of the Haynsworth case, a look at- how this works in -Washington may clarify the issue. '-, Over the years, Con- ' gress has compelled officials of the executive branch to divest themselves of—or put into trust funds—such stocks or other tokens of financial interest in companies which may do business with the government. Judges are barred "oLEDANO from sitting on cases in which they have a substantial interest in the litigation. But what of Congress? .Sen., Birch Bayh" (D. Ind.) has been waving the bloody rag of conflict of interest in claiming that Judge Clement Haynsworth should have disqualified himself: from voting on cases before the five- judge Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals. In one of those cases, Judge Haynsworth's concurrence with the court's majority gained him exactly 48 cents. * * * SENATOR BAYH and the critics of Judge Haynsworth—not to mention his defenders—are, however, completely callous when contemplating another conflict of interest, namely their own. Bayh, for example, received $70,000 in campaign contributions from the AFL- CIO. Yet he is spearheading an attack which, in its first stages, was planned and organized at the AFL-CIO headquarters near the White House. He also votes placidly on labor legislation, even though he is the recipient of substantial favors from organized labor. * * + RECENTLY; IT WAS. disclqsed that members of the House committee entrusted with banking and currency legislation were stockholders or directors of banks. • .: . , V When legislation that attempts to circumscribe, the. activities of banks comes before them, they do what comes natiuv ally—and another bill dies in committee or is thoroughly emasculated. Other congressmen have*considerable, holdings,in oil companies. Will they vote, except.under Extreme pressure, tq dp away with the 2.7.5 per cent oil depletion deduction allowed to the oil companies? This is the sam^ as asking: Will they cut their own financial throats? , The fact is that, in our kind .of society, it ; would be impossible to elect a Con r gress, staff an executive branch, or appoint a Supreme Court solely made up of individuals jvho have no financial or other substantial tugs on their hearts; and, mjnds.