Lubbock Avalanche-Journal from Lubbock, Texas on April 8, 1975 · Page 34
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Lubbock Avalanche-Journal from Lubbock, Texas · Page 34

Lubbock, Texas
Issue Date:
Tuesday, April 8, 1975
Page 34
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LuBBocKAvALANCHE-JOURNAL Operation Rebirth JAY HARRIS: I' O. Hoi 491. lubbock. THIS 79401 i Morning Kdmom • Sum The Day On The Soulh Plains" _An mcJrprndfnl n«»sf,j,>tr publish^ each vtrrk day mo nun ( ind A>'jIjncfi^*Jourrij 1. h.vcning oraliort. in n\ bmldi/ic Jt *ih , 1-ull Irasr,! wire nl Thr Assoriilr-t F'r jnrl I'niicd I'rm Inifmjiiiwj] KOBKHT 1(. \OHHIS VICF PrMJdfnl- OUR; Wf Dl«)|r illriltBC* lo Ikt Hat nl Ikr t n.lrd SHIM nl ^nifnti ui lo lot Ripublir lor »klch n il.ndi; oit MUM. imdtr (,«! iKtmuaJr, Hilt liktny «•< Juitirt for ill. J. ('. KfCKMAN Businris N!in«ic^r DAVID K. KXAI'i 1 Kxeculn c J'rtilni H\jRLKi>\-:rm CAJd. ,\. CA,\.\0.\ Advfrtisuif; Oirntor JAY MAURIS Krlilor KKN'NKTll MAY V-^uidlr Kdllnr HORKRTC. MoVAV Circulation Managtr Pnee 4. Section A l.uhhork. Texas. Wednesday Morning, April 9, 1975 Test For Death Penalty Law TEXAS' NEW death penalty statute will get an early test through appeal of the sentence handed Ignacio Cuevas, the lone convict-gunman to survive a Shootout with authorities during an attempt to break out of the state prison last summer. Two women hostages, among those who •were held captive for 11 days hy Cuevas and his leader, Fred Gomez Carrasco, and a third convict, died in the final frantic moments. Carrasco and fellow convict Rodolfo Dominguez died at the scene from bullets in the head. IN SOME RESPECTS, Cuevas makes an ideal subject for testing the constitutionality of the death penalty law, which was wrilten to replace an earlier law that had been determined to be in violation of Constitutional protections. Cuevas is an illiterate son of a Mexican peasant and has only a slight understanding of English; just the type that the courts bend over backwards to make certain, as they should, that no rights are violated. Moreover, Cuevas himself was not accused o[ firing any fatal shots. The hostage to whom he had handcuffed himself was unhurt. Under the law, though, each participant in a crime such as an attempted prison break is held to be equally responsible for all that occurs. THE COURTS could, of course, find other elements in the Cuevas case on which to reverse the conviction and/or sentence without the Supreme Court getting into the constitutionality of the death penalty per se. Whether any such elements exist is an open question although defense lawyers already have accused presiding Judge Miron A. Love of "coercing" the jury during the almost 20 hours of deliberation on the penal- ly issue. THE JURY repeatedly reported itself hopelessly deadlocked, 10 to 2, for the death penalty, but Judge Love directed it to continue deliberating. In any event, the appeals process could take years before finally being resolved. ]n the meantime, society can at least rest in peace that Cuevas is one prisoner unlikely either to try another escape or be fully "rehabilitated" and paroled. Chiang Ally In 'Will-Win' War ROWLAND EVANS & ROBERT NOVAK : Boomerang On Right FOR MILLION'S of Americans, the great memory associated with the death of Chiang Kai-shek is that he was an ally in a war which the United States fought to win. There never was any doubt in the minds of most Americans, and in the minds of their leaders, that the. Japanese empire would be defeated. Those were the days of Gen. "Vinegar Joe" Stilwell and of Gen. Claire Chennault and his Flying Tigers. Those also were the days when Chiang, the "Gimo," had to fight the Japanese invaders, watch out for Mao Tse-tung and his Communist "Liberation Army" and try to keep China's northern warlords from making too much trouble. HIS DEATH, at 87, removed the last of the "Big Four" of World War II, the others being Franklin D. Roosevelt, Winston Churchill and Josef Stalin. His life was as full of drama, and of defeat and victory, as were the lives of the others. Oddly, he received his first military training not only at the Chinese Imperial Military Academy but also at the Tokyo Military Academy. Just as oddly, after the Kuomintang of Dr. Sun Yat-sen consolidated the power it had achieved in the 1911 revolution, he was sent in 1924 as Sun's chief of staff to Moscow to study the Red Army. TO CHIANG, the Japanese were merely "a disease of the skin." The real enemy was the Communists—"a disease of the heart"—with whom he continued to battle both during and after the war with Japan. His hopes for China were undermined by the corruption of the men around him. His armies disintegrated and he had no choice except to flee with his loyal followers to Taiwan. After that disaster in 1949, Chiang guided Taiwan into development as one of the world's showcases of economic and political well-being. He never stopped hoping for an eventual return to the mainland, and continued to predict that the regime of Mao will fall because of its efforts to destroy China's culture and history. He had his share of brilliance and energy, but never was able to apply them to governing in China, since he always was occupied in war-making. He had his faults as an ally, but he will be remembered as a friend of the U.S. when the going was tough. Deluge of Paper INDIVIDUALS AND, business firms spend 130.5 million manhours per year filling out federal report forms, or the equivalent of fulltime employment for 78,000 persons. This estimate is by the President's Office of Management and the Budget, which points out that the total doesn't include millions of hours spent on income tax forms. Consider the paperwork deluge. Last year, the average businessman had a total of no less than 2,178 mandatory federal forms lo fill out. Although this was an increase of only 15!) forms since 19b7, the paperwork is getting more complicated. The federal bureaucracy alone generates more than two billion pieces of paper every 12 months. This figures out at 10 forms to be filled out each year for every man, woman and child in the nation. Much of it, admittedly, is unnecessary. The trick is, somehow, to convince the agencies that their workers can, for example, shuffle one piece of paper 10 times rather than 10 pieces of paper one time each. WASHINGTON — Passing up what may be one of his last, best chances to appease the Republican right by vetoing the tax cut bill. President Ford again rejected advice from his staunchest congressional supporters — and probably his own instincts — to follow the urgings of White House aides. The veto recommendation came not merely from stone-age Republicans who long ago deserted the President but from longtime Ford loyalists such as Rep. Barber Conable of New , I YD KEIF TULLY: Celebrity Status Forced On Newspaper Reporters WASHINGTON — Something is happening in Washington. For the first time newspapermen are becoming more famous than the people they write about. I don't know if you can credit Spiro Agnew or the Nixon White House gang for the trend, bul it's having a tremendous effect on the business, and some journalists are finding it difficult to handle their celebrity status. As soon as Burt Brillo broke the story on the break-in of the Wesley Heights Taco Hut, he was besieged by other reporters wanting to do profiles on him. Brillo, who happened to be a police reporter at the time, achieved stardom overnight by discovering that the Taco Hut had been used by the CIA to feed their midnight-to-8 a.m. shift. WHILE THIS in itself would have been enough to make it a front-page story, a source whom Brillo has yet to name leaked the fact that two of the employes of the Taco Hut had entered the United States illegally from Mexico. It was luck plus perseverance that marie Brillo the most talked about man in Washington. Besides getting a book contract to write the story of how he broke the story, Brilio was also signed up for a lecture tour and was interviewed by Barbara Walters. Mike Douglas, Dinah Shore, Merv Griffin and Johnny Carson — all on the same day. THROUGH HIS press agent I managed to get an interview with Burt in his ranch house overlooking Capitol Hill. The press agent warned me I could only spend 30 minutes with him as Women's Wear Daily was going to take pictures at 5 o'clock. I didn't know what to expect when I rang the doorbell, but I was pleasantly surprised to find Brillo a warm, sensitive human being who hadn't allowed all the adulation to go to his head. We sat by the swimming pool and a Japanese manservant brought us gin and tonics. "Most people," he said, "think that newspapermen are different. But actually I'm just like anyone else except I live better and pay more taxes. Sure, I was lucky in the Taco Hut break-in, but I find in this business you're only as good as your next story. That's why I'm being very careful what I choose for my next assignment. Oh, I've been offered lots of reporting jobs, but they're all junk — bank robberies, embezzlements, espionage trials and even a war or two. But I'm not about to rush into anything. I have to think of my future." "Mr. Brillo, there was a rumor that Omar Sharif was going to play you in the movies. How doyou feel about that'.'" "OMAR TRIED to buy the story, but I don't think he'd be right for it. I told the producers if they could get Al Pacino or Steve McQueen, I would be interested. I don't want to make the error Woodward and Bernstein did by having tsvo nobodies like Robert Redford and Dustin Hoffman portray thorn. Most police reporters make the mistake of selling their stories without casting approval." "What's the toughest thing about being a successful newspaperman'.'" I asked. "The lack of privacy. I can't go out to the store without being mobbed by my fans. Of course, they're the people who made me and I shouldn't complain, but sometimes 1 wish I was back to being just plain Burt Brillo again, covering the Third Police Precinct on the lobster shift." "I GUESS YOU'RE bothered by a lot of female admirers, too." "What investigative reporter isn't? But after a while the thrill wears off and you wish you could find someone who would love you for yourself and not just because you're the author of the Taco Hut story." A tall leggy blonde came over to us. "Mr. Brillo, your barber is here.". I apologized for keeping him so long. Brillo gave me a wide toothy smile and a warm handclasp. "That's perfectly all right. I used to be a newspaperman myself." Tax Slashu>^ Is 6 Crazy' WASHINGTON — Concerning that ?23.1-billion tax reduction program, reluctantly signed into law by President Ford, a White House economic adviser sounded desperate. "It's crazy," he said. "All we can do now is pray that Bill Simon and Arthur Burns are wrong. But if somebody held a gun at my head and forced me lo bet on what's going to happen I'd have to put my two bucks on a new round of inflation." Treasury Secretary Simon and Federal Reserve chief Arthur Burns, both vigorously urged Ford to veto Ihe Christmas Tree bill. As Simon put it, "We're merely endorsing higher prices for everything from hamburger to a new house." Burns is said to fear that the only remedy is eventual imposition of wage and price controls. THE PERIL is not to be viewed lightly. The effect of the huge lax rebate could push the fiscal 1976 deficit, up lo what Ford calls an "unacceptable" S100 billion. This in turn would force the government to borrow heavily to make its debt payments, an eventuality that would limit the amount of money available for private borrowing. Then would come higher interest rates and a new inflationary round much more severe than that of the past decade. Moreover, Congress apparently is in a spending mood. New spending bills being considered on Capitol Hill could add to the inflationary pressure and probably abort chances for an economic recovery. Ford says a S60-bi!lion deficit "is as far as we dare go." But the Democrats on the Hill have the votes to spend as much money as they deem wise — politically wise, that is. THE TROUBLE is, something had to be done ;md Congress did it. Ford had to go along because he was convinced he couldn't gela better bill. And somehow the country may survive because the bill indisputably will give the economy a shot in thoarm. Most economists, in and out of the White House, go along with Otto Eckslein, a Harvard professor and former member of the Council of Economic advisers. Eckstein figures that in the next six months income after taxes available to individuals will increase by about $87 billion. This includes added unemployment payments and increase in Social Security benefits. OF THIS total, it is estimated that about S60 billion will be spent and 527 billion saved. Eckstein calls that $60 billion "enormous," and predicts a prompt economic recovery. Other economists calculate that the tax cut will have a stimulus equal lo an annual rate of $40-billion of extra consumer spending in the next three months. Thereafter, the tax cut will provide a stimulus al an annual rate of between $20- and $25 billion, they say. Meanwhile, Ford's position may have been strengthened by his compromise with Congress. Having signed the bill into law, the President now will be in a good spot to veto excessive spending legislation. His lobbyists will be all over Capitol Hill during the next few months, campaigning against the spenders with the argument that Ford has shown he is a reasonable man and that Congress should respond by shunning unreasonable legislation. "We think we can do business with the Democrats," said one White House aide. "They owe us a fair hearing on spending bills." EVANS York, chairman of the House Republican Policy Committee. Conable, a moderate, urged a veto partly because he considers the tax bill a mess but also on political grounds. His message; the President has lo do something soon for conservatives or risk polarization of the party, which will endanger his election in 1976. HOWEVER, there is no sign that placating Republican conservatives was even given serious weight in White House veto deliberations. Rather, both Mr. Ford and senior aides seem to underestimate division within the party and the threat to his nomination posed by Ronald Reagan and the right. Internal debate over a veto began at 4 p.m., March 26, when, with the final tax cut version taking shape in a chaotic Senate-House conference, Republican congressional leaders were called to the White House. Sen. Hugh Scott of Pennsylvania and Rep. John Anderson of Illinois urged the President to sign the bill. But their advice is generally regarded less seriously than what is said by party leaders more steadfast in following the party line. THE LOYALISTS - Conable, Rep. John Rhodes of Arizona, Rep. Robert Michel of Illinois, Sen. John Tower of Texas — wanted ?. veto. They contended it could be sustained more easily than vetoes of future spending bills, a forecast confirmed by Mr. Ford's own Capitol Hill lobbyists. At that meeting, the President himself seemed to be following his natural allies and instincts toward a veto. Rhodes, Mr. Ford's successor as House minority leader, was so convinced that he roamed the House Republican cloakroom the next morning cheerfully predicting a veto. BUT OTHERS at the White House meeting learned more of the future by watching the President's aides instead of the President. Political counselor Robert T. Hartmann's expressively glowering face did not hide displeasure over veto recommendations. "That told me a lot," one onlooker said. "I figure Bob Hartmann always gets the last word." Donald Rumsfeld, powerful and poker-faced White House chief of .staff, gave no hints but this time was backing sometime rival Hartmann. Also strongly urging a signature were economic adviser Alan Greenspan, far more disturbed by continuing recession than he publicly admits; economic aide William Seidman; and budget chief James Lynn. Alone in urging a veto was Treasury Secretary William Simon, warning nf havoc from runaway deficit spending. By Thursday. March 27, Mr. Ford was turning against the veto. TO RATIONALIZE his decision to conservatives, Mr. Ford has privately contended an override fight would be "nip and tuck" (contradicting his own Congress-watchers). Nor do hopes for quick economic revival explain his approval; there is no certainty in the administration that the Democratic-engineered tax 1 cut will do more good than harm in the long run. In truth, the decision was essentially political. "How could we explain the President recommending a tax cut and then vetoing it?" one aide asks. Or, he might ask, how can the veto of any tax reduction be explained? BUT SUCH political considerations ignored predictable outrage from the Republican right. The President shied away from a veto, one prominent Congressman told us, "because they're so damn mushy down there." That "mushiness" may be met by unwillingness of angry conservatives to back vetoes of special interest spending bills. Outside Congress, Mr. Ford's decision was greeted by shrieks from the right — such as Gov. Meldrim Thompson of New Hampshire beilowing from Concord. COOLER REPUBLICAN heads were quieter but not less indignant. One party leader, up to now a Ford loyalist, told us: "I think now we've got to challenge Ford's nomination." All that stops him from going public is doubt that Reagan, the logical challenger, will run. Signing the tax bill is seen by such Republicans as the latest in . their ideological grievances a gainst the Presid'.-ni. A Change In Mood THE MOOD IN the United States may be slowly '; taking on a new trend. Apathy, in politics, economics, world affairs, may be dead. And, if things are as they have been for the past few years, Washington, Congress, the liberal Eastern media diehards may be the last to find > out about it. For the past several months now, and par- , ticularly the past few weeks, we have sensed, specifically in this area, a "slow burn" on the part . of many citizens. Shaken by the Vietnam War and its controversy ~' and then by Watergate and the economic " situation, many persons across the land "pulled in their horns," so to speak and went into hibernation. [•'OR AWHILE there, it seemed all was confusion. No ope seemed to know which way to turn nor what to do or say. As a result, many in the land preached their "doom and gloom" sermons. And the black mood of despair grew. Then came the inevitable crises. For months, the nation had been spared upheavals of a serious nature on the international front. Yet, either because we chose to ignore them, or because they were misjudged and "underplayed," no one paid too much attention to the deteriorating situation in Southeast Asia. But. the Day of Reckoning finally arrived. AND. AS A result of the events of the past week, the man and woman in the street are saying their piece again. The past weekend, we were in the Dallas-Fort Worth area on a Texas Tourist Development Agency Tour fand there'll be more about that Inter) and had occasion to talk to numerous persons in all walks of life. Suddenly, people have opinions again. And they aren't afraid to express them. Someone, in Austin. Washington, at City Hall and on the School Boards had bolter start listening. That old political adage has taken a new twist: People still may be stupid, but they ain'tdumb! IT ALL BEARS out a point that we have been making for several months now. That is, the average American is a much more sophisticated, educated and informed person than many in Washington and the Eastern media give him credit for being. He, and she, know we made a major mistake in not fighting the Vietnam War to win it, once in. There's still debate on whether we should have been in in the first place. But, there's no question about the "Hawks' 1 being in the majority as to "how" it should have been handled. There is a growing concern that we may be pelting too isolationist, that we may find our world shrunk to the point were we not only aren't friends with anyone—but have none to rely on. THIS DOESN'T mean sending the land forces into Southeast Asia again. "But would we do it to protect the oil in the Mideast?" a knowledgeable gentleman in Dallas asked. "Don't worry about it, we'll fight that one with dollars," a companion answered. "Yes, ours!" the knowledgeable genlleman said. A woman slood silently watching President Ford on three screens in a fashionable Big D department store. She nodded silently as he warned that the U.S. must not abandon its friends, must maintain a viable defense of freedom wherever necessary. "Do you agree with what he said?' 1 she was asked. "I sure do," she said in a monofone. "A lot of American boys died over there." THE CRASH of the plane carrying the orphans to the U.S. was a source of comment everywhere, possibly helped crystalize some opinion. Young persons still seem to oppose the war, but are shaken by the brute attitude of the North Vietnamese. Those aren't agrarian farmers and flower children crunching down the corridors of human suffering. Closer home, the comments still come freely. "Tax cuf What do I think about it? I'll tell you, I didn't want it. It'll cost me twice as much by the time we pay it back," That from a touring visitor from Oklahoma. A Chamber of Commerce man voiced much the same opinion. "How do you hold interest rates down and let the government borrow on a deficit like that?" he asks. And a$3,000 Texas Teacher pay hike? "Forget it!" a clerk says. "They deserve a raise, sure. Who doesn't? But $3,000? Who is going to pay for it?" THE CROWDS throng Six Flags over Texas on a cool Saturday night. Nearby entertainment complexes are feeling the impact of the Spring- Summer rush. The famed Kimbell Art Museum and the Will Ropers Western Art displays in Fort Worth, the Dallas Museum of Fine Arts, the Dallas Theater Center—all are big draws. The Metroplex employment outlook is still good, even with a few soft spots here and there. Streets and stores seem crowded and busy. Not only Fort Worth and Dallas, but the Mid- Cities complex, Arlington, Grand Prairie, plan on how to attract more conventions. In Big D, a museum dedicated to the John F. Kennedy tragedy is doing a thriving business. In the filmed presentation of "that day" 12 years ago. there is the haunting chirp of'birds near Dealcy Square. Outside, the birds are still there. Life goes on. And the mood of the people seems to be changing. The mind and spirit, as well as the body, is awake again. Maybe, just in time. f.. M. ROYD: • . . Pass It On FLUTES Q. "What's the rarest sort of musical instrument in the world?" A. Don't know, for sure. Flutes made from human shinbones maybe. Understand there are a few of those left in Tibet. Some in Peru, too. DID I MENTION how to tell the difference between a male and a female tortoise? The belly armor of the male is conveniently concave.

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