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DAVID KRU1DENIER. Prmiimt ond Pub^ KENNETH MACDONALD, Editor LAUREN SOTH, Editorial Pogtmitof W 3. ROBERT HUDSON, Dinetor of Marketing LOUIS H. NORMS, Bui** Manager An Independent Newspaper THE REGISTER'S EDITORIALS Presidential records Richard Nixon, the disgraced ex-president who resigned in order to escape impeachment for betrayal of the public trust, now asks the American people to trust him to decide what, when and how the documents and tape recordings of his former office should be released. Nixon said in a deposition filed in connection with his suit to keep the files that "the delicate judgments with regard to what is private and what is personal and what is political and what is embarrassing, what is national security" could be made only by himself, his wife and their daughters. Once again, as he did so many times during the Watergate investigations, Nixon pledged to make the records available "as expeditiously as possible." However, when he did release tapes, they were doctored and incomplete. Once again, also, Nixon protested that he was not just thinking of himself and his family but of the office of the presidency. He pled for the confidentiality of that office as essential to great decision- making — he the man who installed a tape-recording system to capture the words of people who thought they were talking off the record. Nixon is challenging the constitutionality of the law passed late last year giving the custody of his presidential files to the government. President- Ford had made an agreement with Nixon to give the former president control* of access to his documents. Congress rejected this, for excellent reasons in principle, in addition to the special circumstances surrounding the Nixon presidency. To put it bluntly, Nixon's attempts to cover up the Watergate crimes made Congress-distrustful ~and~unwilling to leave him in charge of the presidential papers, Undoubtedly, the files contain much family material that is private and should be kept private. Nixon always has greatly exaggerated the national security reason for secrecy, but undoubtedly some items ought to be kept out of the public domain for that reason. Nixon and his family should have a voice in deciding what is public and what is not — but not the sole and deciding voice. Most of the 42 million items obviously are public business. The major decisions on what should be kept secret ought to be made by professional historians. Congress picked the National Archives- as the agency to set policies for access to the Nixon material. Congress also established a commission to propose new rules for preservation and use of presidential records. The commission, unfortunately, has not yet started its work, because President Ford has not made four nominations. President Ford has been a foot-dragger on this question of the Nixon tapes and files all along. Senator Frank Church (Dem., Idaho), chairman of the Senate intelligence committee, charged' that Ford has been more reluctant to turn over files bearing on CIA activity in' Chile and domestic spying during Nix-, on's term than he was with regard to the Kennedy administration files concerning plots against Fidel Castro. . Beginning with the pardon of Nixon, Ford has assumed a protective posture and has not lived up to his pledge for an open administration. The full story of Watergate and related illegal deeds in the Nixon administration is still not out. Much of it can be learned from the presidential records. They must be kept inviolate for the public and released "expeditiously" by impartial public authority. Nixon's plea for control of his records leans heavily on the tradition of former presidents keeping control of their documents. But previous presidents recognized the public interest iir their papers and preserved full and accurate records of their administrations. The "Nixon case is different. It has awakened the country not only to the need for keeping all the Nixon records intact but also for a legal system of doing that ik the future. The office of the president is not a private affair but the public business. Congested state park Protests have been voiced over.plans to build a 40-boat marina in a 100-acre addition to Gull Point State Park on Lake West Okoboji. The land, on the inland side of the present park, was sold to the state two years ago. It contains channels linking the lake and a marshland. Plans drawn by an Iowa City architectural firm call for dredging an existing channel and the marshland to build the marina for power-boating campers. The plan is awaiting approval by the Iowa Conservation Commission. Gull Point State Park now consists of a short but inviting stretch of sand beach, backed by 65 acres of campground — practically every square foot of which is occupied during the summer. Last July 4, the park was used by 275 camping units and more were turned away. Allowing people to camp wherever they can find room to raise a tentpole has damaged the park's vegetation. In the future, camping will be restricted to 217 campsites to be built in the present park and the addition. Fewer will be able to camp at Gull Point, but they will have better facilities. The only objections raised at a hearing on the proposal last week dealt with the marina. Representatives of the Okoboji Protective Assn., the nearby city of Wahpetoh and the Dickinson County chapter of the Izaak Walton League asked that the marshland remain in its natural state. It has been described as a haven for spawning fish and*a field laboratory for nature study. Conservation Commission staff members argued that the lake is public property, and building the marina is part of -the state's responsibility in serving the public. At present, Gull Point campers with boats must go two miles to an access point to get their boats into the lake. West Okoboji is a unique deep-water lake, one of Iowa's most prized natural treasures. Further crowding by encouraging more boating can only decrease the enjoyment of its use. The proposed park expansion plan recognizes the need for quality over quantity by calling for fewer but better campsites to preserve the park's beauty. The park probably never can be expanded sufficiently to satisfy the demand for campsites, nor can it accommodate a large enough marina to satisfy all the boaters. A 40-boat marina would meet a small'part of the demand, but at the cost of a serious loss of natural surroundings. Stronger control of CIA What is the public attitude toward the CIA, now that this agency's wrongdoings have been partly exposed and several investigations are going on in Congress? A recent Harris Poll found that most Americans think CIA ought to be more accountable to civilian authority. But they also think the agency is needed for foreign intelligence purposes. By a large majority, 74 to 11 per cent, the people interviewed by Harris said they thought it was wrong for CIA to be involved in assassination attempts against foreign leaders. By 54-29 per cent they thought it was wrong of the agency to spy on Americans here at home during the Vietnam war. But only a small minority (6 per cent) favors abolishing the CIA and having no intelligence agency. A considerably larger minority, 34 per cent, favors abolishing the CIA and starting a new agency with better controls and safeguards. But 45 per cent oppose this drastic a change. A 71-13 per cent majority believes it is important that the foreign intelligence agency be operated in secrecy. Most Americans apparently want the President and Congress to keep a tighter rein on CIA but think it is an indispensable security instrument. They are not worried about the charge that the CIA, if it • had not been exposed, might have taken over the country. A majority of 52-24 per cent rejected that charge. As of August, 1975, 45 per cent of those queried said they thought the CIA was doing only a fair or a poor job, whereas 36 per cent said the agency did aa excellent or pretty good job. So the general image of CIA, according to this poll, is on the down side. This undoubtedly comes from the ex- poswes by Congress and the Rockefeller. Commission. But in spite of that, most Americans still hold to the cold-war belief that spying is necessary. In the Harris survey, 78 per cent said they thought it important that the U.S. have the best intelligence agency in the world, "even* if it does make some mistakes." Most people do not ask for examples, of what CIA spy work has accomplished in guarding the national security. They are willing to accept the value of spying on faith, even though they recognize, the Harris Poll found, that intelligence work' consists mainly of compiling and analyzing public information. 9 But public opinion clearly would support much stronger control of the agency by elected officials. It is up to Congress to see that this is accomplished. OPINION SECTION B Editorials August 31,1975 un to seek By MICHAEL T. MALLOY The National Observer Few Americans realize it yet, but much of the rest of the world has decided to have an economic revolution, and we are supposed to pay for it. The revolution would create something called the "New International Economic Order." People in rich countries would pay more for what they buy, get less for what they sell, and maybe cut back their standard^ living. Two researchers in the Swedish prime minister's office have calculated that it would mean, for Sweden, the abolition of private automobiles, a 20 per cent cut in meat consumption, and a similar shrinkage in the size of the typical Swedish home. "Any change of life-style in the rich nations that really will help the poor masses of the world will certainly be so costly that it will call forth tears among ourselves," says Prof. G. Adler-Karlsson, a Danish professor. We have been hearing for years about "development decades" and foreign aid and new emerging nations and all kinds of high-sounding schemes, while the rich countries still got richer and poor countries lagged farther behind. Why should we take this scheme more seriously than its predecessors? "What we are really talking about is power. Not rubber, not oil, but power," says the ambassador from Sri Lanka, a rubber-producing island nation formerly called 'Ceylon. "Naw the bauxite countries are getting together, the copper countries are getting together, the coffee countries are getting together, the banana countries are getting together. This is why we have said to the oil producers, 'Brothers, we are with you!' Because they command the most important raw material. It's power. Power in an economic sense and in a financial sense." If there were such a thing as international legislation, the new order would .already be on the books. One version .was steam-rollered through the U.N. General Assembly over minimal opposition a year ago. Another was adopted by the U.N. last December, by a vote of 120 to 6, with the United States opposed. Ambassadors from a lot of countries therefore insist that it already is international law. Because U.N. resolutions don't have the force of law, the new order in the American view is just a menu of goodies the poor countries would like to get from the rich, ones: Higher and stable prices for the raw materials they sell us, the right to seize foreign-owned mines and companies without retaliation, rejiggering the .world monetary system so they can get more of it, lower tariffs and trade barriers for their exports, and anything else they can think of. The United States and the underdeveloped Third World countries have been talking past each other for the past year in a dialogue that resembles the confused white response to the. black civil-rights movement: What do these people want? Just as blacks wanted specific things — open housing, jobs, and desegregated schools - countries such as Sri Lanka want stable rubber prices, lower freight charges on the ships that carry it, and less fishing around their island by huge fleets from Russia and Japan. But like the black demand for a national com-, mitment to racial equality, embracing all these things and more, the Third World wants a world-wide commitment that overshadows any one of its demands. The guts of their argument is that we are rich and they are poor because the present rules of the game were drawn up by and for the rich countries. The world monetary system is crowned by the international Monetary Fund, and the rich countries that dominate it voted themselves the lion's share of the new world currency, called special drawing rights, that it created in 1970. The law of the sea, written by the big maritime countries, says nations rich enough to . THIRD WORLD Please turn to page two •^•HHHHMMKiiBHraM^^ Coleman discusses busing and desegregation (c) 1975, New York Times The "Coleman Report" of 1966, prepared for the U.S. Commissioner of Education'by Dr. James S. Coleman of the University of Chicago, has been widely used in the support of school desegregation — by mandatory busing if necessary — to provide all children with equal educational opportunity. A new study by Dr. Coleman this year has been widely interpreted to mean that desegregation is not as beneficial to black children as his first report claimed and that efforts to bring it about are causing resegregation as white city families flee to white suburbs. ' The New York Times recently assigned assistant editor Walter Goodman to interview Dr. Coleman and clarify any apparent inconsistencies. Here are several portions of that interview: GOODMAN: Could you relate the famous Coleman Report of 1966 to the somewhat notorious Coleman Report of WS? COLEMAN; [In 1966] we attempted to answer the question of how the differing distribution of resources in schools attended by blacks and schools attended by whites affected children's achievement, and what kinds of redistribution of resources would help to equalize educational achievement. One of the resources that we examined was the social composition of schools. We found that children from disadvantaged backgrounds did somewhat better in schools that were predominantly middle-class than in schools that were homogeneously lower class. You were not necessarily talking about black and white then? No, the principal factor had to do with the educational level of the children's parents and other resources in their homes. That is, if the disadvantaged child went to school with children from better-educated backgrounds, he did somewhat better in school. It was the social class background of bis schoolmates that seemed to make the difference.. . . Partly as a consequence of your 196S study, numbers of districts began to integrate their schools through the use of busing — which brings us to your new study. The second study was carried out as part of a larger study I'm doing with Sara Kelly for the Urban Institute, to examine trends over the past 10 years with regard to American education.... We examined whether those cities that had experienced some desegregation during the period of 1968-73 lost more whites than cities that did not experience desegregation. Now, the desegregation in our largest cities during these years was not great, and I was incorrect in the preliminary report in calling it "massive desegregation." Couldn't the movement of whites away from the cities that you found be attributable to familiar big-city ills rather than to school desegregation? Your report, in fact, shows that middle-sized cities didn't experience much white •flight. One could conclude that, except for the fact that in those large cities that didn't desegregate, there was much less increase in the loss of whites over this period than in cities that did desegregate. Eleven cities out of the first 19 experienced little or no desegregation at all between 1968 and 1973. Based on the white loss that occurred in these 11 cities in 1968-69, they would have been expected to lose 15 per cent of white students between 1969 and 1973; their actual loss was 18 per cent, only slightly greater than expected. Eight cities experienced some desegregation; some of those experienced large desegregation, others not so large. Those eight cities, based on their losses in 1968-69, before desegregation occurred, would have been expected to lose only 7 per cent of white students between 1969 and 1973; they actually lost 26 per cent, nearly four times what would have been expected. So your data convince you that the more blacks in a school, the fewer whites you're going to have in the school if they can get away. Yes. la some of the large Southern 'cities — i.e. Memphis and Atlanta — which did experience extensive desegregation in these years, you can see it very clearly. ... There had not been substantial desegregation in the largest Northern cities by 1973. But you have your suspicion. My suspicion is that resegregation will occur more in the North than in the South, because there are more suburbs available for people to move to. In Montgomery, Ala., for example, there was no place for whites to go, since the surrounding areas had just as many blacks as the city itself. ... There are several variables that distinguish Northern cities from Southern cities. The fact that the suburbs are more easily available in .Northern cities suggests that Northern cities may react more. On the other hand, the fact that racial prejudice is less deeply ingrained in the North suggests that they will react less. So you cant really tell what's going to happen in the North. But one of the things that's clear from the Southern data is that as the proportion of blacks goes up, the greater the loss of whites. In other words, it's not just the rate of desegregation; it's also the actual proportion of blacks in the system. That may be clear for Southern cities, but do you have that kind of evidence for Northern cities? Yes, this effect shows up in Northern cities as well as Southern. Detroit will be an interesting case next year. In Detroit's schools there are now 75 per cent blacks and 25 per cent whites. The issue in Detroit is whether all schools must be 7J5-25 or whether half the schools must be 50-50 and half of them all black. Now all the evidence that I've seen, not only from this research but from other work as well, shows that the higher the proportion black the greater the loss of whites. So that in a city like Detroit, my guess is there will be an enormous loss of whites if the courts decide that every school must be 75 per cent black. COLEMAN Commentary Letters Aft, music, books Movies Travel Date that's never to be forgotten Over the coffee By DONALD KAUL Damn me for a senti-l' mental fool if you will, but I'm one of those hus-| bands who never fori_. a wedding anniversary] Never. It's Aug. 24 and remember it every year. My position is that once you've spent a sum-, mer of your life watch-l ing a date get biggeiL______ and more menacing on the calendar, you remember that date. That was quite a summer. I had no money, few prospects and stood a good chance of being drafted within six months. And those were my assets. I wasn't sure I was ready for marriage. "Maybe Aug. 24 will come and go and nothing will happen," I kept telling myself. No chance. Aug. 24 came and something happened -1 went. It was exactly the sort of wedding I hated, even .when it happened to other people — a church wedding at which the bride and bridesmaid wore long gowns, the groom and groom's men white tuxedos and the tenor sang "Because." It was perfectly ghastly. You don't forget a day like that. Which is why I always like to get the wife a little something to commemorate the disaster. One year I bought her a subscription to "Sports Illustrated," another I bought her a bicycle pump. She is invariably touched by my thoughtfulness. This year, on our eighteenth anniversary, I decided to go all out. I got up early the day before and went to Georgetown to shop. All day long I trudged from store to store, looking for inspiration. Dress shops, book stores, antique shoppes — I even went to a movie. Finally, as desperation set in, I saw exactly what I wanted — the perfect gift to symbolize our IB years together. "Wrap it up and never mind the cost," I tdld the sales girl. I arrived home, barely able to contain myself. My wife greeted me at the door like a new bride: "Where have you been all day?" she said. "Do you think you're the only one who has to use the car?" "I've been out shopping for an anniversary gift for you, my dear," I said, lowering my gaze. "I know it was silly of me, but you know how I am about anniversaries. I wanted it to be right." > "The way you are about anniversaries, it shouldn't have taken all day. What did you get me this time, a hockey puck?" She's a great kidder, my wife. I decided to play along. "This is the present," I said with as much hauteur as I could muster. Eyeing the package skeptically, she opened it. "Terrific," she said. "Just what I always wanted for my anniver- Please turn to page two sary, a bread knife. Eighteen years I've been saving up for one and here you go and buy it just like that. You shouldn't have." "Nothing but the best for you, dear," I said. "There aren't many husbands who have enough confidence in their wives to buy them knives for their anniversaries — ha ha. By the way, what did you get me?" "Nothing." "You mean you forgot our anniversary?" "No, but you had the car all day, wise guy. How could I go and get anything?" "That's okay. Why don't you just give me the money and I'll go and buy a pair of bicycle wheels I've been wanting." "How much do they cost?" "About $80, give or take a spoke." "$80! You bought me a bread knife and you want me to give you a pair of $80 wheels?' "It's not the gift, it's the thought behind it that counts. Anyhow, you don't have to buy me the whole wheels. You could just buy me the hubs — $50." "This is our eighteenth anniversary, you haven't been made the king of England. What else is there on a wheel?" "Rims — $20 a pair." "What do spokes cost?" "Twelve cents apiece." "That's more like it, love. Here's my offer: I'll buy you 18 spokes for your wheels, one spoke for every glorious year of our marriage. Take it or leave it." "I'll take it. Isn't it wonderful, after all these years, to find that we still feel the same about each other?"