Arizona Republic from Phoenix, Arizona on November 5, 1969 · Page 19
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November 5, 1969

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Arizona Republic from Phoenix, Arizona · Page 19

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Phoenix, Arizona
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Wednesday, November 5, 1969
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Page 19
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MAIL BULLDOG tfod that you say, (jut I Mil fc to the leath your riqht to say it ... Voltaire ' THE ARIZONA REPUBLIC Wednesday, Nov. 5, 1969 Page 7 People Speak Geology Experts Oppose A Dam At Bridge Canyon Editor, The Arizona Republic: My letter, bearing the title "Thoughts on a Dam at Bridge Canyon." was published in the Oct. 29 Republic. An editor's note followed the letter. You said that "one expert, Lewis Douglas, wrote for the Arizona Highways Magazine that there is no important geology below Lava Falls that would be inundated by any lake created by a Bridge Canyon dam." Lewis Douglas, the Arizona banker, is not an expert. He has been many things. , But, he is not a geologist. Arizona Highways is hardly a scientific journal. I cannot understand how anyone could dare to quote a nonprofessional writing in a popular magazine as an authority. IF ONE READS Douglas' article, Mideast View Is Clarified This letter is to clarify the letter I wrote in The Arizona Republic on Oct. 28. What I meant in my letter is this: I am not condemning all the Syrians and Iraqis, and the other Arab countries. What I mean is this: the government of these two countries lack the know-how about law, but this only represents about 7 to 10 per cent of the Syrian and the Iraqis, who live in both countries. I WOULD LIKE to apologize to the rest of the Arab people living in the Middle East. My intention was to discuss Al Fatah, the Palestinian group which is really to blame for the fighting in Lebanon. Lebanon wants to stay neutral, but the Al Fatah insist on using Lebanese soil. I know the Arabs are trying to do ' their best to settle all the troubles they are having from Israel. On'the other hand, the Arabs are not there just to fight the Israelis, the Russians, the British or any other country that has been .interfering in the Middle East for many years. ' The Arabs are a peace-loving people; they are well-known for their hospitality. . • YOU CANNOT BLAME those poor people who have been in war since the outside powers started interference in the Middle East. I think the Al Fatah has the right to .fight, to get the land they lost, or that has been taken away from them by force. However, the Al Fatah shouldn't fight with each other in the Arab world. They should get united together to live in peace and harmony. LOUIS M. HASBANY Positive Patriotism In line with our national program of positive patriotism, we would like to add the voice of Phoenix Lodge No. 335. We have won national honors for Phoenix for five years with our program. To quote from our national instructions, "Your duty is to vote in every bond issue, school board, city, county, state, and national election—representative government is only assured so long as every citizen votes in every election— and then supports the decisions of the majority!" We feel that the tendency of voter apathy in city elections should be combated by individual effort. "Help get out every voter in your community." J. W. LANGLEY, DVM, Chairman, Americanism Committee, Benevolent & Protective Order of Elks, No. 335 Lebanon Learned You "goofed" again. I refer to the cartoon by Reg Manning showing Lebanon taking the middle ground, That's like showing Romania and Yugoslavia as neutral in the East-West struggle, Lebanon and Jordan are well aware that should Nasser's dreams come true, the Jordanian government "will be the first to succumb, and the Christians in Lebanon will probably share the fate of their co-religionists in Egypt, There is less than honor in Lebanon's position. Lebanon did not take action against the Arab attacks on Israel until Israel took action to pun/eh Lebanon for allowing its land to be a springboard for attacks on its neighbors. Lebanon is insisting on control of these murderers, not removal. Lebanon has found out, as dozens of countries before, that appeasing the Communist Syrians,or the Communist tool, Nasser, does not satisfy, but rather whets the appetite of the aggressor. DAVID LERNER which appeared in the May 1968 Arizona Highways, one finds quickly that he is making a big case for the Central Arizona Project in a rather biased and geologically naive argument. He says: "—whatever of scientific interest lies in this stretch of the river (he is referring to the part between the start of Grand Canyon National Monument and Lake Mead) is duplicated in numerous parts of the world and more spectacularly within the Grand Canyon National Park and National Monument themselves." And you dare to quote Douglas as an authority on geology? I can only laugh. Or should I cry? There is not one grain of truth in this. The other evening I made several telephone calls to friends of mine who are' geological professionals. These friends are as follows: 1. Dr. Troy Pewe, chairman of the Department of Geology at Arizona State University. Dr. Pewe has recently written a guidebook for river runners for the first part of the Grand Canyon trip. 2. Dr. Verne Taylor, professor of geology, Prescott College. Verne spent most of the summer making a geological survey of the Grand Canyon, with particular emphasis upon travertine deposits. 3. Mr. David Ochsner, chief naturalist, Grand Canyon National Park. Dave has recently returned from a trip down the part of the river that we are discussing. 4. Dr. Malcolm McKenna, Frick Curator of Vertebrate Paleontology, American Museum of Natural History, New York City, Malcolm has made several river trips down the canyon with us, and has been particularly interested in the lower canyon lavas. . 5. Dr. W. K. Hamblin, professor of geology, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah. Dr. Hamblin has made very extensive studies of the lower canyon lavas, has written several articles on the subject, and is considered the leading authority on these lavas, along with, perhaps Dr. Edwin McKee of the U.S. Geological Survey in Denver. I TELEPHONED each of these men the other evening. I read them your rejoinder to my letter, as well as my original statement. Every one of them said that there is extremely important geology below Lava Falls that would be inundated by any lake created by a Bridge Canyon dam. And, each geologist specifically permitted me to quote him as saying just that. Need I say more? FRED B. EISEMAN JR., Scottsdale Contributing Little On Oct. 15, so-called Moratorium Day, I was in New York City. I saw a 15- year-old child with a microphone in front of Mayor Lindsey's campaign headquarters shouting "Peace," over and over again. I was jostled off the sidewalk by mobs of chanting youth with signs and black arm bands. They were not a representation of the majority of our clean cut, patriotic youth; but primarily a representation of establishment drop outs, who are contributing very little to our society. They offered no plan or solution to the world's problems, only passionate cries for peace. The facts of the matter are now becoming so twisted that we who do not approve of the Moratorium Day approach to peace are surely labeled as war-mongers and militarists. Yet this is not true, our goals are the same, we only differ in means. What good is peace without honor? Surely our adversaries are concerned about their image of strength in the world; we, too, must maintain our respect among the world powers. The Vietnam problem has perplexed three great presidents all with different viewpoints but all who sincerely wanted peace. I wonder i* these misguided youths, backed by the Lindseys and McCarthys, have the answers for our total future policy and destiny in world polities? Seventeenryear-old Steven Levine and his column, The Young Generation, "thinks he has the answers; but the words he : puts on paper only show off his intellect, but seem to solve no problems. ' , His almost treasonous statements referring to U. S. imperialism make me sick. (Levine should search the record book and learn about how much American energy and resources went into rebuilding Europe and Asia after World War II.) I also wonder if Levine will comment in later issues on the Russian involvement in Czechoslovakia? Probably not, A great nation is not conquered from without until it has fallen from within. I hope we have not fallen beyond the point of catching ourselves. A. G. JOHNSON JR. Prices^ Taxes Squeeze Us All Into Similar Economic Corner By RICHARD WILSON Political Future Of Kennedy Hinges On Outcome Of Inquest JL By JOSEPH ALSOP WASHINGTON-The argument about the inquest on Mary Jo Kopechne's death has finished at last; and the end is therefore in sight of this first chapter of Sen. Edward Kennedy's tragic misfortune. It is too soon, as yet, to foretell exactly what the end will be. For example, Massachusetts has motor vehicle laws of near-medieval severity. The lawyers' warnings about these laws have in fact deformed the whole public management, of this terrible business from the moment Senator Kennedy's friends gathered at Hyannis. And one must wait until the inquest is over to see the outcome of this aspect of the problem. Again, much will depend upon the impression conveyed by the record of the inquest. At a guess, the most important question is, whether this record will bring out, clearly and forcefully, the real explanation of the senator's behavior after the accident on the bridge. * * * THERE IS, SO FAR AS one can gather, a rather simple explanation. The hideous combination of coming within half a second of drowning, plus a mild concussion, plus the sheer horror of the whole episode, temporarily put the senator into what can only be described as a state of shock. Nor is this so enormously surprising, if you consider the matter. It can be amply documented, furthermore, because this grave condition of moral and mental shock in some degree persisted for days after the accident. The anguished councils of the friends and advisers at Hyannis were like doctors' consultations held in the absence of the patient. Not until Robert .S. McNamara, Theodore Sorensen and Burke Marshall finally offered their joint advice that he must plead guilty at the trial did Senator Kennedy truly resume full charge of his own life and destiny. These being the facts, the first thing to be said about the senator's future is that the inquest should be a major piece of good fortune for him, if all goes well when it is held. The truth is that nothing less than a detailed official record, such as the inquest ought to produce, will ever write "Finis" to this chapter in the senator's career. * * * WITH SUCH A RECORD, the 85 percent of decent people will stop>repeating rumors and start saying, "There, but for the grace of God, go I." As to the other 15 per cent, the ingrained Kennedy-haters were Kennedy-haters long before Chappaquiddick. There is, and never was, anything to be done about them. If the present chapter ends in this manner, as one must pray it will, then there is no reason at all for the future chapters of the senator's story to be tinged or even greatly troubled by the heavy darkness that he has recently had to live through. Senator Kennedy is certainly not going to be a competitor for the Democratic nomination in 1972; but, then, he never wished to run in 1972. He was being pushed into running in 1972 by the parasites and courtiers—the strange medley of persons who have long derived their sole importance from their much adver* tised (and quite often falsely advertised) link with the Kennedys. ,•' • v * :,* .* HIS FAMILY AND HIS TRUE friends, the McNsmaras and, Sorensens and Burke Marshall, were as much against his running in 497?, as Ihe senator was. Like hjm, they thought that, given the senator's age and the present trends in this country, 1976 was the year that he ought to be aiming for. And now he can aim for 1976 in all good conscience, if he so chooses, without endlessly having to beat off courtiers and parasites animated solely by their interests rather than by his interests. This business of the true friends vs. the parasites and courtiers leads to still another change in the senator's situation which will surely prove fortunate. The tragic ends of John and Robert Kennedy, cut off so young in all their golden promise, had strangely produced a most unhealthy ambience. You might have supposed that Kennedys were like English grandees in the very old days, who could claim the very highest offices by mere right of birth and name. Senator Kennedy never made this ludicrous assumption, any more than his brothers made it. Yet the ambience was all too real, and while it lasted it was a serious political handicap. It is gone now. * * * LIKE ALL STRONG MEN whom an unkind fate forces to traverse the valley of the shadow, the senator himself further seems to have gained in strength and in self-knowledge. If the .present chapter ends as seems most likely, he will thus appear in the next chapter as a major leader of very special promise. WASHINGTON - The reason why there is a council of economic advisers in the White House is that government recognizes, since the great depression of the 1930s, its responsibility for guiding privately-controlled American economic policy. There are differences in approach between Republican and Democratic administrations on this critical matter. In most practical matters of every day life that concern most Americans this difference is the real issue dividing the two political parties. Rarely has there been in the past such a lucid contrast between what a Democratic administration would do under a given set of circumstances and what a Republican administration is doing today. The Democratic approach is characterized by active intervention in the nation's economic affairs: Wage and price guidelines, direct negotiation in labor disputes, the active enlistment of cooperation between the leaders of labor and management under the government's eye. The Republican approach relies much less on direct intervention in economic affairs, no wage and price guidelines, no leading part by the government in labor disputes, no "jaw boning" of management and labor — in short, an economy not burdened by direct intervention but influenced by indirect monetary and fiscal policies, tight credit, balanced federal budgets. * * * THE TEST OF THESE conventional doctrines has now come in the Nixon administration in several different ways. The first of the predicted big labor disputes of 1969-70 is now under way with more than 140,000 General Electric plant workers on strike. Other strikes are threatened in the electrical industry. Numerous large labor contracts come up for renewal in 1970. Labor- management experts foresee a period of extreme difficulty. The central cause is the demand of organized labor for far greater wage increases, justified by the increase in prices, than management is willing or able to grant. Some economists blame this condition on the Nixon administration for junking the wage-price guidelines of the Kennedy-Johnson administration and encouraging what the London Economist calls "an open season for hurrying forward price increases in 1969." Wherever the blame rests, prices are rising while the growth of the American economy is slowing down to half its' rate during ,the Kennedy-Johnson administration.,.In. conventional theory, this should not happen. As the economy cooled off prices should .fall. But the inflation rate has risen from 4 per cent to 5% per cent while the growth rate of the economy has fallen from 5 per cent to 2 per cent. An increasing number of economists are forecasting a dangerous dip in the American economy taking the uncomfortable form of increased unemployment, decreased profits and a fear psychosis about the future. All that with prices very high, labor clamoring for bigger wages, and a stagnation in economic growth. These are difficult conditions in whicfi to maintain the detached view that indirect controls must be given an opportunity to work. These are the conditions, in fact, which led to the Democratic activist view on direct intervention through wage and price controls and government intervention in labor disputes, such as the Kennedy and later the Nixon intervention (during the Eisenhower administration) in steel strikes, which have how been abandoned by the Nixon administration. The question which really presents itself is whether or not the Nixon economic policy is breaking down under the pressure of labor-management disputes in a time of rising prices and slower economic growth. * « * THE AVERAGE PERSON sees the wage and price side of this very clearly when his increased wages do not cover the increased costs of maintaining his home and family. The political question then becomes, not whether one economic doctrine or the other is sound, but whether the administration in power'is taking positive action. The attraction ,of the Democratic approach always was that it was made to seem the President was on the side of the people by holding down prices and making sure the wage earner got a fair break. The cooltr Republican approach, even if sounder, has its political advantage also at a time when people generally reacted against labor's power. But now everyone is in the same boat, white - collar worker, blue - collar worker, technician and manager — the system is squeezing us all with higher prices, higher taxes, higher costs o£ all kinds. In this condition, President Nixon may be compelled by practical politics to find some substitute for Democratic economic activism. | Potomac Fever | By JACK WILSON There's some thought that we ought to use our germ warfare weapons against the next epidemic of Asian flu. * * * Then there was the guy who wandered out of the north woods from a two- month hunting trip and said, "Moratorium? What's a moratorium?" If You Can't Give A Speech, Write It! By ART BUCHWALD WASHINGTON — The Old Nixon came out of the closet in the White House on Halloween just as the New Nixon was going to bed. "Now what?" the New Nixon demanded. "I thought you promised me that when the mud slinging started, I could do it," the Old Nixon said. "I know I promised it, but I've got to give Spiro Agnew something to do." * * * "PROMISES, PROMISES," the Old Nixon sneered. "I've been hanging around for 10 months' waiting to sock it to the snobs and the effete intellectuals and the arrogant, reckless, inexperienced elements within our society, and the first chance I get, you turn the job over to someone whose only claim to fame is that he's a household word." "Dick," the New Nixon said, "at the time I told you to wait in the closet, I thought I could use you. But it would be wrong for the President of the United States to say the things I really believe. That's why I decided to use Spiro. "If I had you saying those things, everyone would say 'Aha, the Old Nixon is back.' But if Agnew says them, people will say, 'Isn't it a shame the New Nixon can't control his vice president?'," "That's just fine," the Old Nixon said bitterly. "But I have feelings, too. I've been in that closet for 10 months rehearsing what I was going to say. I had some swell speeches about activist elements who disdain mixing with the working classes and liberals who ride 'Now. .. To Get That Magic Formula? •en mm&\ King Fcatuici Syndicate, Inc., I969 around in limousines and how a few rotten apples spoil the barrel and.. ." r;; i-;i :|; "DICK, I WANT TO make this perfectly clear. No one respects your point of view more than 1 do," the New Nixon said. "Everything I am or ever hope to be I owe to you. But we have to face the realities. If you start attacking the students and the professors and the news media, it will reflect on me. You're too closely associated with my administration. I'm now a world leader, a statesman, the President of all the people:, I have to stay above the battle, and so do ' you." "And let Agnew grab all the headlines?" the Old Nixon yelled. "Dick, remember when we were vice president together, and you did all the talking for us? Eisenhower didn't get mad. He pretended he didn't know what we were saying. And that's what I'm doing. I'm letting Agnew spout off at the mouth. I'll gain the people who agree with what Agnew has to say, and I'll avoid the animosity of those who get sore. But it will only work if you stay in the closet." '(•• >'.-• sit "THAT'S EASY FOR YOU to say. You get to go to Key Biscayne and San Clemente. You have all the big dinners with Duke Ellington and the Shah of Iran. And what do I do? I sleep on your shoes, breathing in moth balls." The Old Nixon pointed his finger at the New Nixon, "I'm not going to take it much longer. You're going to have 'to choose between Spiro or me." "Don't get tricky with me Dick," the New Nixon said firmly. "I'm letting you stay in the White House because of'a sense of gratitude for past favors. But as President of the United States, I'll make the decision as to who my hatchet man is going to be." '. The Old Nixon dropped to his knees. "All right, so I'm begging for a chance. Look at this .stuff I wrote in the closet — 'Merchants of Hate,' 'Parasites of Passion,' 'Ideological Eunuchs Straddling the Philosophical Fence.' Could AgoeW come up with hyperbole like that?" * * * -, , "GET UP, DICK, LOOK, I'll tell you what I'll do. I can't let you make the speeches, but I'll talk to Spiro about putting you on his speech-writing team. The Old Nixon shrugged. "I guess anything's better than hanging around in that closet." - v

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