Arizona Republic from Phoenix, Arizona on June 18, 1970 · Page 9
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Arizona Republic from Phoenix, Arizona · Page 9

Phoenix, Arizona
Issue Date:
Thursday, June 18, 1970
Page 9
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ALL EDITIONS THEARIZONAREPUBIIC World Page ft Thursday, Jan« 18, ID70 Mere He Spirit Of TAe Lord Is. H*rt /$ Li ' n Corinthians 3:17 Published Every Morning by PHOENIX NEWSPAPERS, INC. 120 E. Van Buren, Phoenix, Arizona 85004 IUGENE C. PULLIAM, PubltsJw Negro Revolution Yesterday, while newspapers told of the election in Newark, NJ. of the first Negro chief executive of a major northeastern city, The Republic's Women's Forum carried an interesting interview with Herb E. Boyer, new executive director of the Opportunities Industrialization Center (QIC). Boyer ha& several controversial things to say and delivered himself of many personal opinions. So it's inevitable that there will be disagreement with some of his remarks. Is it really true, for example, that Phoenix ranks 'among the worst of cities" in terms of racial prejudice? Is it true that blacks are less prejudiced than whites? But the interview was especially interesting because it demonstrated how the "new breed" of Negro, which Boyer clearly represents, is unwilling to accept the stereotyped image of himself which is held by whites. Equally important, he intends to back up his new-found faith in himself by his performance. The election of Kenneth Gibson as mayor of New Jersey's largest city represents an accomplishment in the political arena, where performance is sometimes as much the result of salesmanship and clever packaging as it is of ability and talent. Nevertheless, the Newark election represents a considerable triumph in a city where the black mayor needed white support to win a race that had been fought along bitter racial lines. And that triumph indicates that the message is getting through— the same message proclaimed by Boyer in his recent interview: "The elevation of the black people can only strengthen this country and contribute to the well-being of its citizens." There can be no question that Mr. Boyer is right when he says that the failure of black children to perform is largely a result of conditioning, rather than of racial inferiority. He is right that in order to succeed, a man must have faith in his own worth. He is right that the ingredients for success are education, job training, and capital—the very things that the outstanding OIC program stresses. Inevitably, the Negro search for identity has made some false starts, gone down some blind alleys, and followed some false prophets. Riots and arson and the Black Panthers are all symptoms of this misdirection. But the broader Negro revolution is on the right track —eager to dispel the stereotypes, eager to prove its value, eager to assert its independence. It is a movement everyone should welcome. For under the capable leadership of men like Herb Boyer and other OIC officials it is a movement that promises much good for black and white America. British Election By n. g . Maming Slated For Today By MICHAEL PADEV Foreign Editor, The Arizona Republic WASHINGTON - Britain is holding a general election today, and we shall know by tonight who will be the next British prime minister. , Most political observers and nearly all public opinion polls predict that the Labor government, led by the present prime minster, Harld Wilson will win. As I See If Look Again Politicians catering to radical dissidents In the belief that they represent the wave of the future should examine an opinion survey in a recent issue of Newsweek. Although leftist marches and demands have been relentlessly publicized by the national media, the Gallup survey appearing in Newsweek suggested these manifestations do not represent the opinion of the nation. On the contrary, there is reason to believe the excesses of the demonstrators have alienated the public and will reflect unfavorably on politicians aligned with them. On the issue where the politicians have most notably run scared before the radicals, the violent episode at Kent State University, the public puts the blame for this tragic affair squarely on the demonstrating students. By a margin of almost 6-to-l, respondents to the Gallup inquiry said disruptive students, rather than the national guard, were "primarily responsible for the deaths of four students at Kent State University." The actual figures in the poll were 58 per cent designating students as responsible, 11 per cent blaming the guard. In related questions, respondents to the poll expressed their approval of President Nixon's decision to counterattack against Red outposts in Cambodia (50 per cent to 39 per cent), and voiced commendation of Vice President Agnew's stand in opposition to the radical protesters (46 per cent to 30 per cent). Asked to provide a general evaluation of Nixon's performance as President, those questioned gave him a favorable rating by a margin of better than 2-tb-l. These results conform to a long-established pattern which office-holders sometimes forget: Time and again it turns out the view inflated by the liberal columnists and commentators is not the view of the people. The radicals and the demonstrators who get so much attention represent only a fraction, and an unpopular fraction, of national opinion. This has happened repeatedly in the past, and it is obviously happening again with regard to Cambodia, Kent State, and so forth. Politicians misled by the leftward publicity into believing that they must go along with the protesters or at a minimum vow their sympathy with what the protesters are "trying to do" may therefore be committing a grievous error. The signs suggest the public doesn't like the protesters and doesn't like what they are "trying to do." Veto This Measure President Richard Nixon has a unique opportunity to Stop federal encroachment upon the prerogatives of the states by vetoing the bill which will lower the voting age in all elections to age 18. Whether 18-year-olds should have the vote or not is beside the point. So too is the constitutionality of the measure, recently approved by Congress. The question is whether the national legislature should arrogate to itself the power to enact a law determining the franchise in the several states—particularly when 20 states in the last five years have rejected efforts to lower the voting age. If a majority of California, or Pennsylvania, or New Mexico, or Arizona voters wish to lower the voting age to 18, well and good. But the choice should be theirs, not Congress's. It is important to encourage diversity among the states. But the attempt to homogenize the U.S. into a single unitary system, directed from Washington, discourages—no prohibits—diversity. We hope President Nixon, who has spoken eloquently about restoring power to the states, will prevent usurpation Of '.I :>!'•. |//."IT.. |,y (.-/(•( cibHiJ/ Illy VOtO. But this is by no means certain. Observers and pollsters have often been proved wrong in the past. They may be wrong again. Should Labor lose, the new prime minister will be Edward Heath, leader of the British Conservative Party. But with Wilson or with Heath in Downing Street (the official residence of the prime minister), the British parliamentary democracy will remain the same—and that's the most important thing. The Democratic system of government, we shouldn't forget, is very much in the minority among the nations of the world today. Of the 130-odd states which form the community of nations, hardly two dozen can be considered as real democracies. * * * WE SHOULD, therefore, all rejoice when a great nation like Britain demonstrates, once again, that the democratic idea is alive, and that the democratic system of government, for all its faults, is still the best practical method of running a modern state. Whoever is British prime minister tonight, his opponent will not get imprisoned, or exiled, or shot. Nor will his political supporters be harmed or disadvantaged in any way. Roughly half of the British electorate will vote for Labor and the other half for the Conservatives. The losers will accept the democratic verdict with good grace, and will, in freedom, prepare for the next electoral battle. They will also, in freedom, criticize the new government as often and as sharply as they want, and they will do their best to persuade the voters to back their party next time. In a democratic country, today's losers are usually tomorrow's winners. + * * IN THE PAST 25 years the Labor Party has won four elections and the Conservatives three. But the Conservatives have been in office longer—13 years against Labor's 12. The Conservatives have also produced more prime ministers—four in all: Winston Churchill, Anthony Eden, Harold MacMillan and Alec Douglas-Home. The Laborites have had two prime ministers only- Clement Attlee and Harold Wilson. If he wins today's election, Wilson will hold a most impressive record—he will have won three general elections in succession—in 1964, in 1968 and 1970. No other British political leader has been able to do this in this century. Unlike us, the British do not elect their chief executive in a national election. Today's elections are not held for the prime minister's post, but for 630 members of parliament (congress). The party which wins a majority in parliament elects its own leader, who becomes prime minister. * * « THE MINORITY party does the same, and its head holds the title of "Leader of the Opposition." It is theoretically possible for Labor or for the Conservatives to win the elections and their respective parliamentary parties not to elect Wilson or Heath as leaders. If the Conservatives lose today, it is very likely that they will eventually drop Heath and elect a new leader. Both Wilson and Heath are good friends of the United States and their parties are firmly committed to the NATO alliance and to the idea of U.S.- British friendship and co-operation. As Americans, we can wait for the British election results with true impartiality. From our viewpoint, both Wilson and Heath are welcome as Britain's chief executive. -AWAY FRO/W THE VOTE TO A QUIET PLACE VME CAN PICK OUR CANDIDATES WITHOUT ALL TH6" HeATftND CONFUSION! Arizona Republic Staff Artist Black Capitalism Aided By Nixon A Conservative View Lizbet Tells It Like It Really Is Man; That Is, Face To Face And All That are I By JAMES J. KILPATRICK SCRABBLE, Va. - These are homecoming times in Rappahannock County, just as they are across the land, and suddenly the place is swarming with young peo- p 1 e returned from the col- U lege wars. They done in by ex-j a m i n a t i o ns, and done in by: the rigors of I the academic j year, but not so I done in that KIT PATRICK- they cannot KILPATRICK stay up eating and talking all night. One of these flights of meadowlarks turned up the other afternoon, among them a young lady, aged 20, name of Lizbet, who had just finished her sophomore year at a Midwestern institution that has figured in the news of campus demonstrations. SHE WAS slim as a 16th note and clean as Sunday morning, with long dark hair and eyes the size of cookies. "I see your column now and then," she began, "and I wanted to tell you I disagree with you all the way, I mean all the way, and I wanted to tell you this to your face because I think it's always better to say what you think, right out, you know, and not behind somebody's back, like, if you can't be honest, what've you got?" I put a copy pencil in my book, and asked what had prompted this revelation. "LOOK," Lizbet said, "let me tell you how it is. It's prison, I mean, like being in prison, you can't talk to anyone, and the house rules, you know, are ridiculous — 12 o'clock week nights and only 1 a.m. Fridays and Saturdays, and if you're going out of town you have to sign all these forms. "You can't imagine. We're not children, you know. "But it wasn't just the house rules. It was everything, you know, the food in the Union was terrible, I mean it was really greasy, and the student government was a farce, it was just meaningless, and nobody wanted to come back after Christmas." WELL, I ASKED, if she had known about the rules, and thought they were all that bad, why had she gone back a second year? "You don't understand," she said. "After all, I mean, we students are it. If we don't insist on change, who will? "But it wasn't just the rules and the food and all that, it was the big things — Nixon and Agnew, and this unjust immoral war, and half of the professors in the chem lab are doing some kind of defense work, you know, and then Mr. Beasley got fired — he had been there four years, you know, four years, and fired, just like that." "Ah," I said. "HE WAS the only good teacher they had. I had him for English Lit the first semester. I mean, he was sincere and dedicated and honest, and we'd talk about Vietnam and that corrupt puppet government they have, and we'd write about injustice and all that, and he was relevant. "Really, he was relevant. Then it got out that his contract wasn't being renewed, and that was it." "Yes," I said. "We had this big meeting at one of the boys' apartments, and we worked all one weekend on our manifesto, and I mean we worked on it. You think we're irresponsible. Listen. We talked over every one of our demands. "WE WEREN'T radical. We wanted an end'to the war, right now, and we all wanted justice for the black students, and the boys wanted ROTC abolished. The college has no business helping the government in defense research, so we wanted that stopped. "We wanted Mr. Beasley rehired, and we demanded some reasonable changes in the dorm rules, and the book store, and the greasy food, and you know, things like that." "Ummm," I said. "And you know what?" she said. "We had an orderly march to the president's office, and submitted our manifesto, and nothing happened. I mean nothing happened. "OH, A committee was appointed, but nothing really happened. So some of the boys broke some windows at the ROTC building. What else could they do? You know? And it was a few days after that when things got out of hand." "Ah," I said, and just then Lizbet was summoned to go swimming. She departed in a swirl of dark hair, and I heard later on that she said Mr. Kilpatrick listened all right, "but I don't think I got through to him at 311* glliBllll I Book Brief Politics and Social Forces in Chilean Development, by James Petras. University of California Press, Berkeley. 377 pp., $8.50. In many ways, Chile is a typical Latin American nation. It suffers from high inflation, wide inequalities of wealth, a large lower class, economic stagnation, and uneven growth. But it is atypical in the sense that it has enjoyed political stability and elected governments. Indeed, except for one brief period, Chile has been demo- 'The Women's WHAT Movement, Did You Say? 9 cratically governed for half a century. And the military, although a barracks revolt caused some commotion several months ago, does not regard its mission as that of directing the nation's affairs. In this interesting study, an assistant professor of political science at Penn State University examines the various social, political, and economic alignments in that elongated nation that stretches halfway down South America's Pacific coast. The author's bias is clearly evident; he strongly favors the social democracy (read: democratic socialism) that was embodied in the principles of the Alliance for Progress. And his dislike of Chile's upper- and middle - class Is frequently evident throughout the book. Nevertheless, the circumspect reader — even the reader who docs not share Mr. Petras's prejudices — will be rewarded with statistical tables and charts that prove informative and revealing. The chapters on Chile's sprawling bureaucracy and on President Eduardo Frei are particularly Instructive, and make up for some of the author's more glaring subjective judgments. At any rate, the book is worth perusing, if only because Chile itself is such an interesting topic. By HOLMES ALEXANDER WASHINGTON, B.C. - Thornell Page Is the black, muscular, dressy, articulate director of Friendship House, a welfare conglomerate and a sector of black capitalism — one of the President's campaign promises we don't hear much about. There are currently 2,393 black-owned businesses in Washington, «^--«_ up by 350, or 16 per "J^*™"? cent, in the past three ALEXANDER years, according to Howard University's Small Business Guidance and Development Center. Black businesses constitute about 8.5 per cent of the 28,000 firms in the nation's capital where the Negro population is about 70 per cent. The increase came mainly in liquor and clothing stores, day nurseries and consulting firms, the Center reported in its Directory of Black-Owned Businesses in Washington. • * * MOST OF the businesses are in the service type in the Negro area. There are none in the downtown district. The biggest are barber shops and beauty parlors. There have been significant increases, however, in such things as automobile and automobile parts dealerships, tl- 4 nance, insurance, real estate. Types of businesses which have declined or showed very little growth include home improvement, funeral homes, ' radio-TV sales, convalescent homes, employment offices, transportation, wholesaling and manufacturing. * * * THE President seems reconciled to getting no political credit for the movement of his plan. Negro leaders don't like' him, don't send their best men to work with the administration, resent his stop- and-start policy on school integration and the lack of black faces in the cabinet. He doesn't expect his party to draw A Word Edgewise Reprinted Books 'Must' Reading By JOHN P. ROCHE Twenty years ago, when Sen. Joe McCarthy was in full cry and many intellectuals were carrying their passports for insurance against a Fascist coup, I became interested in the history of civil liberty in the United States. Oddly enough, it was virtually unmapped territory. ..«&' . ROCHE In "The Quest for the Dream" (Quadrangle paperbacks), I attempted to remedy this appalling historical neglect. However, whether I was successful or not, my volume was at best an introduction, a preliminary exploration of a tremendous area of American experience. The individual who was upset about "repression" in the United States could read my book, and a dozen subsequent volumes on lesser scale, and try to decide whether Roche was correct in arguing that freedom in America was expanding. Or whether my critics were right in announcing the end of American liberty and the triumph of conformity. * * * THROUGH WHAT seems like a publisher's philanthropic zeal, the major primary sources in the history of American civil liberty have been reprinted. In the course of this year the Da Capo Press will bring out 50 volumes, ranging from the 18th century debate over libel laws to the Sacco-Vanzetti case in the 1920s. While I doubt that many individuals will rush to the book stores to order "A Discussion of the Question is the Roman Catholic Religion inimical to Civil or Religious Liberty? . . .", featuring a debate in the 1830s between a leading Protestant clergyman and Father (later Cardinal) John Hughes, this and the other books should be available in public and school libraries. * * * THE SERIES, entitled "Reprints in Civil Liberties in American History," has been put together by the Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Leonard W. Levy, who has long shared my sense of frustration at the difficulty involved in bringing young Americans in direct contact with their past. Levy, with his characteristic (and somewhat unnerving) energy, has set out to remedy this problem. He and the Da Capo Press deserve medals. It is commonplace to say that in order to know where we are, one must know where we have been. Yet it is a rule Americans habitually disregard. The result? Most analyses of contemporary "American Reality" have a disjointed, vacuum-packed quality about them. When students, for example, start talking about intimidation, it is useful to have them read about the "Deportations Delirium of 1919-1920" and the busting of the great steel strike in the same years. Da Capo Press has made this exposure possible. I only hope educators will take advantage of ii.

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