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ALL EDITIONS THE ARIZONA REPUBLIC Cliff-hanger , Sat,, June 3ft, 1973 Where The Spirit Of The Lord /*, There ts Liberty— tt Corinthlani 3;1? w-v. Publlihed Every Momini by 1: PHOENIX NEWSPAPERS, INC, ID fi. Van Buren, PbocnH, Arizona ISOOi tUftlNt C. FUUiAM, Ntlltltt Editorial* The giant grows '" The question that Maricopa '-County Supervisor Eldon Rudd •vai&ked the other day is the same "Question other elected representa- '^.tiyes should be asking. '' To wit, why is government growing faster than the population, 'fjo'th in size and cost? )'.'„ Rudd literally was flabbergasted V,b.y the proposed budget hike to • «.'; some $109 million for the county, i^a. 22.8 per cent money increase in one year. He also turned a new . ,,shade when . he discovered that the ^number of county employes had "increased by 52 per cent in five years, while the county's population grew only 20.4 per cent. While Rudd is awaiting ah explanation from. County Manager Charles Miller with particulars of v.;.this enlargement of. government, j^the pertinence of challenging gov- '? ernment growth elsewhere in Ari- KjZpna is available in a new set of ;•,; figures. •' : • The Valley National Bank's eco- 1 70 o m i c research department re••[ veals that the fastest growing em- '"'ployment in the state for the next V'five years will be government. *'. "-' J • Of the 180,000 new jobs created Not the right kind of gas ''' Trapped by double parkers in front of a Belgrade hotel, a motor.: 1st threw a tear gas grenade into > the lobby. ,:.'., it brought 300 teary-eyed, coughing hotel guests rushing out of the hotel, but had no effect on the double parked cars. by 1978, 51,000 will be in government, 43,000 in manufacturing, 37,000 in retail and wholesale trades, 36,000 in services, and the rest scattered in other classifications. ; . This year, government accounts for 19.1 per cent of Arizona's total work force — or, about nine-tenths of a government employe for four other Workers in private industry. By 1973, the government work force percentage will rise to 20.8 per cent—or, about 1.04 government workers for every four other private sector employes, In contrast, while government employment is f o r e c a s t to increase, employment in mining, construction, transportation, utilities and agriculture will decline as a percentage of the total work force. This is a discouraging indice. The direct result of enlarged government means workers must work longer for the benefit of government before calling a dollar their own; If unchecked, the logical sequence to disproportionate government growth will be an employe ratio someday of two government 'employes for every other three employed, and then three, and four, and. The non-profit nature of government is a natural breeding ground for waste. Programs often do not relate to necessity nor performance, but to bureaucratic desirea- bility. How Maricopa County responds to the challenge as laid down by Supervisor Rudd will be indicative of other governments' will to exercise restraint. Man in the know ''."••• Earl Browder, who headed the '"'American Communist Party from -''1930 to 1946, is dead at the age of tf' : 82.' Most newspapers dismissed his -''death, with five or six inches of '"••type. :-.-.:- ;.••••-. ••••' .'..:;.•, The Kansas boy who became a Pleader in the international Com••;; munist conspiracy had clearly •/'-slipped into the ashbin of history. v.To paraphrase, the classic Marx- vist phrase, he was thrown off the . '•train when the locomotive of histo- -!.-iy went around a turn in the '•i tracks. ""'' Browder was a loyal Commu: "nist, fomenting revolution in Chii-ma,'-boring into the trade union movement in the United States, .attacking the "Fascist United '-'•'•States'-' until the day Germany in- f-vaded Russia and then going all out for American support for Russia. But in 1946, after World War II was finished, Browder was ex„... pelted from the Communist move- VJimeht becaused he was accused of ^."revisionism," the arch crime in li'the communist world. "•^Accepting his new role, he said:' <-; ... I have been known as the r,t spokesman for the American Com- O'.jtnunist Party. I no longer have j-;that role." ,7.' Browder's fault lay in urging ";; ''peaceful coexistence" between ^'the United States and Russia. To:' ( day, in the afterrnath of the Nixon- V'Brezhnev meetings, that would ^'hardly be considered a crime, in * ! ,,either the United States or Russia. Having lost his role as spokes- man for American Communists, Browder was free to write about the systems of government that prevailed in his native country, the United States, and in his ideological homeland, Russia. Here is what he said at a lecture at Rutgers University in 1958. "... the distinctive achieve• ment of America was the abolition of almost all the remnants of pre- capitalist political and economic institutions and practices. The one conspicuous exception was slavery until the Civil War, and its remnants for another century . . . Despite this anachronism, the United States is the unique example of a great nation which, from its founding, proceeded to sweep away antiquated institutions and folkways incompatible w i t h . the needs of modern society. Thus America has the 'purest' capitalism, that is, it had the smallest inter - mixture of semi - feudal remnants. This sweeping character of the American revolution bestowed upon her, in final outcome, world economic supremacy . . •< made her the leader of world progress." In view of some of the things Brezhnev was saying to American congressmen a few days ago (when he sought American extension of "most favored nation" treatment to Russia) one may well wonder whether another sharp turn by the locomotive of history has not made it likely that Browder will be "rehabilitated" in the Communist mythology and his bust placed in a prominent niche somewhere in the Kremlin, Greek recognition ,,-: The State Department in Washington has made a wise decision concerning the recognition by the "U.S., of the present Greek govern- •-'ynent. Some U.S. senators led by Sen. William Fulbright (D-Ark.) had suggested that the U.S, should reconsider its policy toward the ? , Greek government, headed by Col. >, -George Papadopoulos, because /•that government had abolished the ,. Greek monarchy and had proclaimed a republic. -...•;•. .Senator Fulbright and some of 'his colleagues want the U.S. to .•.express its displeasure with the '.,.Papadopoulos regime by withhold. :ing recognition of ihe Greek re," public. The State Department has i replied — rightly -T that the U.S. . .will continue to recognize the Pa- "padopoHJos government because that government is the effective , government of Greece. '.. The State Department says in effect — and we agree — that it is not our business to tell other countries, and especially friendly countries like Greece, how to handle their purely domestic constitutional problems. This means that the U.S., in common with all other countries, should recognize the republic as the official government of Greece. This recognition does not mean that we approve or particularly like the form of government the Greeks have chosen for them* selves. Plainly, this is a problem which should concern the Greeks only. Perhaps we should also look at these foreign problems with a little bit of humility and some sense of proportion. We have enough political troubles of our own, and our senators in Washington should devote more of their time and energy to them, instead of getting worried as to which Greeks —• the republicans or the monarchists — have the upper hand in Athens. A . Republic editorial cartoonlit William F. Buckley Jr, Liddy Plan for political disruption was a dilly The ; early testimony of John Dean throws light on the risky uses of the term "professional." There was, for Instance, the so- called Liddy Plan. This plan was unveiled by Gordon Liddy before John Mitchell and Jeb Magruder and John Dean in the early months of 1971. It called for doing a real job during the political conventions. In Miami, prostitutes would be loosed throughout the the Democratic convention, to tease secrets from the politicians and delegates. In San Diego (where the Republicans were at that time scheduled to meet), the anticipated anti-Nixon demonstrators would be — presumably Liddy was talking about the ringleaders, though who knows, who knows—mugged, and others of them kidnapped south of the border to Mexico, where they would lose their appetite for anti-Nixon activity. The enterprise, Liddy said, would cost $1 million. But — only professionals should be used. The very best girls. Presumably, also, the very best muggers, and the very best kidnapers. No amateur kidnapers. And then Dean said that on one social occasion he had been told by one of the security people gathered around the John P. Roche White House about tapping the telephone of a newsman. That was really something, the bugger had said to Dean. . * * * He remembered having simultaneously to hold the ladder for the technician who was Installing the bug at the other end, while at the same time having to look to the right and to the left in case anyone showed up in the back alley in which they were doing their business. One could only think of Abbott and Costello installing a wiretap. John Mitchell's reaction, said Dean, was to wink surreptitiously at Dean and Magruder while Liddy was solemnly going on about the kidnappers and muggers and prostitutes. Then— and here I think is a clue to the surpassing mysteries of Watergate — John Mitchell did what, Dean said, he characteristically did in any situation. He puffed on his pipe, and then said the most banal things he could think of, more or less to decompress the human tension. Bismarck; • arid one supposes J. Edgar Hoover, would have puffed on a pipe and then ordered the men in the white suits to come and take him away. John Mitchell just said that a million dollars was too much. It is only surprising that Liddy, who prided himself on thinking of every detail,,.didn't say, that they could get the million back in ransom money for the kidnapped demonstrators. * * * So it went during that strange season. Somebody said that Senator Kennedy should be followed day and night. Somebody else said look, that's going to be rough, because it just isn't likely that you can follow a guy like Kennedy day and night without somebody noticing. In fact, the somebody who notices could very well be a security man assigned to protect Senator Kennedy, and he might suspect that the people following Kennedy day and night are trying to kill him. So they report to the FBI. And the FBI comes and arrests the people following Kennedy — only to find that 'they are working for the White House. One gathers that the plan was most reluctantly dropped. Professionalism! The entire lot of them, said Dean, didn't find out, so far as he knew, the name or the names of anybody who was leaking the security information to the press. It is as if one were to drop a hydrogen bomb on a small city with the intent of doing away with a statue, which was then spotted by aerial photography as the only artifact left standing. * * * I remember the passage published a dozen years ago in a journal of-opinion: "The attempted assassination of Sukar- no last week had all the earmarks of a CIA operation. Everybody in the room was killed except Sukarno." How does one cultivate professional skills in such activities as the Committee to Re-Elect the President, and the White House' security 1 people, were asking for? One hopes, and then sometimes wonders, whether other matters are being professionally attended to. For. instance, the economy, which sometimes looks as if it were one of Gordon Liddy's lesser projects. Nixon should have driven harder bargains While the President and his associates delighted in the bonhommie of Comrade Leonid Brezhnev, and American capitalists wandered around Washington drooling at the prospect of making a killing, I confess I was profoundly depressed. Not because I want to see the United States and the Soviets tossing nukes at each other, or because I oppose normalizing relations with dictatorships. We live in a world that is not composed of play-dough — we can't shape it — so I am prepared to see the United States deal with reality: Whether reality is the Greek colonels, Mao, the South African whites, or the Soviet Politburo. But it is one thing to deal with reality and something quite different to pretend that — in most cases — such transactions do not leave a stench in one's nostrils. Comrade Brezhnev, after all, runs the world's second largest prison — topped only by President Nixon's other friend, Comrade Mao. * * * That great gas pipeline that will solve pur energy crisis will doubtless be built in part by dissident Soviet intellectuals sentenced to labor camps. Perhaps you haven't noticed it because of the euphoria, but there has been a savage clampdown on Sovjet dissenters over the past year, a repression that has been overlooked because Moscow, shrewdly, began releasing Jews to Israel. In domestic political terms, the tremendous heat that has been, generated in Congress, and incorporated in the Jackson Amendment, arose from the legitimate indignation of the American Jewish community about the status of Soviet Jewry. I share this indignation, but hold it across the board. What is at issue is the right to emigrate, not the right of Jews to emigrate, or the right of Catholics to emigrate. Jt.wouUJ be tragic if the Soviet tactic of promisjpg to be nice to Jews obscured this fundamental point and led Congress to back away from insisting on the Jackson proviso— which is generic in coverage. * * * At the risk of sounding like a "cold war anachronism" (in a favorite phrase of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee), I am prepared to argue that the Soviets need us far more than we do them. A quarter of a century late, Stalin's heirs are applying for membership in the Marshall Plan. Again let me emphasize that this is no condemnation of normal inter-state relations, but if we are going to be denounced as capitalists in the Communist press, the least we can do is live up to our reputation: That is, strike a damned hard bargain. Last year's wheat deal was an appalling giveaway, one which helped generate the runaway farm inflation of the last six months. Let -us do business, but let us be completely hard- nosed about it. If we do not have as one of our functions the role of world policeman, it is equally true that we have no obligations as world physician. In specific terms, it is hardly our mission to rescue the So- viet Union from the egregious incompetence of its leadership. * * * When I say strike a hard bargain, I am not just talking in financial terms (though I see no reason why the American taxpayer should have paid a $300 million subsidy to Soviet agriculture last year). We should utilize our position of strength to demand concessions in the area of human rights. In my judgment, for example, the President should not even have given Brezhnev a necktie, let alone a snappy blazer, until the latter had agreed to stop jamming Radio Liberty. But here we return to the sad question: Is President Nixon in a position to play our hand to its maximum advantage? (One can almost hear Brezhnev saying sardonically to Dobrynin: "Should I offer him some technical assistance from the KGB?" As the agreements were signed and stacked, I at least kept wondering: "What did we give away to get that headline?" And all that jovial stuff: One must do business with gangsters in this world, but it should be conducted with dignity. "Well, at least we're quick about something!" CoLttobcrt n.ttclnl Flowing tresses OK for Marines WASHINGTON Whatever gambit the framers of the Constitution may have envisaged for the federal judiciary, it is a safe bet they never anticipated that U.S.' District Judge Robert Van Pelt of landlocked Lincoln, Neb., would take it on himself to regulate the hair-style of U.S. Marines. Van Pelt who, despite his 77 years, has never done one day's military service, war or peace, has just enjoined the commandant of the Marine Corps (and above him, another old Marine, Navy Secretary John W. Arner) from enforcing the traditional Marine haircut on a longhaired troupe of litigious reservists who sued to keep their locks. The learned judge's ruling, which must surely represent a new peak of judicial interference ad absurdum, is that a worldwide Marine Corps order . prescribing the standard military haircut, may not be enforced against reservists who cram their hair under wigs during monthly drill weekends or, stilt more intolerable, at any time throughout annual two-weeks summer training. * * * Trivial as this issue may seem (and probably not justifiable in many courts beside that persided over by the venerable Van Pelt), the decision, both in reasoning and in implications, is mischievous and troubling. , Van Pelt is bottomed, as the lawyers say, in two premises which anyone who knows anything about the Marines would find fallacious if not obnoxious. (1) Despite vigorous argument to the contrary, he has ruled that the corps is no different from the Army and that, in his words, its claim to necessarily higher standards of "cohesiveness, loyalty and pride ... is not persuasive." It requires no mental gymnastics at this point to recognize that Judge Van Pelt has never seen (or maybe even heard of) Parris Island — or for that matter, Iwo Jima, Wake Island, or Cho- sin Reservoir, either. Proceeding from this evidently squint- eyed perception of the two services, the judge says that, because the army gave up on soldierly haircuts, the Marine Corps is unreasonable not to follow suit. * * DC (2) To make matters worse, again citing an Army hair ruling, Van Pelt concluded in effect that reservists are less than Marines anyway, therefore not answerable to standards of discipline, behavior, or grooming that the corps has in the past exacted of anyone — reserve, regular, retired — who wears the globe and anchor. This conclusion strikes at the heart of the long-standing philosophy whereby the corps has so successfully and expressly integrated its reserve into the fabric of the whole. The implications of this decision, however, are even worse than its addled reasoning. Even by entertaining such an action, the court encouraged what amounts to something philosophically like a legalized mutiny, that is, organized defiance not only of immediate orders, but of Marine Corps policy and traditions — emphatically includiing that of discipline. Soldiers who take their commanding officer, let alone their commandant, into a civilian court, are deeply unfit to serve, and a judge who enables such action to stick against the military authorities is, in fact, suborning sedition and striking at the heart of discipline. Today 9 a quote Thomas Evans Coulton, Dean of Freshmen, in A City College in Action: Struggle and Achievement at Brooklyn College, 1930-1955: The enormity of the evil of the assault was found not so much in its methods — the lack of manners, the strident vituperation, abuse and name-calling, hard as these were to bear — as in its deeds'. Where it was successful it prostituted everything that an organization dedicated to learning stood for. It debased utterly the ways of life which all civilized peoples have held should be the attributes of students, teachers, and scholars. For where there should have been fellowship and a spirit of tolerance, the Stalinists built suspicion and dictation; where open discussion and debate should have obtained, they introduced caucused and concocted polemics and assertion; where a free and inquiring mind was to be encouraged, they put forth preconceived ideas as truth; where individual thought was required, they cajled for mass action; instead o.f respect for law, bylaws, regulations, and "fair play," they urged connivance, deceit, and overt disobedience; for discussion they substituted propaganda; for honesty they substituted the lie;, for clarity, confusion; for conviction, the slogan. Those who were disciplined, controlled, and directed, fought for "academic freedom." They who were conspiratorial, secret, and exclusive, cried for "civil liberties."