Arizona Republic from Phoenix, Arizona on November 4, 1969 · Page 12
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November 4, 1969

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Arizona Republic from Phoenix, Arizona · Page 12

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Phoenix, Arizona
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Tuesday, November 4, 1969
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9i 1 EDITION ,Th© Political Scene Page 6 Tuesday, Nov* 4, It You Can*i Stand Tlw'tieafc* As I See It By Reg Manning Were The Spirit Of The ton* Is, Then It liberty H Corinthians 3:17 Published Every Morning by PHOENIX NEWSPAPERS, INC. 120 E. Van Buren, Phoenix, Arizona 85004 EUAtNl C. NILMAM, Jems said unto her, I am the resurrection, and the life: he that believeth to me, though he were dead, yet shaU he live: And whosoever liveth and believeth in me shall never die. St John 11:2S,26 For Charter Government Exactly one week from today Phoenix will hold its most important municipal election in 20 years, A mayor and six members of the city council will be elected. The real issue at stake is whether Phoenix will maintain the principles of Charter Government as they have developed since the city charter was revised and the first Charter Government Committee slate of officials Was elected in 1949. The issue is confused since the two leading candidates for mayor both claim to support the principles of Charter Government. After three terms as mayor un• der the election auspices of the Charter Government Committee, Milt Graham this year split off and formed his own slate in his quest for a fourth term. Two councilmen, Frank Benites and Morrison Warren, who also were elected as Charter Government candidates, have joined the Citizens Council for Charter Government, as the Graham ticket is called. Ignoring this action by candidates whom they first put in office, the Charter Government Committee has nominated John Driggs for mayor. Seeking office with him are six Charter Government candidates for city ^council: George Miller, Harry Broderson, Karl Stewart, Howard Kraft, Armando de Leon and John Katsenes. WITH BOTH TICKETS swearing fealty to Charter Government, it is hardly surprising that most polls show some 40 per cent of the voters undecided on whether they will support the Driggs ticket or the Graham ticket. Of those who have made up their minds, one poll shows 55 per cent for Driggs> 40 per cent for Grafcam, and 5 per cent split between the two other mayoral candidates, Bob Burns and Clarence Shumway. If the undecided vote splits the same way the decided vote has split, then John Driggs and the Charter Government Ticket will win the election. How should the undecided voters cast their ballots? Since presumably they have no firm likes or dislikes Where the candidates are concerned, we hope they will vote on the issue of whether Charter Government Should be retained, or whether a splinter group that seeks perpetual power should be put in office. Fortunately the Charter Government record is clear enough for all to read. During an era in which municipal taxes have soared, the city council has held the line on property taxes inside the city limits. Strong city managers, unchallenged until recent years, have run an efficient government. There have been no police scandals such as wracked Denver and Chicago, no ma- [jor race riots such as bedeviled Washington and Los Angeles, no patronage to political favorites.; DURING THE 20 YEARS that successive Charter Government Committees have won elections and then dissolved themselves, more than 50 public-minded citizens have been able to serve on the city council. Six prominent Phoenicians have served as mayor and then gone on to pursue other activities. These ex-mayors and ex-council members have been joined by hundreds of other citizens who have served on boards and commissions. Put together they form a pool of government- oriented citizens such as probably no other city in the country can boast. But there is nothing automatic or self-perpetuating about Charter Government, Once it is beaten by a candidate who wants to run again and again and again for the mayor's job, by a candidate whose source of power lies with self-promoting groups, then the Charter Gov- 'ernment concept will be finished and Phoenix could well be headed back to the days when jjobs and contracts were distributed by mayors and councilmen, and when city managers lasted an average of 14 months apiece. Principles are hard to promote in elections, but Phoenix has had enough experience with the principles of Charter Government to support them. And we think the voters who are still undecided won't have much trouble in deciding that the Driggs slate truly represents the ICharter Government principles. Hasty Judgment A report by a federally appointed group of scientists Warning of the presumed harmful effects not only of the psychedelic drugs, but such household standbys as aspirin as well, may or may not be cause for alarm. There is no gainsaying the fact, of course, that the psychedelic drugs are harmful both to the user and any offspring he or she may produce. And it is no secret that so simple a remedy as aspirin can trigger gastric Ulcers. In fact, in excessive amounts, aspirin can be lethal. But to condemn put of hand, us the scientists did, such other medications as tranquilizers, nonprescription sedatives, and even measles vaccine, appears to be a hasty and ill-founded judgment. The result of one such poorly considered pronouncement already has removed cyclamates and cyclamate- contalning items from the market. The indictment against the above-mentioned substances is that possibly they may cause birth defects and cancer. The charge is weak indeed when, as in the present instance, it is not substantiated by closely supervised scientific studies on humans. There have been animal studies to test these substances, of course; and some of the animals have been made cancerous thereby. Others have produced litters Jn which there were abnormal creatures. But no such results, Insofar as we know, have been reported in humans, Incidentally, the research animals which did show untoward reactions to the tested materials, had been given doses far above the normal amounts, and more ^-•mucn more—than any human could, or would, take. Extrapolation from animal to human — a standard P!Effi c P ra ctice—would seem to make a warning (lustmed against over-use rather than the outright con- flemnation issued by the scientists. Alexander Pope, the 18th century British poet unwit- ingly may have anticipated the present situation when e wrote;. "The proper study of mankind is Man." ft LAWRENCE In School Ruling By DAVID LAWRENCE WASHINGTON—Judging by some of last week's headlines, the Supreme Court of the United States has oitlered immediate integration of public schools throughout the country. But actually there are many fine points in the decision which by no means lead to such a conclusion. First of all, in the Mississippi case, the high court cited two of its previous rulings which give more details than the opinion handed down last week. Thus, it cited the Green case of 1968 which declared that state-imposed dual systems are unconstitutional. But what is a state-imposed dual system? It is defined in the decision as an action by a state, going through local school boards or school officials, to make certain schools white and certain schools Negro. * * * THERE IS NOTHING in the opinion which stipulates that a school operating in a particular neighborhood which happens to be predominantly white or Negro must select students from other areas in order to accomplish full-scale integration. The high court has never ruled whether what is called de facto segregation is illegal. There is no obligation on the part of any school anywhere to obtain students from other school districts, Negro or white, in order to achieve a racial balance through a quota system. In fact, the federal civil rights law forbids any use of funds to correct racial imbalance. Apparently some critics of the Supreme Court decision say that the rule should be applied not only in the South, but nationally. This assumes ihat segregation in the North and West is state- imposed. * * * EVEN WITH the so-called dual system in the South, many changes will have to be made before complete integration is accomplished. The high court realized this when it said that the lower courts may accept all or any part of the August 1969 recommendations of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, "with any modifications which that court deems proper" as long as it insures nondiscrimination between applicants. The Supreme Court indicated its willingness to deal with contingencies as they arise, but said that the objective must be to remove all state-imposed dual systems now. What, then, is new in the high court's decision? It says that desegregation "with all deliberate speed" is no longer constitutionally permissible. The court feels that enough time has elapsed since its 1954 decision for all school districts in the country to have dealt with the problem and desegregated. * * * BUT DESEGREGATION and integration are not the same thing. If cities retain school boundaries, they may turn over the responsibility for accepting students entirely to the individual school boards in each area, which, in turn, can stipulate that children who live within a school district are the only oneg who may attend that school, or that students may be admitted no matter where they live. Today's Quote Tom McCall, governor of Oregon, writing in Compact magazine: There is much for the elder to learn from the younger. We have so much in common. The ideals of age are not so different from the ideals of youth. For a moment, look at that decrepit generation over 40. As a group, it rattled the cage loudly enough to gain incredible depression-inspired reforms and without turning to communism as a tool for social progress; it shattered history's most massive totalitarian war machine; it shed more blood and realized more treaty-gained curbs against aggression; it fought the widest range of economic battles; and it accomplished more legislation for the advancement of ethnic and other minorities than any other generation in history. -GfcT OUT OF THfe KITCHEN / Arizona Republic Staff Artist Ref 01*111 Of £e In Oil Allowance A Conservative View Top Court School Ruling Disturbing To Georgia, But South Will Get Along By JAMES J. KILPATRICK ATLANTA, Ga. - Much of the talk here in Atlanta, now that the mayoralty election is over, deals with the unprecedented suit filed 1 by the Department of Justice to compel.de- segregation of schools across the whole state of Georgia. T h e r e is general agreement — the remark- KILPATRICK able thing — that if "the government wins, the world will not come to an end. Governor Maddox; to be sure is down with the spavins and heaves. Metaphorically speaking, he is rattling the old ax handles and calling upon God to witness the perfidy of Richard Nixon. UP EM THE red-clay country, where racial attitudes run as deep as pine roots, .pockets remain of unyielding opposition to any mixing of white and colored pupils. It would be an error to suggest a millennium at hand. Yet the atmosphere is different, all the same. Ten or 15 years ago, desegregation of the schools was ranked in Georgia with other catastrophes: the boll weevil, drought, floods, hurricanes, and Republicans in public office. This was true even in Atlanta, one of the most sophisticated and civilized cities in our land. TODAY one gleans an impression that problems of school desegregation no longer dominate public pronouncements or private conversations. There are other things to talk about. Until the government's suit came along—a petition for preliminary injunction is actively pending—white and black leaders were more concerned with voting rights and job opportunities than with schools. There was a feeling among whites and blacks alike that most of the scool problems in time would take care of themselves. NOW THE suit is pending. The Justice Department wants a court order directing the state board of education and superintendent of schools to start developing plans at once for desegregation in 83 of the state's 195 school districts where idesegration has ranged from nil to not much. A deadline of September 1970, is demanded. The plans would cover everything from bus routes to faculty assignments. Plainly, the government means business. The reaction, I am told, has been remarkably mild. Few persons are really mad at Nixon. TALK IS heard of new private schools for white children in some of the districts where whites constitute a minority. Generally, there is hope that the federal judges will-, fashion a decree that Georgia can live with—a decree that will do no less, and no more, than to accomplish the aim of the suit, the disestablishment of a state-imposed dual system of schools. . This was the aim defined by the U.S. Supreme Court in the New Kent County, Va., case in May of 1968. Contrary to widespread belief, the court did not prohibit freedom of choice plans altogether. "THERE may well be instances," said Justice Brennan, "in which 'freedom of choice' can serve as an effective device." But the means are less important than the end. And what is the end? To see that state-imposed 1 segregation is removed. If the courts and the Nixon administration will stick closely to .this point, a not intolerable accommodation can be reached in Georgia and elsewhere. Such a goal does not demand a coerced 1 integration at the expense of education; it does not demand that children be given a cattle-car treatment, like calves or spring lambs, to meet arbitrary percentages fixed in Washington.' IT DEMANDS, as Brennan said, only that the states stop thinking of black schools and white schools, and concentrate simply on schools, period. Such an approach is gaining ground steadily in the South. A year ago, more than half a million Negro pupils were attending schools that were at least 50 per cent white. The number is much larger this .fall. GIVEN maximum freedom of educational opportunity, plus compassionate respect for human feelings on both sides, workable answers can be found in the South. Georgians I have talked with are convinced of this. And if Georgia stops saying "never," Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana will not be far behind. District Court Of Chicago Is Now In Session ... And NIOW, Here Come The Judge!' i Book Brief The Grand Colorado, by T. H. Watkins & contributors. American West Pub. Co. 312 pp., .$12.95. The Colorado is one of the great rive.rs of the West, extending 1,700 miles from its source in southeastern Wyoming to its mouth in the Gulf of California. Together with its -tributaries and sub-tributaries, it is the dominant river system in the American Southwest, draining an area one-twelfth the size of the continental U.S. SEVEN states are directly affected by the river which began some 12 million years ago, only a brief span in the, history of time. Indians lived in its caves many years before white men . first gazed upon the river and its canyons. The Spanish came upon it In the mid-16th century, . But.it was not until exactly 100 years ago - when. John Wesley Powell and his group;of explorers rode the Colorado — that modern man began to grasp its beauty and, later, its con> mercial possibilities. THIS beautiful book, containing 152,000 words of text, and 200 illustrations, is billed as the most complete account of the river and its canyons, However, thaj, rnay be, it is surely one of the finest'ac- counts, not only for its graphic beauty, but for its, wise selection of materials ~ much of it in the words of.the men who discovered and explored the mighty. Colorado* A By HOLMES ALEXANDER WASHINGTON, D.C. - Sen. Jack Miller (R.4owa) is the only tax lawyer on the Senate Finance Committee, and a very smart fella. On the matter of reforming the oil depletion allowance, Miller has broken from the mainstreams of thought (which ac- two has the his tually run in channels) and gone back to springhead for ideas. ALEXANDER Miller traces the subject of the gas * oil depletion . allowance back to its source, back to the intent of Congress when depletion legislation was first passed in the late 1920s. We needed domestic oil-supplies then and we dp now. The idea in the Internal Revenue Code is to encourage ventures into this chancy business where a driller Is far more likely to strike a duster than a, gusher. The result of the tax favoritism has been good. Oil companies have prospered. The price of petroleum products has been lowered. The expansion of oil related industries has provided federal and state revenue, as well as more and better jobs. ,. . . . * * * THE FAULT, then, has not been in the spirit of the law, but in the distorted letter of the law. Miller is not, like Mr-r Nixon, one who'd prefer to let well enough alone. He's not like Russell. Long, since there is no oil and no oil constituency in Iowa. Nor is Miller like the majority of th$ House of Representatives which voted a meat - ax cut in the allowance from 27,5 per cent to 20 per cent. Miller believes that it's not too late to realign the law's letter with the law's spirit, and thereby to benefit both the industry and the consuming public. •'•' The Miller amendment (No. 252) to the House - passed bill (HR 13270) fqlf lows Burke's Law which says there's no" way to indict a whole nation. * * * THERE ARE some companies which plow back, the tax savings into new explorations, and there are some compar, nies which pay out the savings in stock-" holders' dividends. • » Miller's amendment would substitute a knife's edge for the meat-ax. It would', separate the plow-back company from- the dividend company, he says. . „, "My amendment would not treat both' these corporations in the same way. In' the case of corporation A, which plows' back all of its percentage depletion, the present depletion rates (27.5 per cent) : < would apply. In the case of corporation. B, which did not plow back anything,, the new reduced rates (20 per cent) in,, the House bill would apply." '--r Miller says his amendment (a littfe' simplified here) would conform with national policy. It would encourage a con-? tinuing supply of- oil at stable prices ta- the consumer. Inside Labor •"i t Lindsay To Cut Ties With GOP? By VICTOR RIESEL NEW YORK - There are those insi-" ders who believe strange history is being- brewed in new kitchens. '"' There are those who believe Mayor'.' John V. Lindsay, win or lose, will, not" return to the GOP fold. There's no room for him. To run for the Senate next year would betray his comrade-in-arms, protester Sen. Charles Goodell. To buck Gov. Nelson Rockefeller in the state primaries in '70 would stand as .much chance as floating, the Statue of Liberty upstream. „..; To wait for Sen. Jack Javits to retire '. at the end of his term in 1974 is to u underestimate Jack's sense of history and eternal youth. To stay on as mayor of this city of 1 eternal garbage .arid chain-reaction'' crises would be to risk a nervous system" for which no one yet has developed ''$' transplant technique. - ; * * * "r 1 * SO THERE ARE THOSE who will wager that if he wins, the mayor will" reach for the Democratic Party — al* /J beit a newly refurbished one. '-*» Why not? Averell Harriman did just" that. Wayne Morse did just that. Henry' Wallace did just that. And His Honor's impish image, Fiorello LaGuardia, quit the party and joined the American Labor Party. Arid there 'would be no tough opposfe tion in next year's Democratic senatorl- • al primaries, Sen. Gene McCarthy peis' haps, But John Lindsay has all. they young jumpers now, Or the wraithlike" Robert Wagner who seems to have abdicated. Or Ted Sorerisen, who has been exiled by the Kennedy cadres whp' stayed away in droves from the cocktaib party at which his new bpok, "The Ken-'" nedy Legacy," W8s launched. .••••;• ••.*•** '• •-. ,;.„ BUT TUB SHY alter ego of the late" Jack Kennedy will need a power base and some one to help him build it in the next few months. RIESEL

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