Alton Evening Telegraph from Alton, Illinois on September 7, 1972 · Page 4
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September 7, 1972

Alton Evening Telegraph from Alton, Illinois · Page 4

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Alton, Illinois
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Thursday, September 7, 1972
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*{SSr • &* : ,, Mttm Eviftteg Telegraph Thursday, Sept. 7, 1972 • • %What We think about.*. Disclosing contributors . . .Hagnauer mandate ... Both sides need airing question of whether pre-April 7 con- trlbtltors to President Nixon's re-election Campaign fund had to be identified publicly Ww Is in the process of removal from the theoretical into the factual area. And It's high time — for the benefit of both parties. Common Cause, a self-described public Interest group headed by John Gardner, former Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare, announced Wednesday it had filed suit In U.S. District Court at Washington, D. C. to force public disclosure of gifts estimated at $10 million. April 7 was the date on which a Congressional bill adding new wrinkles to the public disclosure regulations went into effect Common Cause holds that the Federal Corrupt Practices Act of 1925 would have required the disclosures, anyway. Thanks not only to the Vietnam war, but. to national and world conditions in general, the office of President of the United States has become increasingly a center of power What YOU think over the past decade. This, perhaps, has been a necessity. But we need not compound the possibility that power will be misused, and that its misuses will be hard to trace to their triggering forces, by making it impossible to trace identities of the kingmakers behind the President. Mr. Nixon, we believe, is displaying poor judgment in covering up identities of wealthy and no doubt influential donors to his campaign fund. Even from a tactical viewpoint in the political area we believe he has erred — though his solicitors might have had to guarantee secrecy in order to obtain the contributions. Should the lists of large contributors to funds of both parties be publicized, voters might well note a strong tendency toward hedging among industrial and business leaders dependent upon federal contracts for success. And a Republican disclosure certainly would open the way for a demand that Democrats lay their cupboard bare, too. As matters stand, conjecture and rumor will be the bases for public decision, and these always open the way for exaggeration and expansion. The President's group would do him and the country a favor by returning to the donors and requesting permission for disclosure. At any rate, if Common Cause succeeds with its effort, the list laid bare will be cleared of censorship suspicions. Complete examination needed Madison County Board Chairman Nelson Hagnauer's mandate for department heads and the board to tighten their belts in an effort to avert a financial crisis from a potential loss of 51.4 million in tax collection sci*vice charges may be a worthwhile exercise not just for those people but for all taxing bodies. Costs of county government and its services have been on an upward spiral with little public accountability. The same is true of cities, townships, schools and special districts. Elsewhere in the country, governmental bodies have been trying with limited success to make their offices more productive to give the taxpayer more value for the dollars expended. For example, in most bureaucratic institutions som eemployes are obviously unproductive. Efforts have been made in Chicago, St. Louis, Detroit and New York City to increase productivity. Stiff union resistance, in some cases, however, "prevented any progress at all" according to this week's Newsweek. In other smaller cities, such as Jacksonville, Florida, worker watchers compiled an "idleness index" and results of productivity were channeled to the city council for use at budget hearings to determine which departments deserved budget increases. "The plan has worked so --veil that Jacksonville taxes may fall again for the fourth year in a row," the story indicated. We suggest the same type of approach could follow in Madison County offices and area communities where taxpayers are near the breaking point. Of course, the disposition of suits and countersuits in the squabble between the county and 100 taxing bodies will determine whether Hagnauer's proposal must be undertaken. Another factor to be considered is the difference between the service charge of three per cent, and the two per cent formerly charged by townships. Many local governmental cushions built up through this amount so levies were unnecessary. In some townships lures for relief purposes, previously unnecessary will be eliminated, thus causing higher taxes at that, level. The suits tend to focus public attention on interrelationship of the county and all taxing bodies which may suffer from the service charge which is claimed to be unconstitutional and illegal. A thorough airing of the inner workings many produce relief through court remedies, or corrective legislation. The best exercise for all taxing bodies threatened with fund shortages is complete re-evaluation of priorities and elimination of dead wood and unproductive areas where possible. PAUL S. and STEPHEN A. COUSLEY Olympic violence Second and third will not be awarded Just prior to World War II Jesse Owens won four gold medals in the Olympics at Berlin and Hitler refused to recognize his victory. Germany moved in, too, \rith Max Schmeling, but Americans laughed off his defeat of Max Baer as a lucky blow. As though to admit thore are certain deep hurts which games cannot counteract, World War H followed. The recent kidnaping of Israeli participants in the Munich Olympics by Aran guerrillas was a tragedy. In agreement with some basic American philosophy that one must learn to control power rather than be powerful, the Olympics are set up to guide man's needs, almost biological, for winning. But the bounds are not fixed in the Olympics and there are many variations. It is difficult to tell why violence could not enter in as one of the games. It is a short distance from a slap in the face to a slap on the back, and from the thrust of a javelin to a guided missile. All those contracts in nature which would make something otherwise violent become, rather, a source of happiness require some means of telling the difference. There are no nervous pathways we can command to say "Relax." So the only answer, it seems would be to learn to play the game better. What we seem to have done in the Olympics is to ignore the need to recognize these ancient hurts and what we need to do is treat them. For is not this the real purpose? The best way for a first grade teacher to treat a playground fight is to set up some honest rules and give the participants a ball and bat. Some people want to be hurt; some nations want to be hurt — but only because they want to learn how to stop the very hurting. It was ridiculous to try to stop the games. It only makes sense to make the bounds reasonable. JIM WEMPEN 1627 Seminary St. Capital gains not all bad Disturbing angle to media question Stagnation the danger It is no mystery why the bottom half of society has suffered lacerations in its encounter with the thickets of our economic jungle. Economic distortions prompted by an acquisitive society contaminate every facet of human endeavor. The social conscience has been accepting economic absurdities. To be ill-fed, ill-clad, and ill-housed in an economy blessed with abundant resources and surplus labor Is no longer a social stigma! To live in a society with the technology of a Utopia, but engulfed by thousands of charitable organizations and relief agencies, is no longer cause for social embarrassment! To defend a society which spends billions for war, and only pennies for human welfare, is no longer considered an absurd rationale! The paradox of surplus food and hungry children is no longer a shame! For decades we have attempted to explain these economic contradictions as due to individual deficiencies or to some ideological monster, usually in some far-off land, who deny us access to the road of freedom and social Justice. Still another of the ironies of economic history is to be found in the flood of statistical data compiled by commissions, none of which comes within a mile of explaining why Joe Doak, who mined our coal for a century, is without a job, a home, and food on his table. Neither do they explain why those who harvest our grain, hew our timber, gather our fruit, dig our sewers, clean our streets and pick up our garbage, are the poorest, the leabl secure, and the principal victims of relief. Whether we like it or not, the bald truth is that the poor — one-third of our population — are victims of an economic incentive which makes poverty and inequity inevitable. Can a nation which has fallen to such a low level of social performance afford to continue, for another four years, policies and priorities which can lead only lead to further ravishment of its culture? Would that the electorate could be persuaded to understand the need for change, the urgent need for the reordering of our priorities. The real danger which faces the nation is social stagnation, not radicalism. JACK BATTUELLO Rte. 1, Brighton By John Roche There has been a good deal of muttering in the media about the Nixon Administration's efforts to censor, intimidate or muzzle press and television news coverage. Several aspects of this im b r o g 1 i o need clarification. To begin, the same First Amendment that protects freedom of the press guarantees freedom of speech, even to the President and Vice President of the United States. Thus wh«n the President or Spiro Agnew takes a shot at newsmen, it seems to me to be a legitimate part of the political process. Every President since Washington has boiled over on the subject of the press — Jefferson was particularly pungent — and somehow or another editors What others say Best of both There are occasional stories of business firms reminding a community of the likely loss of jobs and profits if pollution controls are pushed. The other side of the economic coin, however, is not often made clear. Pollution cleanup can enhance property values, create new fields of employment and produce handsome profits for investors, manufacturers and suppliers. The World Bank, for example, anticipates a 30 per cent rate of return on an ?80 million investment aimed at cleaning up the Tiete River which flows through Sao Paulo, Brazil. The stench from the river is now so strong that along the river is almost valueless. The pollution abatement work, when done, will make a large section of the city healthier and more liveable and will restore highly desirable land in the heart of the city. Moreover, there are ample opportunities for additional investment from other financial sectors. The World Bank is providing only the foreign-exchange costs of $15 million for the project. Millions of invested dollars will flow into the production and supply of equipment and an expanded labor force. It can prove to be an excellent case of how business and government leadership and the public stand to benefit from the best of both the economic and environmental worlds. — Atlanta Journal have consistently escaped the gallows. The only time the play ever got really rough was between 1798 and 1801, when one faction of the Founding Fathers set out to silence another faction, and during the Civil War, when Abraham Lincoln tucked hostile editors into preventive detention from time to time. There Is nothing inherently unAmerican about a President denouncing a publisher or a commentator. That is part of the mood music of American politics and helps to keep things lively. Nobody should run for President if he is going to blow his mip' 1 over hostile editorials, anu conversely editors and commentators who don't like to fight should retire to religious orders. Without getting into the specific question of how fairly Presidents are treated by journalists. I think it is true to say that the only editorials or columns that Presidents really like are those they write themselves. (In this connection I recall President Johnson happily reading aloud a laudatory item by a one-time columnist, then stopping in one of those What YOt/ think: The Telegraph welcomes prose expressions of its readers' own opinions of What YOU think. Writers' names and addresses must be published with their letters. Contributions should be eoni'Ue, preferably not exceeding ISO words, and are subject to condensation. striking moments of cold-eyed self-perception and saying, "I suppose I ought to like it; I gave it to him here in the office three days ago and he didn't change a word.") So much for public give-and take. Unfortunately, however, there is another dimension to the problem, one with far more dangerous implications. When a high White House aide, for example, pointedly comments that television channels are allocated by the Federal Government, one can legitimately discuss a "chilling effect." This is not the sort of behavior one can write off on the ground that "boys will be boys." Or take the interesting implications of President Nixon's accolade to the New York Times pressmen who initially refused to set a two- page political ad calling for the impeachment of the President. John Mitchell publicly praised the action and a White House aide turned up to congratulate the union members who had irately balked. Whatever one may think of the substance of the ad or the character of its sponsors (who in my judgment merely contributed $17,850 to the Gross National Product), this is bad business. One of the Administration' complaint is that the Times engages in "advocacy journalism," that is, in mixing opinion into new stories. It is therefore ironic to see the President's spokesmen supporting "advocacy" among pressmen. WASHINGTON (NBA) - If capital gains were taxed like ordinary income, as Sen. George McGovern proposes, the result would be major changes in long-term investment patterns and in the structure of U.S. industry. This is the private reaction of economic - financial analysis, both liberal and conservative, this reporter has surveyed. Investors would most certainly be attracted to those enterprises which pay high dividends and stress safety rather than growth. These are, by and large, the old-line, non-innovative industries. In a good many cases, perhaps most, seeking capital gains in growth companies involves some considerable measure of risk. On the other hand, steady income from dividends in an established utility, say, normally involves little danger. If the tax rate on both types of non-risk investments will be more highly favored than today. Companies which now plow a high percentage of their earnings back into research, development and innovation would be encouraged into dividends in order to attract investors, Having less of their own fund? for investment, they would be forced to look outside the company for more of their capital needs. Yet, because ot the risk involved, and with no tax incentive, it would be more difficult than at present for the growth companies to secure funds in the open market. These problems would accentuate the trend toward takeovers by large conglomerates with access to capital and by outside investment groups and banking institutions. Y e t growth companies adventuring with new ideas and concepts, plowing back earnings into development, have historically been the sparkplugs of American industry. They have created new commodities and new jobs at a rapid rate. Today they include firms in chemicals, specialized machinery and a host of imaginative companies in the more pedestrian fields. Firms such as IBM, Hewlett- Packard and Xerox are well- known examples. If a shift in the tax structure discourages these high-technology growth industries, this action will in time almost inevitably destroy the U.S. world lead in these sophisticated areas. This would mean rougher competition from foreign companies at home and abroad and a further By Kay Cromley deterioration in the U.S. balance of payments. Likewise, higher dividends paid out from funds which would have been retained for research, development and expansion would dribble more dollars directly into the hands of consumers, thus increasing inflationary pressures. What these proposals would also seem to do, if adopted, would be to take some of the more violent swings out of the i n d u s t r i a 1 stock market. There would likely be less activity. Perhaps speculative money would move into other fields. But this is not certain. The commodity markets are highly speculative, though 'much of the speculative profit is short term and therefore docs not get the tax benefit of long-term capital gains. If commodity markets offer a precedent, speculators on the stock markets might take even greater risks under the new system than under the old, and carry out even more speculative maneuvering to make up for the higher tax rates. If this proved true, it would shake the markets for sure. Stans twists arms By Jack Anderson WASHINGTON - President Nixon's embattled money raiser, Maurice Stans, has been twisting corporate arms for campaign contributions. Under the law, corporations are forbidden from contributing to political campaigns. However, here's how Stans is getting round the law: He sent a typical solicitation, for example, to Montgomery Ward, the department store chain. It was carefully addressed not to the corporation but to all its "management and key employees." "For those of us who have made our career in business," wrote Stans, "the presidential election in 1972 is critical ... It Is to your self- interest to ensure ap administration in the federal government that is philosophically dedicated to maintaining and building the system in which you have invested." The message impressed those who inhabit Montgomery Ward's executive suite. Off went a letter, marked "Personal and Confidential," to "all key management persons in our entire company" from corporate vice president Richard Abbott. "The business corporation, by law, cannot make political contributions," wrote Abbott. "However, nothing prevents our making individual contributions through the good offices of oui' company. "There is considerable merit to the idea of combining all of our contributions into one mailing. With this in mind, Mr. Donnell (Edward Donnell, president of Montgomery Ward) has asked that I receive all of the checks and forward the entire batch to him . . . "Checks should be made payable to: FINANCE COMMITTEE FOR THE RE-ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT. "Again, I cannot stress the fact strongly enough that this is your busines, not mine or the company's. But for those of us who do wish to contribute, there can be great benefit, in giving Mr. Donnell the opportunity to personally present all of our checks together to Mr. Stans." Similar collections are being taken up in downs of other corporations at the prodding of Stans. We have evidence that Litton Industries even provided the Nixon campaign organization with a mailing list of its high- level employes. The corporation denies this. But management people who were dunned for contributions by the GOP told us the addresses in the form they used could only have come from the company. In 1970, a group of Litton officials reportedly gave $150,000 to the Republicans. Footnote: Montgomery Ward's Richard Abbott explained to us that a similar Democratic appeal for funds had also been distributed to corporate executives and managers. However, the Democratic appeal was accompanied by a routine memo. The Republican appeal was supported by a strong corporate pitch, What they did then — news from the Telegraphs of yesteryear 25 years ago SEPTEMBER 7, 1W7 Lester C. Geltz, 49, who became ill shortly after completing a round of goll died about two weeks liter in a St. Louis hospital from a plastic anemia. He was bead of the purchase and invoice department Ot Standard Oil Co., Wood River, and a brother of VUtUfi (1ST*) city alderman, Roy Geltz. f!p Rev- William H. Roettgers of rural Upper Att» dW *t age of 51. He had been ordained only i» § minister in the First Christian IWViflg » pa*!* «t Old Rippley church IMP StUtovflle Of EiJt ft. Louis bad been named <* M» AWfii dwtrk* of Automobile Club of Missouri. He would succeed Lee Howard, who had resigned to devote full time to his appliance business which he had opened at 217 Piasa street. Edward G. Ohnsborg, 47, among the great football stars of Alton High School suffered a fatal heart seizure while approaching the second tee at Cloverleaf golf course in a twosome with Dale Benner. A capable all around athlete, Ohnsborg led the 1907 Alton High school football team to the central Illinois championship, during which season he scored a total of 127 points in nine games, on 14 touchdowns and 16 points after td. He was said to be the school's greatest drop-kicker, in an era when kicking was a vital part of the game. In a climactic game with East St. Louis he scored two touchdowns and kicked a field goal in the last two quarters. He also played football at Rolla School of Mines, and Texas Christian Univer- sity. Omar Lyon was elected president of the Wood River Public Library board, succeeding D. C. Burroughs. Homer Clark Jr. established a record for flyer shooting with the Pennsylvania White Flyer League with straight hits in seven of eight races hitting 158 targets of 160. 50 years ago SEPTEMBER 7, 1922 The government would drop its request for provisions alleged to curb freedom of speech in its application for an injunction against striking railway shopmen, Attorney General Daugherty assured Sen. Borah after summoning him to a conference. Meanwhile, the railway shop crafts committee of 90 was summoned to meet in Chicago on Sept. 11 amid statements of strike leaders they were considering separate settlements with the 52 Class One railroads involved. In Washington the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers asked the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia for an injunction that would prevent U.S. authorities from enforcing the Chicago district federal court's injunction against the striking unions. In foreign news, Greek forces were within 40 miles of Smyrna in their retreat from the Turkish army. The Greek government announced, however, it was determined to defend Smyrna. Meanwhile the last cement available for use in the construction was exhausted at noon. The jurors' box in Madison County Circuit Court remained empty after attorneys in the trial on charges of murdering Patrick J. Nalty, a deputy sheriff, had questioned and excused 125 prospects. Because of the multiplicity of defendants, defense counsel had 160 peremptory challenges they could make. Furthermore, attorneys for both sides were finding it difficult to find anyone who had not read something about the case in the newspapers, and observers conjectured it might become necessary to take a change of venue. With only 22 colored pupils enrolled at Delraar School, District Supt. W. R. Curtis said he was considering their transfer to Douglass. The district, he said, would pay the streetcar fare. Decision in the matter was left to the instruction committee by the board of education.

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