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Black revolution backlash making conservatives glad 'Sir, would you care to comment on the socio-economic implications of the GOP platform . . .?' Alton Evening Telegraph Wednesday, August 30, 1972 A-.'J GOP platform disappointing By Carl T. Rowan WASHINGTON — You reflect on the Republican convention and one thought keeps pulsating through your brain. You keep asking what in the world happened to change this nation to the point that conservatives like Ronald Reagan, John Wayne and Barry Goldwater are the darlings of a Republican party that is the odds-on favorite of the people. Whatever else It means, you know deep in your heart that it leaves black Americans in their most vulnerable, hopeless position in half a century. And when you answer your own question, you have to admit what many blacks are loath to admit: some of *he irresponsible tactics, the silly rhetoric of the Black Revolution are what helped create the backlash which lias made political heroes of men who were laughted at by most white Americans even eight years ago. There was a lesson in Miami Beach that all blacks, white liberals, white college students had better take seriously if they do not want to see this country drift farther to the right. That lesson is that :he status quo in this country is too good, too comfortable for most people, even when things are going bad, for thn majority to tolerate much in the way of revolution. In short, a hell of a lot of people are talking about "revolution," but very few are going there. Floyd McKissick was a self- styled black revolutionary a decade ago. But there he was in Miami Beach, grinning bigger than Sammy Davis Jr., his hand on his newly-fat wallet, one of the latest of the black Republican entrepreneurs. But yu have to concede that McKissick was smarter and luckier than most of 19GO- vintage blacks who thought the road to wealth and glory was to curse Whitey and demean other blacks who even appeared to work within the system. McKissick saw that he couldn't lick 'em, so he joined 'em — to the tuns, of a $14 million government guarantee of a bond issue for his Soul City project in the boondocks of North Carolina. But Stokely Carmichael. He's exiled in Guinea, helpirg to plot and plan the brutalization, even extermination, of Africans evert thought to pay less than tota-. obeisance to the dictatorial regime of Sekou Toure. And Eldridge Cleaver? He's trying to escape exile in Algeria, where he is in disfavor and his life is in danger. His wife says he' 5 ; willing to stand trial if he can just reenter the United States legally. Rap Brown? He's going to be in jail for a long time. In short, almost all those blacks who pretended to be more militant, more angry, more effective than the traditional civil rights leaders have either proven themselves to be craven hustlers who sold out at the first opportunity, or they have been impaled upon their own rhetoric, their own stupidity. It is pathetically clear today to most of us what some of us knew a decade ago: being a relatively weak, comparatively poor 11 per cent minority, blacks simply do nol have the firepower, the dollar-power, the manpower to take first-class citizensh'n through tactics of violence. And any strategy leading in that direction, us Dr. Marti T Luther King knew, is self- delusion — and suicidal. The greatest moments of black hope were when Negroes had white church people with them, marching by the thousands upon Washington in 1963; when they had Congress by ! *iu conscience, with even an Everett Dirksen voting for cloture so vital civil riglus laws could be enacted; when Presidents in the White House would demand fairer hiring, or stand before a joint session of Congress and shout, "We shall overcome!" — as Lyndon Johnson did. But senseless violence, destroying mostly black businesses and black jobs, and foolish rhetoric, which made blacks seem more interested in hating whites than helping other blacks, turned the church people and millions more away. Campus violence, led by whites who suckered in many blacks, made millions of Americans more interested in tranquility than in justice. The Congress, reacting with the cheapest political fear, Is today more racist than two decades ago — as witness the panic of house liberals on the busing issue. Wallace's buddies have immunity By Jack Anderson WASHINGTON — To spare Alabama's Gov. George Wallace from the embarrassment of having his name dragged through a long trial, Attorney General Richard Kleindienst personally intervened last week to stop the prosecution of the ex-commandant of the Alabama Air National Guard. Major General Reid Doster, the former guard commander, had been charged by a federal grand jury with squeezing illegal political donations out of guard officers. The indictment said he had turned over $1,700 of the illegally raised money to the 1970 gubernatorial campaign of George Wallace, whom Doster has called his "personal friend." By the time the case was scheduled to be tried last week, federal prosecutor Ira Dement had lined up 40 witnesses to testify. The trial was expected to last weeks. But on the day the trial was to begin. Dement suddenly dropped the charges. Doster agreed, in return, to resign his commission. Three other defendants, subordinates of Doster, were let off scot free. We have now learned that the decision to call off the trial was made personally by Kleindienst. When my reporter Mark Mclntyre demanded to know why th'j charges were dropped, a Justice Department spokesman blurted: "Because Governor Wallace was involved." It wasn't the first time that the Nixon Administration suppressed a criminal action embarrassing to Wallace. Our stories four years ago about Wallace's political payoff system led to an investigation by the Internal Revenue Service. In a confidential summary of the case made available to us, the IRS charged that the Wallace law firm, then operated by George and his brother Gerald, had been used as a conduit for kickbacks from state contractors. The IRS also concluded that Gerald Wallace had failed to report the full income that came to him through the firm in 1967 and 1968. His taxable income for the two years was Tax ruled given as $175,924. Yet the federal tax case against Gerald Wallace was suddenly abandoned after a private conference between President Nixon and Governor Wallace last year aboard the presidential plane. Not long afterward, George Wallace announced his candidacy for President as a Democrat. White House aides, discussing the political outlook with us later, said they had assurances Wallace would not run as an independent no matter what the outcome of the Democratic convention. They regarded this as a significant advantage for the President^ particularly in case of a close- fought election. For in 1968, Wallace's third- party cadnidacy prevented Richard Nixon from carrying southern states that would clearly have chosen him over Hubert Humphrey had Wallace not been in the race. Again this year. Wallace as a third-party candidate might have threatened the President's chances of winning the deep South and several border states. Whether or not Nixon and Wallace actually made a deal aboard the presidential plane — no embarrassing prosecutions in return for Wallace's promise not to run asn an independent — the results have been the same. Footnote: General Doster told us he raised the money for Wallace on orders from Wallace's finance coordinator, Jimmy Faulkner. "I passed the hat because we had been asked to get up the money," Doster said. Faulkner adm'ts only that he asked Doster for a "personal contribution" Both versions would have been embarrassing to Wallace if the case had been tried Wallace and Kleindienst refused to comment. About a century ago, Congress turned over to >he nation's railroads 150 million acres of land, almost eight per cent of the total land in the country. The condition was that the railroads were to sell off the land to small farmers and homesteaders to finance the construction of new rail lines heading west. If the new lines were not furnished within a reasonable period, Congress ordered that the grants be forfeited an-I the land again become public property. The Interior Department is now investigating charges that the Southern Pacific Railroad is still holding on to millions of acres of this land illegally. The land, in Nevada and California, is allegedly beina; exploited for its minerals and developed for commercial and residential use. If the charges are true, the illegal use of this land contributed significantly toward the $27 million which Southern Pacific made from its real estate holdings last year. The charge was brought to the department's attention by the National Coalition for Land Reform and the California Coalition of Seasonal and Migrant Farm Workers. They filed an administrative complaint with Interior Secretary Rogers Morton in June asking for an investigation. So far, they have received nothing but an acknowledgement that the request had been received. A spokesman for the Burau of Land Management told us, however, that the bureau had already begun looking into the matter. The Southern Pacific, of course, contends that the land is no longer subject to the original grant requirements. By ARCH BOOTH Miami Beach the business community will find the Republican platform generally acceptable, although many businessmen will be disappointed, not so much for what the platform says as for what it does not say. Naturally, we welcome the platform's ringing support for the private enterprise system, and for the basic principles of capitalism. A healthy business system is essential if we are to create the jobs needed to curb unemployment and continue to provide the goods and services that Americans need and want. We welcome, too, the platform's recognition of the heed to contiinue raising productivity and to emphasize incentives — incentives to work, to innovate, to invest. We should learn from our history that individual incentives have been the key to our progress. To abandon them now, as the other Party platform seems to suggest, would mean to rely instead on government to set all of our objectives and organize all of our efforts to reach them. That may be acceptable to some collectivist nations, but not here — not where 210 million Americans still have individual desires and want the freedom to satisfy these desires without bureaucrat!c second • guessing. The Republican platform also promises "to pursue sound economic policies that will eliminate inflation." We earnestly hope that that objective will be attained, for we, too, believe inflation can be stopped, not merely re d u c e d or restrained. However, that platform speaks not of balancing the budget, but only of balancing the "full employment" budget. And it speaks not of cutting spending, but only of imposing a ceiling on spending at the level of the President's budget — and that would allow a deficit of nearly $30 billion. It's this kind of deficit that got us into our inflationary problem and brought on wage-price controls. We don't see how we can stop inflation, and rid ourselves of controls, until the government moves to control its own spending excesses. On taxes, we commend the Republican platform for seeking tax reform to assure that the tax burden is fairly shared by all and for pledging a simplified tax system. This is a far cry from proposals that would, on a given date, repeal all tax exemptions and deductions except those which Congress affirmatively approved beforehand. The economic uncertainty of such an approach would play havoc with both individual and business investments. It is in the field of labor matters, however, where we find the Republican platform quite disappointing. At a time when public opinion cries for labor law reform to curb unon power — misuse of which so frequently upsets the economy — the platform is conspicuously silent. At a time when union abuses of workers' rights call for guarantees against anyone being forced to join a union to hold a job, the platform is conspicuously silent on the need for a national right-to- work law. And the platform is conspicuously silent on the need to halt public support of strikers through welfare subsidies which consume tax funds that might otherwise be used to help people in genuine need, people who have not voluntarily abandoned gainful job. Nevertheless, our greatest disappointment lies outside the area of economic policy: Neither party has chosen to accept our plea that the nominees be required to abandon high-risk campaign procedures like wading, unprotected and vulnerable, into crowds. 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The ruling came during a pretrial hearing on a suit against the tax filed by the Prospect Heights Improvement Association. Judge Sarnow made no decision on what should be done with the $600,000 already collected by the county. The money has been held in escrow since the suit was filed April 5. The tax was approved by the county board of comm i s s i o n e r s in December under home rule provisions of the 1971 state constitution. It went into effect Jan. 1. 4 Days Left Don't miss your chance to save 10% to 20% on a specially selected grouping of Ethan Allen American traditional furniture. Plus a fantastic assortment of rugs and accessories. lip Sure to \ isil Our (iifi Gilbert's Carriage House ESUIJIU •11 OPiusu, Alton, 111. Phone 618-165-7 7 76 SHUT Hour*: IHon. & Friday 0:00 A.M.-«>:00 P.M. Tues.-Wed.-Thur.-Sut. 0:00 A.M.-5:.'iO P.M. Other Times by Appointment Sale. Men's and boys gym shoes. Light on their feet. And your budget. ale Reg. 499 pair. 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