Alton Evening Telegraph from Alton, Illinois on August 28, 1972 · Page 5
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August 28, 1972

Alton Evening Telegraph from Alton, Illinois · Page 5

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Alton, Illinois
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Monday, August 28, 1972
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Page 5
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No Olie 'Well, how about another half a bowl, then? 9 L ou Harris poll shows: Alton Evening Telegraph Monday, August 28, 1972 A-5 liked Vietnam "It is true that for some seven years I have defended the war in Vietnam. Indeed, for over two years I worked in the White House for President Johnson. But the fact is that, down deep inside, I was always an opponent of this immoral, outrageous, geno'cidal assault on the people of Indochina." Suppose I were to write a column expressing these sentiments. What would be the reaction? I hope that readers, whether they agree with the war or not, would flood editors with letters denouncing me as an in, tellectual whore. And that ; editors would promptly drop my column. Clearly anyone who would express this position should lose the right to be taken seriously. Yet, for some strange reason, politicians seem to have been granted immunity yon this score. The other day I pulled out a photograph of a meeting of President Johnson's Cabinet, taken in the spring of 1968, and went around the table. The miracle is that there was no coup: according to subsequent confessions, just about everybody sitting there was secretly anti-war! Admittedly there were quite basic differences at the time about how the war should have been fought. I, for example, began arguing for "Vietnamization" back in 1966 and was opposed to the stretegy of bombing North Vietnam, which seemed to me to be a distraction from the .main task of preparing the South Vietnamese to defend themselves. It did not seem to me to be a moral question — I see no moral distinction between delivering high explosives by airmail (as we did) or by parcel post (as they did). The President was well aware of my views, but tended, for understandable reasons, to take more seriously those of the Joint Chiefs of Staff — whose reply to every question was "more of the same." As a one-time staff sergeant in the Army Air Force, I was clearly, outranked by the brass with all that lettuce on. their chests. I used secretly to meditate on the unfortunate fact that both Presidents Kennedy and Johnson had been junior officers in the war — the great thing about Ike was that he could (and on occasion did) cheerfully kick the JCS down the stairs. Then go calmly out and practice putting on the green outside the Oval Office. To return to the point, there were strong disagreements within the Johnson Administration on the war, but they were not formulated in moral terms. I vividly recall John Gardner, Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare, telling me on the plane to Texas back in 18(56 that much more had to be done to inform the American people about the legitimacy of the war. He suggested the formation of a citizens organization modeled on the interventionist Committee to Defend America by Aiding the Allies, a group that countered the America First Committee before World War II. And Lawrence O'Brien made me sound like a pacifist. The latest two candidates for the confessional are Sargent Shriver and Ramsey Clark, both of whom have announced retrospective opposition to the war. That is — and this is an important distinction they have not said that they now feel the war is immoral, but that they felt that way all along but kept their mouths shut. As Clark put it, in classic understatement, "Three is too much tendency in the Executive Branch not to argue with policy." I would put it differently. I would say that nothing was lost by silence but honor. And at the risk of sounding harsh, I would suggest that both men by their confessions have lost •the right to be taken seriously. Absolution may be in order, but absolution should not be confused with beautifieation. Voters critical of Nixon Although President Nixon held a large lead over Sen. McGovern in August Presidential pairings, a majority yof the people who are likely to vote next November 7th were nonetheless critical of Mr. Nixon's performance on three important issues: (1) his effectiveness in controlling the cost of living and unemployment, (2) for allegedly being "too close to big business," and (3) in fulfilling his 1968 pledge to end U.S. ' involvement in Vietnam. But there are fonr major areas in which a majority of the voters also had deop reservations about Sen. McGovern: (1) — By 64-23 percent, almost two out of three likely voters agree with the charge that "McGovern has poorly- thought-out plans, such as his welfare plan and his saying he would go to Hanoi to beg for the release of the Tax credit plan hard to handle WASHINGTON — President Nixon has made a strong pitch for Catholic votes this fall by supporting tax credits for parents of parochial school children. But inside the Administration's economic councils, the idea has consistently gotten a frosty reception from the President's top tax experts. In a series of confidential memoranda, the Treasury Department's tax men have made it clear they think such credits would complicate the tax code, be difficult to police and hard to keep under control once established. The warnings, however, have gone unheeded by President Nixon, who is apparently paying more attention these days to his .political advisers than his economic experts. One of the strongest memos appeared on the desk of presidential counselor John Ehrlichman as early as August 12, 1969. In it, Deputy Assistant Treasurer John Nolan, an expert on tax policy, said flatly such credits were inadvisable. The opposition to the idea has continued ever since, although the Treasury experts have been more discreet about it since Nixon has made it plain he thought the idea would pay big political dividends. On November 27, 1970, for example, then Assistant Treasury Secretary for Tax Policy Edwin Cohen sent another memo to the 'White House. Cohen discussed both the pros and cons of tax credits, but strongly hinted he didn't like the idea. Virtually the same message By Jack Anderson was repeated in yet another Cohen memo, this one dated June 14, 1971, and addressed to the President's protector of special . interests, Peter Flanigan. Cohen expertly couched his opinions in carefully worded phrases, but his attitude was clearly negative. He pointedly reviewed the sizable opposition to tax credit plans and specifically referred to the 1969 Nolan memorandum which recommended against such schemes. "In general," Cohen wrote, "there are a number of reasons why those concerned with income tax policy and administration are inclined to approach with reluctance the granting of an allowance through the income tax structure of deductions or credits for personal expenditures unrelated to the earning of income...." Since Cohen was the Administration expert most "concerned with income tax policy," he was apparently speaking for himself. My associate Joseph Spear reached Cohen, who has recently been promoted to undersecretary, a t his vacation retreat in Denmark, Me. He insisted that he had 'taken no personal position on the tax credits issue. He said he was merely summarizing the "pros and cons" in his memo to Flanigan, who was, at the time, "the White House liaison man with Treasury." President Nixon is counting upon a trade boom to help keep the peace between the two superpowers. He foresees a commercial relationship between the Soviet Union and the United States that will end the cold war indefinitely. His optimism is based upon the reports of U.S. officials who have been talking trade in Moscow. They have told the President that the Soviets not only are eager to do business with the United States, but can't understand why the United States has treated Russia commercially as a small power. These officials predict that Soviet-American trade will start slowly, grow gradually and then suddenly boom; Shipments of grain to Russia alone, they say, will surpass the one-billion-dollar mark. In return, Russia has developed a huge supply of pressurized gas which the United States will need for energy. Arrangements are now being negotiated for the United States to help finance a multibillion-dollar Soviet pipeline that will deliver the gas to American tankers. Nixon and Eagleton— President Nixon has told intimates that, in his view, George McGovern made a mistake in dropping Tom Eagleton from the ticket. Throughout the Eagleton affair, Nixon privately sympathized with the deposed nominee. Perhaps the President remembered how he, as the Republican vice presidential candidate, had come under fire in 1962. He had been the beneficiary of a fund, underwritten by California businessmen, to help pay his senatorial exp e n s e s . Although Nixon denied the fund was tainted, GOP leaders urged that he resign from the ticket. Nixon, fighting to stay on the ticket, responded with a televised soap opera. He won; Eagleton, 20 years later, lost. The President, apparently remembering, indentified with Eagleton. Nixon's Instincts—It's no secret that George McGovern is trying to draw President Nixon into a wide-open, slam- bang campaign. The President has assured his campaign aides that he will avoid the boobytraps the McGovernites are setting for him. The aides are worried, however, that McGovern will arouse the President's natural combative instinct. "I do not believe in being passive under attack," Nixon has said. "You must fight back in life, especially in politics." Graham plans congress LOS ANGELES (AP) — Evangelist Billy Graham has announced plans for a Second World Congress on Evangelism. The worldwide meeting of church leaders would be held in 1974 at an as yet unnamed site "to press for the evangelization of the world in our generation," Graham said Friday. The first such congress was held in Berlin in 1966. prisoners or war." (2) — By 56-27 per cent, a majority also agrees with the statement that ("McGovern is too radical in his views and too quick to agree to way-out ideas." (3) — By 51-24 per cent, voters also feel that ("McGovern is not experienced enough in the handling of foreign affairs " (4) — And by 50-31 per cent voters believe the claim that "McGovern has too many ties to radical and protest groups." It would appear from President Nixon's early lead that the negatives about him at this stage of the campaign do not cut as deeply as those against Sen. McGovern. More significant, however, may be the fact that in 1972 voters are in a highly critical mood about both men running for the White House, as indeed they are about the leadership of the country in nearly every other major private and public area. This could make public opinion polls more volatile than otherwise since loyalties are so thinly held. Despite an otherwise strong showing, the figures on voter criticism of Prsident Nixon caution against overconfidence: - By 59-33 per cent, a majority of voters agree with the statement that he "has not done an effective job in controlling rises in the cost of living and unemployment. — By 57-30 per cent, a majority also go along with the criticism that President Nixon and the Republicans "are too 4 close to big business." — By 50-42 per cent, voters did not think in early August that Mr. Nixon "has kept his pledge to end U.S. involvement in Vietnam." At a time when people still feel they are pinched by continually rising prices, when anti-business sentiment has reached majority proportions in the country, and when the Vietnam war remains an issue of deep concern, clearly there is ample ammunition for Sen. McGovern to fire away against his Republican opponent in this campaign. As much as the areas of vulnerability on both sides ar,e waiting to be exploited by the two opposing candidates, in Ce*d>taj(l Central Hardware is TAKING INVENTORY TOMORROW We'll Be Closed Tuesday, August 29th OUR STORE WILL OPEN WEDNESDAY AT 9:30 the end the voters are likely to he making their decision on Ihe broad dimension nf which Presidential candidate evokes the strongest sense of trust. In a survey of 1,635 likely voters taken earlier ihis month, the cross section of the electorate was asked: "If it came down to a matter of personal trust, whom would you trust more to be President in the White House — Richard Nixon or George McGovern?" WHOM TRUST MORE IN WHITE HOUSE Total Voters Per Cent Nixon (ifl McGovern 27 Not sure 13 These results suggest that on the key dimension of voter confidence, Richard Nixon also has a wide head start over George McGovern. However, the campaign is still in its early stages and much of the ultimate answer to that question will depend on the way the candidates project during the rough-and- tumble between now and November 7th. To test public reaction against campaign arguments being made against botn candidates, the cross section was asked this series of questions: "During political campaigns, people sometimes are as much affected by the negative as the positive things about, candidates. Lot me read you some things that have been said about Hictinn^Nixon and George McGovern. For each, tell me if you tend to agree or disagree. (RKAD LIST)" CHITiriSMSOF NIXON AND McGOVEUN Percent ages in the following order: Agree, Disagree, Not, Sure. Negatives About Nixon He has not. done an effective job in controlling rises in the cost of living and unemployment— 59 33 8 He and the Republicans are too close to big business -57 30 13 He has not kept his pledge to end U.S. involvement in Vietnam—50 42 8. He is lacking in personal warmth and color—44 48 8. He is loo fold-fashioned and conservative for today's times—21 70 9. Negatives About McGovern He has poorly-though-out plans, such as his welfare plan and his saying he wou'd go to Hanoi and beg for the release of the prisoners of war-64 23 13. He is too radical in his views and too quick to agree to way-out ideas—56 27 17. He is not experienced enough in the handling of foreign affairs—54 24 25. He has too manv lip-; ii> radical and protest groups— 50 31 19. He is an uninspiring speaker and personality— 38 46 16. One by-product of these results which could make the remainder of the 1972 campaign more interesting than usual is the fact that voters are apparently less concerned with the personalities of the two candidates than with how they approach the key problems voters feel are facing the country. 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Tbts why M?*w/jw/b come band see this, HEAVY CAST ALUMINUM BREAKFAST SET NO NEVER HAVE WE OFFERED SO MUCH FOR SO LITTLE! 7-PC. SET 6 SWIVEL CHAIRS HEAVY PLANK TOP TABLE 36"x48"x72" TABl.K . . . This I'omeiviuv si/e talile i- * '!' -i-d.i.'.ed and Ualui nuni split pedestal base with modern WO,K|..'I am 7'J" witli two II.'" renter loaves. Tup: UYvuiv Hl^ii Hark ioam padded S\\ivel ehair with K nuni bases. I'phi'lslery: Jjlnrk iJoulevii:"! llihl'ecl i.-lioivn>. Full \Vr.ip-Ai • u.'i.i. V. l.il KinUlu's: Polished Aluminum Onl\. l 'U L,l'l 1 11 I 111 I <, tU U I t > a Lilt.' lil-I [ 't '1 I " : i L i I tit 11 I ! I l " <V^ CS in *-l i ut -i. Tl ii i lab to j> !!ii \ is" ;i: ni • >; >• -:i v to o »C»« (f* d !-:\n.'Uliu- \\~aliuil Onl\ rilAIKS .'. i.u '»• ^K 'y ' J) K \rUtslVt' rin-C'nll.sli'Ui'li. ni. J M,- r ;'..-t Ai'.llnl- /-O^ ^ ^ SCHWARTZ uoonuivEn, Tues. & Wed. Only HOUit fU»NISHINii SORRY 1 COMfAN* No I'll.i.i, Order-, I'le.' SAME SET AS PICTURED BUT 5-PC. Table 36"x48"x60" 4 Chairs S1J. ET OF FilRPilTURE Ami CMffn^F FFTCTM Asm t?MVF o <

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