Alton Evening Telegraph from Alton, Illinois on August 19, 1972 · Page 4
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Alton Evening Telegraph from Alton, Illinois · Page 4

Alton, Illinois
Issue Date:
Saturday, August 19, 1972
Page 4
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A-4 Alton Evening Telegraph Saturday, August 10, 1972 .What We think about... Alton-Godirey statm Aid office • • Eliminating friction Participants in the discussion on improved relations between Alton and Godfrey townships should not neglect consideration of a possibility we have pointed out for some years now: Alton's shedding of its city-township status. Such a move would make it possible for Alton, as a municipality, to expand its limits into neighboring townships — Godfrey, Foster, Wood River — without infringing on the 1ax structure of those townships. It's true this factor would decrease in importance if the present trend in state legislation toward de-emphasis of township government continues. Nevertheless, it would at least mark a swing away from an immediate point of friction. Moreover, it is difficult to forecast accurately now whether the trend away from township importance will continue. Legislators might easily conclude, as time Wtiat YOU think: POPS on, that township govprmnrnts nor-d further functions and authority. Dissolution of the city township would make it necessary to decide how to carve up Alton between the three adjoining townships. But in the end the townships would benefit from the additions to their tax structures. One of the strong arguments for retention of the Alton city-township governmental structure just, disappeared with centralization of the property tax collection structure at the county level. Under the old tax collection system, Alton city-township got (he benefit, of a 2 per cent commission on taxes collected by its treasurer-collector, though it was necessary to finance collection expenses out of that commission. An example of what v/e mean can be seen in both neighboring Bet hallo and Brighton. Bethalto is spread into more than one township of Madison county. Brighton goes it one better. It spreads out into two counties, Jersey and Macoupin. Though there would be little remaining necessity for it, Alton township might remain as a township, alone, too, while the city, for a starter, assumed separate municipal status, but; independent of the township tie, could expand without interference with township linos. The special districts — fire protection as an illustration — already formed in the area could remain as a problem still to be settled. Action needed now Although Alton area recipients of public aid and food stamps are enduring hardships with the shift of the Illinois Public Aid office to East Alton, a representative of the Economic Opportunity Commission informed the Telegraph there are no statistics available on how many are affected. Many elderly poor, without transportation, other than buslines or cabs, have had to spend much of the day transferring, riding the bus, waiting in line at the office, then cashing in food stamps or checks, buying groceries, and going home. Rep. Lee Kennedy, Alton Democrat, indicates a meeting will be set up nearly a month from now to review the situation. He, Gov. Ogilvie, and other area legislators, Rep. Robert J. Walters, and Sen. Sam Vadalabene are aware of the crisis and probably have been receiving many calls and letters. We feel a month-long delay is too long despite the good motives of Rep. Kennedy. Governor Ogilvie indicated on two occasions he's concerned and will do something. Some type of emergency setup should be developed to assist people until a more permanent solution is found. People affected should inform not only the Telegraph but these officials who are trying to remedy the dilemma. Vital dig continues A report that the Koster Dig at Kamps. ville will receive enough funds to continue archaelogical excavations until Labor Day is welcome, we're sure, to Dr. Stuart Struever, director of the project. Assurance by a spokesman for Mrs. Richard B. Ogilvie, first lady of Illinois, indicated that $11,000 will be raised by "private sources" to allow excavation to continue for two more weeks. Because the work there is one of the most significant archeological finds in the nation, it should continue. Time lost coo'lcl have delayed research during winter months before scholars return next summer. PAUL S. and STEPHEN A. COUSLEY Emphasis misplaced 'Quick, Henry-The good news? My letter is addressed not only to the editor, but to Doug Thompson and the tragically misled Telegraph readers. The function of a newspaper Is to serve the community. Mr. Thompson must feel he is doing his public duty by educating us all in the perils of heroin addiction. I do not deny that the Alton area is faced with a rising number of heroin addicts and relating social problems (i.e. prostitution, robberies, physical assaults, etc.). . I have no objection to a coherent report on this subject. Sadly enough, Mr. Thompson's articles are nothing of the sort. Rather, they read like a fifth-grade primer on "dope", the type of pamphlet designed to frighten small children ( or a five-star article in Rancid Romances). Face it. The average Telegraph reader desires to be educated on the abuse of hard drugs, not exploited by any writer's inflammatory rhetoric. The subject of heroin addiction should be scientifically approached, thoroughly researched, and discussed in an objective manner by persons qualified to do so. Mr. Thompson has failed on all counts. The service he has done for our community is to insult our intellect by expecting us to swallow his "jive" with eyes wide and mouth gaping. He has incited many area readers, through his lack of perspectives, to view the typical Alton junkie as a poverty-stricken black capable of committing any crime to get his fix. Anyone with a true knowledge of the Alton drag scene knows this is a false picture. There are equally as many middle and upper- middle class white heroin addicts as ther.e are black. Mr. Thompson's articles emphasized the junkies' and the pushers' figurative weekly earnings, amount of heroin consumed, and their trade secrets. His emotional harangues would have been more useful to our community had he also felt responsible for presenting the public with a better understanding of an addict's motivation and true life style. He should have tried to explain why heroin is so attractive to our youth, and most of all given us facts. Every junkii is someone's son, daughter, brother, sister, or loved one. Something must be done to help them — something moiv eftect:\e than a few busts, referrals to a clinic, or public-minded outbursts in the local newspaper. This area needs a drug abuse center NOW! Please, give your readers the facts on what 3s being done in other areas to help the hard-core heroin addict. Systems employing mcthadone treatment and extensive counseling would be a definite improvement over our present facilities. How many more George Fcsslers can we afford to lose? RUTH M. LAYTHE R. R. NO. 2, Box 302 Godfrey (EDITOR'S NOTE: The Telegraph already has published a syndicated article on the general aspects of drug use, as suggested. What Doug Thompson aimed at was a series on analysis of the local drug situation. We're happy Writer Laythe noticed it.) GOPs ok Agnew, but.. Kleindieiist praises Nixon's fight against crime By Vi Riesel U.S. Attorney General Richard Kleindienst notes here that the Democrats have charged the Nixon administration has given the country nothing but tough words. In a fighting mood tho comparatively new Attorney General challenges this and with a counterthrust says the Nixon White House has built the strongest anti-organized crime machine in history. Here is one of the Attorney General's first full analyses made since he was confirmed. It was written exclusively for this column. By RICHARD KLEINDIENST Attorney General of the U.S. WASHINGTON — The Nixon administration's record in coming to grips with the problem of crime Jn the United States was the subject of some concern recently by the Democratic Platform writers. "This Administration," they declared, "has given us nothing but tough words." And made this claim, the Democratic platform writers promised to attack the crime problem by What \OV think: The T e 1 e E r ii p li welcomes prose expressions of its renders' own opinions of \\liut YOU think. Writers' names ami addresses must he published with their letters. Contributions should be concise, preferably not exceeding 150 words, and are subject tu condensation. upgrading police forces, improving their technological capabilities, bringing organized crime to justice, owning a massive assault on the drug traffic, mounting an all-out drive against corruption in government, and other equally laudatory measures. There are two things wrong with this plank in the Democratic platform. First, the hallmark of the Nixon administration's onslaught against crime, has been not words but action. The crime epidemic which grew to alarming proportions during the previous Democratic administrations, whose response was to study the problem without facing it, is now being turned around under the national leadership of President Nixon. Second, almost all of the remedies proposed by the Democratic platform to cut crime have long since been adopted by the Nixon administration. They are among the reasons why we are succeeding where the Democrats failed. Violent crime more than doubled during the tenure of the Democrats from 1961 to 1968. They answered the problem by creating a crime commission to investigate it, and then proceeded to ignore most of the commission's recommendations. They opposed legislation to assist law enforcement officers in bringing offenders to justice, including the use of court-authorized wiretapping that Congress provided against organized crime. The sum total of their Federal assistance to state and local criminal justice systems was less than $34 million. After this record during the eight years of rising crime while they were in office, the credibility of their new-found concern for the safety of the American people seems somewhat disingenuous. By contrast, the Nixon administration has mounted a total assault on all fronts against the crime wave in the United States. We have provided national leadership and financial assistance totaling $1.5 billion to the states and localities in the past three fiscal years and, despite politically inspired criticism of this program, Congress has shown its confidence by approving the $850 million that we requested for the 1973 budget. We have mobilized every possible Federal resource in attacking the drug traffic and drug abuse. We have won the active cooperation of the foreign countries that have been the sources of narcotics entering this country when many of our opponents said" it couldn't be done. One result was that, in 1971, Federal authorities removed from the world market above five times as much heroin or equivalent opium derivatives as were removed in 1969, the last year of the previous Administration. More recentl y , an additional p r o g r a m of cooperation between Federal, state and 1 o c a 1 anti-drug agencies, aimed at disrupting heroin traffickers at the street level, has resulted in more than 900 arrests since May of this year. Tiiis offensive lias created shortages of heroin in some of the major American cities, and one result has been to bring thousands of addicts into treatment centers established with the aid of Federal funds. In our drive on organized crime, where the previous Administration had established only seven Strike Forces on an ad hoc basis in large American cities, we have put them on a permanent basis and increased the number to 18. And whereas the previous Administration had refused to use the court-authorized wiretapping provided by Congress, we have employed this enforcement tool from the beginning and have gained evidence against hundreds of racketeers that was unobtainable any other way. As a result, we have mounted a far more effective drive against organized crime than had been possible before. In 1971 we obtained indictments against more than 2,600 members or associates of organized crime syndicates — more than triple the number indicted in 1968. Convictions of such persons in 1971 nearly doubled the number in 1968. In New York, Chicago, and many other cities we have torn big gaps in the ranks of the top gangland leaders. Finally, what has been the overall result of the Nixon administration's drive against crime? We can only take part of the credit, because most crimes are not Federal crimes, and the states and localities have also redoubled their anti-crime efforts. But for the first time in many years, the latest statistics show that the rise in crime has been reduced to a par with the rise in population. For the first quarter of 1972, serious crime in the United States showed only a 1 per cent increase over the same quarter in 1971. This is part of the trend that has been apparent in annual statistics for three years. Irt 1968, the last year o f the previous Administration, serious crime- rose 17 per cent. Since then the increase has been tapering off — 11 per cent in 1969, 10 per cent in 1970, and only 6 per cent in 1971. The first-quarter figures for 1972 show that we are now within reach of an actual decrease in crime. This has - already been accomplished in a growing number of large American cities which have populations of 100,000 or more. In 1969, 17 such cities registered actual decreases in crime. In 1970, the number rose to 22, and in 1971 it climbed to 53 cities. For the first quarter of 1972, 80 cities showed an actual decrease. One of the cities spearheading this reduction has been Washington, D.C., the only city under Federal jurisdiction. All through the '50s, however, crime increased at a dangerous rate. The criminal justice system in the nation's capital was incapable of dealing with this desperate problem. Little had been done by the previous Administrations to reform the system in their own backyard. But between 1969 and 1971, crime in the District of Columbia decreased a .total of 18 per cent. MIAMI BEACH - No one is holding his breath over the outcome of the Republican convention at Miami Beach. But in the smoke-filled backrooms, the maneuvering already has started over the 1976 presidential nomination. The Republican faithful, of course, won't challenge President Nixon's choice of Spiro Agnew as his running mate for another term. But this doesn't mean they are ready to accept him as Nixon's successor in 1976. Agnew has already signalled his intention to move up to the front of the ticket four years from now. But opposition is developing, particularly among GOP moderates. They have dropped quiet hints that Agnew would appeal to the same limited constituency in 1976 as Barry Goldwater did in 1964. Although Richard Nixon will be a lame- duck President at the 1976 convention, he should still control the party machinery. He could, if he wished, determine who his successor will be. White House aides tell us the President would not impose his choice upon the party but would remain above the struggle. The anti-Agnew forces, however, are taking no chances. They intend to present their arguments to the President in the months ahead. They will plead that the party's future could be im- .paired by an Agnew candidacy and that he should be headed off before he can gain too strong a hold on the party machinery. The ar.ti-Agnew Republicans also look hopefully to New York's Governor Nelson Rockfeller for support. Agnew was Rockefeller's most vocal champion in the early 1968 presidential maneuvering. But Agnew adroitly switched to Nixon in a manner that won him the vice presidency and lost him Rockefeller's friendship. Rockefeller, however, has been snuggling up to President Nixon lately and, in the process, has improved his relationship with Agnew. The New York governor, therefore, may not be available to challenge Agnew in the struggle ahead. Aware of the political axiom that you can't beat somebody with nobody, some Republican moderates are rallying, meanwhile, around Illinois' Senator Charles Percy as the best man to stop Agnew in 1976. It is perhaps a measure of their desperation that the embryonic Percy for President forces have spread the rumor that Agnew, after By Jack Anderson getting in the vice presidential nomination, will resign and invite the convention to choose someone else, the reason, according to the rumor, is that Agnew has had his fill of politics and would like to devote himself now to making some money for his family. But he is a proud man —so the story goes — who didn't want to appear to be dropped from the ticket. A spokesman assured us Agnew is ready with his acceptance speech. Others close to the Vice President say he has every intention of using his position for the next four years to consolidate his strength with the party, and to go after the presidential prize. Footnote: Former Secretary of the Treasury John Connally might also challenge Agnew for the presidency. There can be no denying the rivalry between the two men. Connally, apparently, is keeping his options open whether to beqome a Republican or to remain a Democrat. California's Governor Ronald Reagan also lias an eye on the White Brutal aftermath By Ray Cromley WASHINGTON (NEA) Historical parallels are dangerous. But the North Korean invasion of the South in 1950 and North Vietnam's Tet offensive may have something to tell us about the after-effects of Hanoi's current invasion and occupation of parts of South Vietnam. The Communist occupation of major areas in South Korea in 1950 was so vicious, and the killing of teachers, village officials, police and other local leaders so widespread that the North Koreans to this day have been unable to set up a viable Communist underground in the South. In that 1950 occupation, the Communist underground surfaced and became known to the citizens. With the retreat of the North Korean armies, the backbone of the Red underground also diasppeared. The anger of the South Koreans was increased by the action of the retreating northerners. Before leaving each town they were forced to give up, they would order the local citizens to dig long trenches. The civilian leaders, of these towns and small villages — those who remained — would be forced to line up beside these trenches. They were shot nnd buried. I have a picture left from those days. In this case ihe bloody dead lie sprawled by the trenches. The retreating Communists did not have time for burying the bodies. In these killings, the retreating North Koreans attempted to destroy all civilian leadership — teachers, farm cooperative leaders, minor officials, policemen, professional men. The situation after the massacres in Hue during Tet 1968 was similar. The Communists who occupied Hue systematically killed members of political parties, other leading citizens and those who might later expose them. The citizens of Hue remember the Communists with hatred !o this day. Although the Saigon government perhaps would win no popularity contests in Hue, the Communists are disliked and feared far more. My friends report that in the most difficult days after the Communist capture of Quang Tri, this spring, the men and women of Hue began to form civilian militia units to fight the invaders house-to-house and door-to-door. Some men sent their families away but stayed behind themselves. If the Communists enter Hue a»ain, they will find themselves faced by these citizen irregulars by night. In several parts of occupied northern South Vietnam, reportedly the Communists are once again killing and kidnaping those who could provide leadership, those who protest and those with connections in Saigon. If the Hue and Korean experiences have validity, the current terrorism will forge such hatred among the people of these occupied areas it will be exceedingly difficult for the Communists, if they are defeated in this round of the war, to rebuild their underground. As this reporter knows from his own guerrilla days in Asia m World War II, no underground can exist for long without cooperation, at least from some groups within the local population. Once that cooperation is dead, the underground is finished. What they did then — news from the Telegraphs of yesteryear 25 years ago AH,I SI 19. 1947 An Edwardsvillt man, John A. Montgomery. 26. died in a Pontiac hospital irom injuries sustained in an automobile accident near there, and his companion, Virginia Bradney of Jacksonville was killed. He had been visiting her parents in Chicago, where they also had aiu-ndt-d ihv American Legion state convention The gasoline shortage in the c;iy resulted .n service stations decreasing their hours of business, either in shortening the working day hours, ur elosinj altogether for a lull day. James Phelan ''esigntd as wire news editor of the Alton '1 uk-^:iijjji and v.nh ius wi;e wa> nii>i m. 1 to Southern California. They were accompanied by their small daughter. Judith and his mother, Mrs. Myrtle Phelan, in their leisurely three-room trailer. His wife, Dr. Kmalie Demi, former psychologist at Alton Stale Hospital, was advised to go west tor health reasons. Mr. and Mrs. Joseph F. Traband arrived from England, after their marriage there on July 21. Artist Traband had painted a large portrait of his wife to leave with her parents on their departure to the Tailed States. Traband became acquainted with Audrey Olivia Collaml in Da-ember of lli-li! while he was stationed at Ibsley, Hampshire, with the ground commiiiiica!niji.> stall' oi the AAF. and she was serving with the radio section oi the WAAF. A iew weeks later she was transferred, and they d:.i MV ; Jikil a. :.:n i.uli! June 7, l!i-l-l. For the first time in many years the office of state's attorney became self-sustaining. Earnings of $35,361.77 was $7,061.77 in excess of cost of operation., The funds were collected from five sources: foreclosure cases, fines and fees in criminal cases, fees collected by the state's attorney's attendance at mental illness hearings, fees and fines from all justices of the peace in the county. 50 years ago AUGUST 19, 1S22 As strike settlement conferences were recessed by the railroad brotherhoods and executives. Congress plowed ahead with plans to pat into action some <>!' I'resRk-nt llarding's recommendations for relief from the mine strike-induced coal shortage. Spokesmen for both parties said the President had their support. Initial steps in this direction were establishment of an agency to purchase, sell, and distribute the nation's pinched supply of coal. The next immediately contemplated move was creation of a coal industry fact-finding commission. Meanwhile, at Hannibal, Mo. William Jennings Bryan branded as "buncombe" the talk of weakening the Volstead prohibition act. He cited a Literary Digest poll which showed only a small percentage of the people wanted repeal of the prohibition amendment to the Constitution. Petitions for paving of Douglas street, lost in the city council records, were found at insistence of Alderman Challacombe that action be undertaken. But, it was discovered, the petition called for laying of a sewer — which City Engineer Crockett said was impossible because the street's grade sloped away from the level of the State street sewer with which it would have to connect. Hostility was developing among property owners to any improvement that omitted both sewers and sidewalks. A city-wide vaccination campaign among Wood Hiver residents was ordered by state health authorities after 11 caseb O f blac< smallpox involving four fatalities were reported. A federal fine of $1,200 was assessed against an working in a place raided by city police. He was charged with having on the bar a pint bottle of bonded whiskey obtained under a doctor's prescription. City authorities turned the case over to federal agents after the defendant declined to pay a $102 city fine.

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