Logansport Pharos-Tribune from Logansport, Indiana on August 25, 1896 · Page 7
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Logansport Pharos-Tribune from Logansport, Indiana · Page 7

Logansport, Indiana
Issue Date:
Tuesday, August 25, 1896
Page 7
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BOURKE COCKRAN ANSWERS BRYAN Speech Delivered at Madison Square Garden, New York, Tuesday Evening, Aug. 18. Mr. Chairman, Ladles and Gentlemen, Fellow Democrats, All: With tho Inspiring strains nf tho na- tlonnl song still ringing In our ciirs who .can doubt tho ftsuoof this campaign? That issue has bocn well stated by your presiding officer. Stripped, as ho says, of all Terbal disguise, it is an Issue of common honesty, an Issue between the honest discharge and tho dishonest repudiation of public and private obligations. It is a question as to whether tho j>owers of this 'government shall boused to protect honest Industry or to tempt tho citizen to dishonesty. On this question honest men cannot differ. It la ono of morals and of justice. It involves tho existence of social order. It la tho contest for civilization Itself. II it bo disheartening to Dcmocrats'nnd to lovers of free institutions to find an issue of this diameter projecting into a presidential campaign, this meeting furnishes us with an inspiring truth of how that issuo will bo met by tho people. A Democratic convention may renounce tho Democratic faith, but tho Democracy remains faithful to Democratic principles. Democratic leaders may betray n convention to tho Populists, but they cannot seduce tho footsteps of Democratic voters from tho pathway of honor and of justice. A candidate bearing tho mandate of a Democratic convention may in this hall open a canvass leveled against tho foundations of social order, but ho beholds the Democratic masses confronting him organized for the defense?. Follow Democrats, let us not disguiso from ourselves tho fuct that we bear in thiscr.utc'sta serious and grave and solemn border, of duty. We must raise our hands against tho nominee of our party, and we must do ic to preserve tho future of that party itself. We must oppose the nominee .of tho Chicago convention, and wo know full well that tho success of our opposition will moan our own exclusion from public life, but wo will Ixi consoled and gratified by tho reflection that it will prove that tho American people cannot bo divided into parties on a question of simple morals or of common honesty. We would look in vain through tho speech delivered hero ono •week ago to find a truo statement of tho Issue involved in this cauvaas. Indeed, I bellcvo it is doubtful if tho candidate himself quite understands tho nature of tho faith which'he professes. I say this not in criticism of his ability, but in justice to his niornllty. I believe that if ho himself Understood tho inevitable consequences of tho doctrines which ho preaches, his own hands would bo tho very first to tear down the platform on which ho stands. A Soil Not Propitious to Bevolntlon. But there was one statement in that speech which was very free from ambiguity, pregnant with hope nud confidence to tho lovers of order. Ho professes his unquestioned belief in tho honesty of the American masses, and ho quoted Abraham Lincoln in support of tho faith that was In him. Well, I do not bolievo that tho faith of Abraham Lincoln was over more significantly justified than In tho appearance •which Mr. Bryan presented upon this platform in tho .change that has como over tho spirit and the tone of Populistlo eloquence since tho Chicago convention. Wo-nll must remember-that lurid rhetoric which glowed as fiercely in. tho western skies as that sunlight which through tho past week foretold tho torrid heat of tho ensuing day, and hero upon'this platform wo find that same rhetoric as mild, as insipid as tho waters of a. stagnant pool Ho is n candidate who was swept into tho nomination by a wave of popular enthusiasm, awakened by appeals to prejudice and greed. Ho la a candidate who on his trip homo and In tho initial stop* of his trip eastward declared that this was n revolutionary movement; who no sooner found himself- face to faco with tho American feellngthon ho realized that this soil Is not propitious" to revolution. Tho people of this country will not change tho institutions which have stood tho tests and experiences of a century for institutions based upon tho fantastic dreams of Populist agitators. - Tho American nation will never consent to substitute for tho republic of Washington, of 'Jefferson and of Jackson tho republic of anAltgeld, a Tlllman or a Bryan. The power of public opinion which caused tho vivid oratory of tho Chicago platform to burn low and soft as tho moonlight out- sldo of this platform, which has already shown Its power to control PopuJlstic eloquence, will show tho full, extent of Its wisdom, will givo Abraham Lincoln's prophecy its triumphant vindication when It crushes tho seed of Popullstic socialism next November. FropOMd Violation of the Conitltntion. NowJ my friends, I have- suid there was one statement of great significance In Mr. Bryan's speech. There is another portion of it whlch.is singularly free from any obscurity, and that may bo comprised within tho two initial paragraphs whcro ho talks logically, consistently, plainly, tho language of revolution. Whatever change may havo como over his manner as a candidate, however much tho vehemence of his eloquence may have been reduced, two things for which he stands remain unaltered. On this platform he dtffoudod tho most revolutionary plank of tho Chicago convention in speech loss vehement, but not less earnest, than that in which ho supported Its adoption. On this platform he defended tho Populistio programme of overthrowing tlio integrity of tho supremo court. If there bo any fruit which has grown for tho benefit of all mankind out of tho establishment of our republic, it-has been-tlio demonstration that it Is possible by thci..organization of an independent tribunal to safeguard 'the rights of'every citizen and protect tlioso natural privileges against any invasion from whatever source or however powerful might bo tho antagonizing elements. . • The very existence of that power presupposes tho existence of an -independent tribunal. Yet -wo havo thia Po'phllst convention, because a Populist measure -.was con- domncd 'as unconstitutional,, proposing, not to amend the'constitution in tho ordinary way prescribed by- that Instrument Itsclf.lbut proposing-.to pack tho.court, -,to" reorganize H-'(he used the .language of tho platform' Itself) so t-.at It will pronounce thoso-lttws'tb- be Minstitntlona'l which'tho constitution itself cohdemns^-a proposal »o mako tho courts of law instruments of lawlessness, to violate that sacred pact bo- iweon the Ktotos on which tho security of this nation rests, to profane tho tomplo orectcd for Its protection by tho hands of falso priests, who, though sworn to defend it, wi.ll 1)0 appointed to destroy it. In tho time to which I must confine myself tonight I can do nothing but examine that ono question which Mr. Bryan him- tclf declares to bo tho overshadowing issue of this campaign. I am a little puzzled when I read this speech to decide just what Mr. Bryan himself imagines will bo tho fruit of a. change in the standard of value throughout this country. I do not Ijclicve that any man can follow wholly with the speech, because If ho dissents from onu sot of conclusions ho has pot torciul but a few paragraphs and ho will find another of a different variety. But I assume that it is fair in a discussion of this character, Independently of what Mr. Bryan may say or what Mr. Bryan may think himself ho stands for, to examine tho inevitable economic effects of a debasement of tho coinage, of a change in tho standard by which existing debts are to bo measured in a baser measure of value. A Tent of Protperlty. Now, I will Imagine that Mr,. Bryan himself may believe that in some way or other he is going to benefit tho toilers of this country- Ho says ho is, but ho do- clinos to show us how. For my part I am willing to stiito here that if Mr. Bryan coulu show mo that by any means known to hcavon or known on earth, any means revealed to the comprehension of man, wages could be increased, I will bo ready to support him hero and now. I do nut make this statement through any pro- teuso of special affection for the man who works with his hands. Such a pretense made In tho heat of a presidential canvass would merely insult nnd discredit tho intelligence to which it is addressed. I repeat that I would support any measure calculated to increase tho rato of wages because I know of no test of .prosperity absolutely infallible except tho rate of wages paid to laborers. Where the rato of wages is high, there must bo prosperity. Where tho rato of wages is low, thcro must iiocossurily bo distress. If, then, Jlr. Bryan can show mo that by the enforcement of any portion of his programme wages will bo increased in this country, I will not only support him, but I will 'recognize him as tho wisest orator that over opened his mouth on a platform since the beginning of tho world. I will bo ready to confess that tho rhetoric which I do not now understand is really tho language of inspiration. I would regard his administration of the presidency as tho kindling of a great light before tho footsteps of man, showing him a broad pathway to endless happiness and measureless prosperity. But in searching through his speech, lu reading through tho whole reams of Popiillstle literature with which this country has been flooded for four years, I have never yot found ono syllable which showed mo how a Populist expected to increase the rato of wages. Now, in order to understand 'the significance of tho romark that wages is tho only test of prosperity, wo havo but to consider for a moment just what is meant by tho term wages. Wages, as I suppose everybody here understands, is that part of the laborer's product which Is given to himself in compensation for his toll. If, for instance, I bo engaged In the manufacture of chairs, and'if I can make-five chairs every day worth S20, and tho rate of my wages is *4 a day, what I actually get is one chair out of tho five which I make. The othor four chairs, tho other four-fifths of my product, aro devoted to tho payment of all the othor labor that has been expended in preparing tho elements out of which tho cbair was made. To tho man who foiled tho tree in tho forest, tho person who sawed it lu tho mill, tho carrier who transported It, tho workman who prepared its component parts, arid tho pro- tit on tho capital which eotall this labor In motion. It 13 plain, however, that I could not take one chair homo with mo nt night and attempt to settle my bills with it, for the rnomeut I undertook to divide tho chair among my creditors, that moment it would lose Its.valuo. So, Instead of taking tho chair, which I cannot divide, I take Its equivalent in money, which I can divide. But my wages all tho time aro fixed by tho quantity of my own products. If, instead of five chairs, I were able to make ten from it, and thorn to of my compensation remained tho same, I would obtain for my wages two chairs, or $8 a day. But, Instead of there being four chairs, or 116, available for tho payment of other labor, there would bo eight chairs at $32, and thus the larger my wages tho larger my product, tho greater tho prosperity in tho chair making industry. Now, applying that principle to every other department of trade wo can eeo that tho man who works on a tunnel cannot take a part of the tunnel home with him for his wages;- tho man who paves the street cannot take a part of tho highway with him, but each, ono takes tho money equivalent of that part of the product which is the result of his dally toll, and tho laborer is tho man Who has tho most vital interest in tho charactorof tho money which is paid to him. Some of Mr. Bryan'* Contradiction*. Now, when we como to find out just how Mr. Bryan expects to increase tho wages of labor, wo find ourselves lost in a mazo of contradiction and in a hazo of obscure expressions. No man can tell how or where or when tho wages of tho worklngman aro to be increased, but any ono who examines tho schema can see that tho inevitable tendency, tho inevitable consequence of a debasement in tho standard of value, must bo a reduction in tho rate of wages, and that is tho conspiracy in which tho Populist is'ongaged, ' Nov.', Mr. Bryan tells us that he wants to cheapen tho dollar; that ho wants to in- creaso the volume of money. I do not believe that any man who over lived could quite understand a Populist's notion of what money is further than ' that ho believes it is a desirable thing to get and that ho Is not very particular about the means by which ho can get his hands on it. Nothing is morn common in Populist oratory than tho statement thai tho volume of money must bo increased fo> tho benefit of tho people—which moans that part of tho people that runs and manages and addresses Populist meetings. I remember that in one .of tho speeches which Mr. Bryan delivered on his way east ho declared that any man who objected to toormich money ought to vote tho other ticket. Now, my friends, I will ask you to indulge mo for a moment while I state, to you hero the only conception • that an honest man can form of money, in order that in discussing this thing hereafter wo will bo able to" understand the economic expressions -which: the Populist, usos-for- tho delusion of : man and for the confusion of his jildgment..' ' ' The basis of sound trade is sound money. ,Monoy:whioh is intrinsically .valuable— •money which, like the gold coinage of this country, government cannot affect if it tied to. I can take n ?10 goldpl'eoe and 1 can defy all tho power of all tho governments of this earth to take fi cents of value from it. Having earned it by tho sweat of my brow, having earned it by tho cxer- e'-r-o of, my bruin, having earned it by tho eachuagc of my commodities, I can go to the uttermost ends of the earth nnd wherever I present it its value will bo unquestioned and unchallenged. That gold dollar, tills meeting, the Democratic party, tho honest masses of this country, without distinction -of party divisions, demand shall be paid to tho laborer when he earns It and that no power on earth shall cheat him of the sweat of his brow. Man'* Labor Crontci Wealth. Now let us see how Mr. Bryan proposes to deal with this question. I have looked through his speech to find out just what he thinks ho is going to do for tho laboring man and I find that ho dismisses him with a very few and some- very unsatisfactory phrases. But it Is perfectly oloar that the purpose of the Populist is to put up the, prices of certain commodities. Mr. Bryan's language is that-ho is going to im- provo tho condition of tho people of this country; not of all of them, but of the greatest number. Well, now, I don't suppose Mr. Bryan pretends to any miraculous power. I don't suppose he claims lie can multiply tho number of chairs upon this platform or upon this floor, although he has shown his capacity to empty them. If ho is going to work any change In the conditions of men, he must increase the material possessions of some part of the community. Now, if ho got possession of tho government tomorrow, he could not create one single thing of value by any exercise of governmental power in tho world. Mono; nnil Property Not Identical. Nothing Is more common than tho mistake that money and property are identical. They aro not. A redundancy of money docs not prove any prosperity. Thcro may bo a very largo volume of circulating medium nud very great poverty. The issuo of paper money simply is no more an Increase of wealth than the issue by an individual of his promissory note would show an increase of his property. As matter of fact an increase in the coin- ago is no proof of an increase in property, but may be a strong proof of a decrease in wealth. -. Tho volume of money plays but :i small part even in t!:c ordinary transactions of life. It is not tho volume of money, but tho activity of money that counts, If a person wants to sou just how a dollar works In the ordinary exchanges, in what might bo called a retail business, lie has but to take a dollar out of his pocket and go out into the street and buy some fruit. Now, the fruit dealer would take that dollar and buy some vegetables. The greengrocer with tho same dollar could buy neckties. The dealer In neckties with tho same dollar could buy meat, and so on, That ono coin passing from hand to hand might circulate *20 worth of commodities in tho course of a single day. That one dollar circulating *20 worth of commodities makes inoi-o business and more trade than two dollars could mako if they circulated between them ouly $10 worth of commodities. Money never can circulate freely anil actively unless there bo absolute confidence in its value. If a man doubts whether tho money In his pocket will bo us valuable- tomorrow as It "is today, ho will decline to exchange his commodity against it, and this Populist agitation threatening tho integrity of money has been the cause of the hard times through which this country is passing and from which it will not escape until the heel of popular condemnation is placed upon the Populist agitation which undermines tho foundation of credit Baal* of Trade In Sonnd Money. 1 If, then, Mr. Bryan is going to enrich •somebody, tho thing which ho means to bestow on him ho must take from somebody else. Who is to be despoiled and who is to bo enriched by tho exercise of thia now scheme of government? My friends, tho silver mine owner will get cheated with tho rest. If ever tho Populist has his way, nobody will bo benefited, not oven Mr. Bryan. I will venture to say hero now that if the face of Providence should be averted from this land and such a calamity as Mr. Bryan's election wore permitted by it, tho man who would suffer most by that event would bo the false prophet, who, having torn down the temple of credit and of Industry, would be torn to pieces by an outraged public whose prosperity ho had ruined. Let us follow this argument a little. Let us see what he means to do, according to his own lights. Wo see that he can't enrich one man without impoverishing another. Government never can bo generous, because if it bo generous to ono It must bo'oppressivo to another. Mr. Bryan does not protend that by any power given him from hoaven he can find anything on tho surface of this earth that has not got an owner, and, therefore, ho can't honestly bestow it upon n favorite. But his financial scheme contemplates an increase in the price of certain commodities. I do not think that anything Mr. Bryan can do with reference to gold will ever affect it. A Cutting DoT»n of Wa«ei. But, my friends, wo ire coming now pretty close to tho woodpile behind which the African is concealed, Mr. Bryan proposes to increase tho price of commodities. If .ho means anything, he means that, and I am not quite sure that he moans anything. Now, if everything in this world or ill this country, including labor, bo increased in value tomorrow/'in like proportion, not one of us would bo affected at all. If that was Mr. Bryan's scheme, ho would nevur 'havo a Populist nomination to give him importance in tho eyes of this community. If that wore all that ho meant, ho would not bo supporting it, and I would not be taking tho trouble to oppose it, If everything in tho world be increased 10 per cent in value; why, wo would pay 10 per cent In addition for what wo would buy and got 10 per .cent more for what we would sell, and wo would be exactly in the same place wo occupied before. Therefore it is fair to assume that is not tho lamo and impotent • eonclusloniwhich this Populist revolution contemplates. What, then, is it? It is an increase in tho price- of commodities and allowing of li'ibor to shift for itself. If the price of commodities be Increased and the price of labor be left stationary, why, that means a cutting down of tho rate of wages. If, instead of a dollar which consists of a given quantity of gold equal to 100 cents anywhere.in the world, with the purchasing power of 100 cents, tho laborer is to bo paid in 'dollars, worth 50 cents each, why, he can only buy half as much with- a day's wages as he buys-now. ••-•': A Teit Qu«tlOD- (or Mr. Bryan* If-the value of this Populist scheme then is to bo tested, let. the laboring men of this : country ask'Mr. Bryan'and his Populist friends'a simple, common, eyerydey question,-'"Where do I come inf!,' . Mr. Bryan himnelf has a glimmering -•«-.«"" ^MmWHW^MMMl. Idea of wlvjro the. laborer will como in, or rather nf where lie will go out. There is ono paragraph In Ills speech which, whether it was tho result of an unconscious stumbling into candor or whether it was a contribution made In the stress of logical discussion I inn utterly unnblo to say. But it shiikcsaflood of light upon the whole purposn underlying this Populist agitation. Wage earners, Mr. Bryan snys, know that while n gold standard raises tho purchasing power of the dollar, it also make It m'nre.dllJleult to obtain possession of tho dollar. They know that employment is loss permanent, loss of work more probable and re-employment 'less certain. If that means anything, it means that a cheap ilollnr.would givo him more employment, moro frequent employment, more work and a cJmiico to get rc-cmploymont after ho was discharged. Well, now, if that means anything in tho world to a sane man, it means that if the laborer is willing to have his wages cut down ho will get more work. Hlfh Wagon nnd ProHpcrlty Go Together. There never, was the boss of an establishment yet that meant to make a cut in wngus that did not say that. I have never yot heard of anybody who attempted to cut down the rate'of wages telling his men that ho did it because ho liked to do it. They would tell their men, "If you do not stand such a cut In wages, I cannot cm- ploy you more than half tho time." And that is what Jlr. Bryan proposes for tho laboring masses of this community —that they take a dollar of less purchasing power so that employment will become more curtain anil the chance of re-employ- raent more frequent. If it were true that a reduction in tho rate of wages would increase the chance of employment, I would not blame Mr. Bryan for telling tho truth, because, however unpalatable the truth may bo, I conceive it- the duty of any inr.n who attempts to address his fellow citizens never to shrink from a statement of the whole truth whatever may be tho consequences to himself. But, as a mutter of fact, a diminution in the rate of wages does not increase the scope of employment. If this audience hns done me the honor to follow me while I explained the principle on which wages were fixed, it must be clear that the more abundant -the product the higher the wages. There cannot be an abundant product unless labor is extensively employed. You cannot have high wages unless there is an extensive production In every department of industry, and that is why I claim that the wages are tho ono sole test of a country's condition; that higli wages mean abundant protection and-abuudancc necessarily means prospci^y. Farmer Tempted to War on Labor. Mr. Bryan, on tho other hand, would have you' believe that prosperity is advanced by cheapening the rate of wages, but tho fall in the rate of wages always comes from a narrow production and narrow production means there is little demand for labor in tho market. When, after the panic of 1873, the price of labor fell to flO cents a day, it was harder to obtain labor than when the rate of later was ?2, and tho difference, between tho Populist who Reeks to cut down the rate of wages and the Democrat who socks to protect it is that tho Democrat believes that high wages and prosperity are synonymous, and the Populist, wants to cut tho ir£'. of wages in order that he may tempt tno former to make war upon his own workiugincn. Well, but the Populist tolls us—and Mr. Bryan leads tho van—that it Is the creditor that ho is ul'ter; that the creditor is the person whoso debt he wants to cut down. And Mr. Bryan makes an elaborate argument to show that when his system of coinage shall have been completed, Ills stand- aid of value shall havo been changed, then tho debtor will havo an option as to which motul he will pay his debt in—that is to say, ho shall bo permitted by tho law to commi t an act of dishonesty. Part of Money In Mcmiurlnfi I>ebtB. In order that you should understand just how a change in the standard of value enables men to cheat their creditors you have to consider tho function which money plays in measuring debts. If I had paid 810 for ten yards of cloth to bo delivered to mo next week, and in tho interim the government should pass a law declaring that hereafter the yard measure should consist of IS inches and that all existing contracts should bo settled in that system Of measure, I would be cheated out of half of tho cloth for which I had paid. If, on the other hand, I owed a cloth merchant for ten yards of cloth which he had delivered to "mo, and which was payable next week, and in tho meantime tho government would change tho standard of value and cut down tho unit of coinage one-half, then I would settle that debt for 85, and the cloth merchant would havo been cheated. That is just what this measure proposes to do, and the important question that arises to tho workman of this country is just who ore the creditors and who are the debtors in this land. Now, tho Populist loves to say that tho creditor is a person who oppresses tho western farmer. Ho loves to paint him as loud of dress, coarse of feature, gaudy of ornament and with a cruel expression on his face. Ho loves to declare that tho money lender and the creditor arc'always synonymous expressions, but, as a mutter of fact tho creditors of this country are. not tho.baufccrs; they are not tho so-called capitalists. They, are tho laborers, and it Is at tho expense of labor that this change is made. The Banker a Debtor, the Laborer a Creditor. I remember in a-discussion- in tho house of representatives I was advancing ( the proposition that a banker, in tho nature of things, was a debtor, and I was interrupted by Mr. Bryan, who put to me a question which contains exactly the same statement as that which he made here in his speech a week ago. He asked me, "I would like to ask tho gentleman whether it is not truo that every solvent bank lias for every dollar that it owes cither somebody's note or tho money in the vault and its own capital besides?" Now, my answer to that I can give hero. Tho loans and resources of a solvent bank taken together must exceed its liabilities. Tho excess represents tho capital and profit But as between, their debts jmd their credits all banks aro dobtors, which, my frieuds, will be apparent to you In a moment if you consider that a bank must keep 25 per cent of its deposits in reserve; that tho very business' of banking is the business of being in debt. It is the business of dealing with other, people's money, and of course the money that It deals with Is tho money that it owes to its depositors, But tbo laborer is always a creditor for at least one day's work. When any man can show me a laborer who has.boen paid In advance-for rt day's work, I will show him a laborer, who. is a debtor: But every laborer that I- havo over known in my experience, every laborer of whom -I-hove over heard in my examination of the conditions of men,-must by the very law of his being be-a-creditor.for at least • one day's lork and la jron?™^}' <•. creditor for a rock's work nr two •rocks' work. Every grunt industrial enterprise has for Its chief creditors its own laborers. Tho heaviest account in every department of Industry, whatever It may bo, is always tho wages account. Wnffcrt » Firnt Lien. Horo Is an abstract which will show yon just how tho earnings of a groat corpo'ra- tion arn distributed. Tlio Now York Central railroad handles ever year about $-15,000,000. Of that sum 810,000,000 is paid for interest on bonds rind for rental of leased railroads, §4,000,000 is paid for dividends, $13,000,000 is paid for iiejuipmunt and repairs, and $15,000,000 is paid for w;igos. The railway employees of tho United States alono draw ?-lOO,000,000 a year in wnpos. If tho Now York Central railroad wont Into tho hands of a receiver tomorrow, if It bucumo totally and hopelessly bankrupt, its dividends could bo passed and its shareholders could not complain. The interest on its bonds might bo in do- fault and tho bondholders would bo without redress, but tho wages of tho laborer would always bo paid, for they are'a first lien upon every industrial enterprise. Not, my friends, because they love tho labor of man. but because ho Is absolutely necessary to tho oxistenco of tho enterprise. Horo wo havo tho figures from the United States bureau of statistics showing tho amount of wages paid every year in the United States, and we find that it was ovur .?i,SS3,2riO,000. Talk of tho interest on tho national debt, talk of tho principal of tho national debt, talk of any othor debt that.exists throughout the civilized world, and it forms but a small percentage of this dubt which is due to labor, wherever man works and toils, wherever things of value aro being created, wherever moans of transportation are in activity, whcrovnr tho forces of civilization are at work. A farr.i is a;: industrial enterprise. The pretotiso Unit the fanner of Nebraska is suffering under tho weight of a mortgage contracted under n m-itiil which hns steadily increased in value is but a Populistic metaphor. Two-thirds of tho, farmers havo no mortgage tli'bt whatever. I <3o not bnlicvo thoro is 5 per cent of them that, owe n mortgage "vor throe yonrf old, during which time Shore, lias been no change in the v:ih:oof themetn!, bus every single farmer is a creditor in tho shape uf his own labors, The Farmer n M»!n«t»y of Order. This proposal of thii Populists Is an attempt to enlist tho farmer in a conspiracy to reduce the wages paid this labor that he may have a larger proportion of his own products, and they are willing to cut down thn wage of every inun who works in cities, who toils at tho bench, who digs in the mines, who maungc-S the train, in the hope that they can ride into power on a wave of cupidity and greed awakonud in tho breast of tho voter. But, my friends, it is a triumphant vindication of American citizenship that this attempt to enlist tlio farming and agricultural members of this community into this conspiracy has failed miserably, utterly, absolutely. Every western stato which in 1890 and 1893 follioto tho hands of the Populists or wont Into the Farmers' Alliance, before thoir real purposes were executed, was purified and tho Populistic forces wore scattered out of existence when the farmers of this country understood precisely what Ao Populists meant for hie welfare was really for his ruin. The farmer who when this country was in danger shouldered his muskot, to sot it asldo when tho last shot had boon fired on the southern battlefield, whoso moderation prevented tbo political warriors at Washington from pursuing a policy of discrimination and punishment in tho southern states—that farmer, who made the policy of tho north a policy of conciliation, of forgiveness, of reunion, whoso hand it was that mado ruins of her cities and ashes of her homos, received her once moro and said, "Live in peace and sin no moro." That farmer today is the mainstay of order and of property, as ho was tho mainstay of tho Union. There was a Populistlo delegation from states that were Democratic, but it is a significant fact that every .northern state in which thoro was a chance of electing a Democratic governor or of choosing Democratic electors, with tho exception of Missouri and Indiana, stood boldly and firmly for tho gold standard at Chicago, and tho.j wore submerged by a wavo of Populism from tho south: My friends, there has been a groat change in tho Democratic organization of tho southern.status. • Tho men who, from a mistaken sonso 'of loyalty, followed their states out of tho Union, whoso gallantry in war, whoso fortitude- in defeat won the admiration of the civilized world, tho men whoso virtues commanded tho support oi northern public opinion in tho attempt to ovortu.-n carpetbag governments in the southern states, tho men who led tholi people through, all tho troubled period ol reconstruction book into a full union with tho sister states—these mon, like Hampton in South Carolina and Caffery in Louisiana, havo been swept from power, a new sot has got into tho saddle, a sot of loaders of which Tillman Is tho exponent, whc boldly uufurlud tho sectional flag at Chicago and deolnros'tbat this Populist movement is a direct movement against the prosperity of tho oast. Coniplracy Against tho Industrial Mane* Men of Now York, tollers of America, guardians of your own homes, will you allow your rate of wages to bo affected by any man who never has paid wages at alJ if ho could got out of it? Will you submit to this conspiracy botwben tho professional farmers, tho farmers who cultivate the quarrels of thoir neighbors, farmers whc labor with thoir jaws, Populist agitators of tho west, and the unreconciled slave- holders of tho south? This Is a conspiracy botwoo.ii professional farmers who want to pay low wages nnd the unreconciled slaveholder who would like to pay no wages. Hero is tho nial root of this conspiracy. Hero l.< tho explanation of this Populist movement. Mr. I3ryau did not create It. Ao man can create a movement liko this. The forces that created It aro active and have been working in a thousand different directions.. Mr. Bryan, representing thif theory, l.-5:but liko a drop of water- on the crest of the wayo, more conspicuous but no moro Important than the millions of drops that form Its' ba?0. Tho Popullstic movement is tho attempt of those professional farmers, of those men who aro unwilling to eliaro with tho laoorcr, to appeal to thoir groed in support of theirs. He is .an enemy of public order. He is nn obstacle to progress. Ho is a conspirator against'the.peace and prosperity of the industrial masses: of thecountry. Clvlll'ratlon Threatened. I have said that the laborer is tho object of this conspiracy, and ho is. But : Jet no man,Imagine that if ; thuy were successful tho injury would all bo borne by tho.iu»n. who works with his hands. Ho would be the first to euffer and the last to recover from its effects. But tho -shock- to clvJB- zation which would ensue from--such.* broach of public and private faith-would bo irreparable. Its effect no mnn-.couliS measure from any experience of tbo human race. Wo cannot tell to what dogrea.1* would paraly/.o industry. If I wore asked to define civilization;I should say it, w,-.s industrial co-operatloa. Everything Uuic a j»:i:i dens for his OWE. benefit acts directly upon tho ii:tcref-liioi his neighbor-;. No mini cau stand alone ia a civilized community. His interests, his prospects, his misfortunes, arc to some extent shared by all bis follows. Tboro.je not nn ear of corn ripening 1" a western field that does not affect Uic price of broad to you nnd mo. The farimir who scatters- sect) upon tho ground by that act starts in morion tho wheels of llie f.-ictory, -he. phnrpr.ns tin 1 :<i-.-.ls of the carpout-cr, fco ; i;.H-s:i:o c'niisrruetion of railroads;, • e:: •! -i-5 i '..'.: (.'.'^infers to pla:i new bcidgou ....,.•;;•_• ( :;i:-7i.:)('.-, ne-.v tunnels uudor rlv- •:•- •,••"<•;•.',•.•„':.' joining oceans and scpa- ••..':!"•.: co:v,.i-iT?n;.s. If •!;-- iV.vmor did not work, if tho minor '"•;! !;••! ili" hi tue subtorr.ine.nn gallery, uvuiy nihur d> |Kii-Hnont of industry woula languish, forjuon would not produce and cronto if tboy did not soo In tbo ini'.ustry and activity'of others n prospect of a demand for tlio commodity which thoy produce, and so every man In tho world is bound closely to tho destiny and intorostar of his fellow man. CnderlTine Trouble With PopullitU. Underlying the wholo scheme of civilization is tho confidence mon have in each other—confidence in their honesty, confidence in their integrity, confidence in thoir industry, confidence in their future. .If. we went to a silver coinage tomorrow,'if wo even debased our standard of value, men say that still you would havo the same properry you havo today, you would still havo tbo same soil, you would still, havo the same continent. And it is truu. Now the underlying trouble with all Populists is that thoy have a fundamental misconception of iho principles on which, civilized society is constructed. All through Mr. Bryan's speech, all through Mr. Tillman's utterances in tho convention, wherever you fled Populists assembled, you will find discussions proceeding upon iho theory that men aro hostile tc each othor ',r. thoir interests; that tho condition of lifo is ono of contest. I merely tlosire to call the attention.6t this gut.horiiiR to the character of tliat speech, to t-ho underlying spirit that pnr- vades it, and then to ask the worfcingman of this country to ask tho citizens -o£:.this nation it the government should uo trusted to tho hands of mon whoso conception of ciA-ilizod society is one of warfare an*? of strife. The Wholo Nation Will Kc»l«t. Wo believe that the vary essence of civilization is mutual interest, mutual for- boaranco, mutual co-operation. Wo believe tho world has got past tho time when men's bands are at each other's throats. Wo believe today that racu stand shouldor. to shoulder, working together for a common purpose beneficial to all, and we be- •liovo that this attempt to assail wages, which means an attempt to attack the prosperity of all, will bo resisted,, not by .-.*class, but by tho wholo nation. What labor has gained, that it shall keep. The rate of wages that is paid to it today is the lowest rate wo will ever willingly accept. We look forward to a further and a further increase in tho prosperity o£ workingmen, not merely by an increase to tho dally wage, but by further increase In tho purchasing power of wages. Mon who tell us that the prices of farm, products have fallen and that tho farmer for that reason is a sufferer forget that while the price of wages has risen on tho farm the efficiency of labor has increased; that the cost of production has boon reduced through tho aid of machinery, while the wages of the individual laborer may hare risen. While wages remain at their present raw I hope there will be a further and further decrease in tho cost of living. There-is no way in which I con be admitted to a sham of God's bounty except through a fall in tho prices of the necessaries of life. While we havo in existence'o society of mutual co-oporatlon which is but another name for civilized society, all men areadmlttefi to a share in every bounty which Providence showers upon tho.earth. Tho dwellor in tho tenement hou«, stooping over his bench, who never seo»» field of waving corn, who has never in-. haled tbo perfume of grasses and of flowers, is yot mado tho participator in all the bounties of Providence .In the fructifying Influence of tho atmosphere, in the rlpea- ing rays of tho sun, when the product <* tho soil Is mado cheaper to, him everyday by tho abundance of tho harvest It 'is from hie share in this bounty that the Populists wants to exclude tho American worklngman. Labor Must Not B« Scourged. To him wo say,-in tho name of huuiaa- ity, in tho name of progress: "You shall neither press a crown of thorns upon the brow of labor nor place » scourge upon U* back. You shall not rob him of any cue advantage which ho "has gained by long years of study, of progress in tho skill of his craft, and by tho careful organization of the members who work with him at the same bench. You shall not obscure tho golden prospect of a further improvement, in his condition by a further cheapening of tho cost of living as well as by a further appreciation of tbo dollar which IK prid tc him." Thoro can bo no distress, thcro <-..ir. he no hard times while labor is woH pniO. Tho man who raises his hand .igr.inst t.V progress of tho worklcgmau ralsus life hand against prosperity. Ho soolzs to ra- Btrict tho volume of production. He tju'^i to degrade tho condition of tlio j:i;iis sv.tu Is steadily improving liiii;«-ir .-i:«5 •'*"*" Dwn improvement is acoomplisbii'i" Vho Improvement of all mankind. Bur this attempt will fall. I do not regret this campaign. I am glad this issuo has arisen. Tho time has come when tho people of this country will sho^ thoir capacity for solf government. They will prove that tho men who havo !od tlic world in tho path way of progress will be tho jealous guardians of liberty nnd of or- dor. They are cot to bo seduced by appeals to thoir cupidity or moved by threats of iniury. They will forever jealously guard atid trim the lamp of enlightenment, oC progress, Thoy will ever relentlessly prfl«£ and crush under thoir heels the flaming torch of Populist discontent. Populist agitation and Populist desrruetion. When this tide of anarchy « nn11 navo •*• codod, this tido of Populist agitation, tbfc assault upon common honesty and upon industry shall have abated forever, tht foundations of this republic will remain undisturbed. This 1 government will BtiB 'shelter n pronlo Imilssolubly wedded to lit>- erty and onion jealously forbidding apj distinction of burilon or of privilege, OOB- servIng property, maintaining morality resting. forever - upnn tlio .broad basis « American pntrioiiFin nnd American int*- licence.-

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