The Algona Republican from Algona, Iowa on October 31, 1894 · Page 4
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The Algona Republican from Algona, Iowa · Page 4

Algona, Iowa
Issue Date:
Wednesday, October 31, 1894
Page 4
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'y^pfVv' *S, , --^ii ..'-^ii'iii^in^nnBl.iH-.^.'aa -'" ""^*—k*IIIMfi[ll»lilifHh»lllirillllllfat« ALSONA 8EPUBUC1N StAftfr. of *jfnl) (jopj,oufl year. In «•« •«•«««• — ---., • one copy, six months, in advanae.. ™ l^fid Goi&y three months, in advflnce........ ™ Sabscripttons continue till ordered stopped And all arrearages are paid. . INSURANCE K013BERY, The litigation, which has just ended in a supreme court decision, between Buthveu Bros., of Ruthven, and the American Fire Insurance Company, throws a vivid light upon the spirit and methods of doing business of many insurance companies. The t)es Moines Register says regarding the case and the decision rendered: "This is another case where the technicalities of the law are made to defeat justice. The plaintiffs sued to recover on a fire insurance policy on two ice houses. The facts agreed to are that plaintiffs notified the agents of the company, Ingersoll, Howard & Co., of Des Moines, of the loss. They had Written the insurance, and replied that they would have an adjuster visit the premises in a few days. Later they said adjuster of defendant had turned the matter over to the adjuster of the DubuqueFire and Marine Insurance Company, so that both would not have to make the trip. Some time later, however, the defendant's adjuster did visit the town and told the plaintiffs the loss was all right and ought to bo paid, only he wanted them to bring suit against the Des Moines Ice Company to recover damages for causing the tire. For these reasons, on account of these assurances from the representatives of the company, the plaintiffs did not file a regular proof of loss within sixty days of the time the fire occured, as required by law. This is the company's defense; that it is relieved of liability because of the failure to file notice. In the opinion of the court, the plaintiff has failed to prove that such notice was waived, so the lower court erred in overruling defendant's motion to direct u verdict in its favor. The plaintifi.3, therefore, get no insurance. It is held that the notice to the local acents and their promises as to adjustment were of no value, because they had no authority from the company to adjust losses. It is further held that Miller, the defendant's special agent or adjuster,had no authority to delegate his power, though the clerks of the defendant assisted the deputized adjuster in his computations." The comment which we have to make is not so much upon the decision, though that illustrates the tendency of the court to give intending swindlers the benefit of every contemptible legal quibble, as upon the disposition shown by the company, and other companies engaged in the same business, to avoid payment to their customers of what is rightfully due them. On that issue these companies must be tried before the court of public opinion, which sweeps away as of no force the technicalities which avail it in alleged courts of justice, and renders u just verdict. We do not doubt that the verdict of public opinion will be one of emphatic condemnation of the swindling practices of the company, and the pen- .alty will be loss of business. There is nothing so necessary in insurance .against possible losses as confidence, and that comes hard with men of ordinary business equipment when dealing with men who, having gained possession of their money, make it their chief business to avoid rendering the service which it pays for. Where the disposition to deal honestly and honorably exists there is little room for difference and dispute. Where it is absent there is no use in doing business. If the company sets out to defraud and swindle it can usually do it. The evidence in this case shows that it was by acts •and pretensions of the company's agents that the plaintiffs were prevented from sending in the proof within •the specified time. It is to be presumed that the company had these men •schooled for the work they did,andif so we find the company conspiring to prevent the fulfillment of the technical requirement. This may pass in the courts .and so the purpose of the conspiracy ;be attained, but the setting up of such .a defense as a means of avoiding payment of a claim linown to be equitable •ought to be notice to the public to let .such companies strictly alone and to give more attention to the manner in which companies settle, or refuse to settle their losses, A STRUGGLE FOR POSITION, To the observer of average foresight the manouvres of some of the democratic leaders of this state this fall are a puzzle. There is a democrat in the presidential chair, and congress is democratic in both branches, a condition of party vantage not heretofore existing since the war, and yet in half the congressional districts in jowa no democratic candidates are in the field, It has been rendered absolutely impossible for democratic electors in half the districts of Jowa this fall to indorse by their votes for congressman tbe only democratic administration in over SO years, Worse than that, these electors have been asked by democratic leaders to absolutely repudiate and condemn that administration by voting for pop* wlist congressmen. It is not to be wondered at tbat republican^ papers are joaWngnote of a situation unesam, pled in political history, and are in* quiring what it means avw and wbat it portends for the future. It w certain Mist if tbelr platforms count for soy* , these parties have nothing in The democratic state . wilfi Bole* M UsjsiesMfffg fleet- and Ruidiflg spirit, foftnufated 1 a platform declaring for a silvet dolla* twice as big as the one we now have: in other words, a gold silver dollar,(itid that is all that need be said about one platform for two patties. Why the democrats have done as they have will he a hard question to study over during the long winter evenings. "There aro not a few democrats who have already decided, however, that they have made their worst mistake. They'do not see what good it is going to do the democratic party for its members to begin votingsoine other party's ticket, and there is nobody on earth at present who can tell thein and explain why they knocked themselves down and dragged themselves out. Occasionally a democratic paper says what it thinks about the performance. The democratic Ottumwa Bun says this: The election of any populist member of congress from Iowa would be a greater misfortune to the democratic party than to the republicans, because: The populist party is made up mainly from democratic deserters, and every populist victory would encourage other democrats to go over. It seems strange that good democrats should for :i moment entertain the idea of voting for populist candidates for congress. The two parties have nothing in common; The poDtilist party hopes to crush democracy and take its place. The leaders of populism, if they have any political sense, know that a third party cannot exist long; they realize that death is to come to either the democratic party or the populist faction. What we want to do is to impress upon democrats the absolute necessity of crushing out populism at the coming election. If we can prevent them from gaining in congress the faction will die, but if Weaver and a few more like him should be elected, the trouble will be serious. Whatever may be said of the above, there are many observers of Iowa politics who will wait until after the election before deciding which is the third party. That cannot be determined until it is found out how many democrats are ready to vote their party to the rear. A TICKET TO VOTE STRAIGHT. The republicans of Kossuth county have never put up a better ticket than this fall. Randall for recorder, Grose for clerk, Calkins for auditor, Raymond for attorney and Hollenbeck and Barton for supervisors are good and true men, clean, honorable and capable,and well fitted for the positions they are nominated to fill. They are each and all candidates above criticism, even by the confession of their political opponents. As such they should have the vote and the support of every republican in the county. Bolting is always questionable, and when worthy and well qualified men are put up by the free voice of the party, it lookslikebad faith. It looks like the subordination of party obligation to personal influences. It is a compromise of party principle tending to break down the power which counts for party success and ascendancy, and it compromises the pretentious of him who practices it, by placing him in the ranks of the opposition. It is a blow at the party as well as a blow at the man or men attempted to be sacrificed. It creates bitter animosities and feuds between men and localities within the party, and it places the offenders at a tremendous disadvantage when in future contests, where other men or localities are displeased, they seek to impose upon the latter an obligation which under like circumstances they themselves refused to live up to. The REPUBLICAN never yet urged as an obligation the support of men known to be unworthy or unfit, as against men known to be fit and wortby,»and where as a consequence the issue became non-partisan. What it objects to and condemns is the causeless slaughter of party candidates for petty personal reasons. That it believes to be unprofitable, unjustifiable, and injurious to the individual and the party. It will be a long time before everybody comes together and agrees on any candidate for any office. It is to be understood in advance that all cannot have their first choice, and that possibly some cannot even get their second or third. The majority must decide and the minority must respect and indorse that decision. That is the only rule that makes such a thing as a party possible. With everybody flocking by himself we could have neither a party nor a government. Majority rule is the basis of the civil as well as of the party compact in our republic. To that rule, exercised in moderation, it is the reasonable thing to yield a generous and hearty support. Such support is, in fact, about all that most men can give to the party and principles they be* Jieve in. The republican party in this county js quite an institution. It represents 3,000 to 2,500 voters, and 10,000 or people, and its conventions are ed by wore than 100 delegates, Jt forms a; working part of that great organza* tion which, has ruled the destinies of nations so long and so wisely, and whjeh to4ay has tUe confidence of more thinking men than, any other tbat exists or ever existed- It never failed yet to give that party a majority, It should be true to itself and true to the meij who represent it iu tbe contest now on. Toe only way the party can bp true is for every rgan to be true, 'fhe qtrestioH of fro* lot ia being asked ofrefe ffiot'e. Hie faw, Sec. 22 of the ballot act, gives three ways in Which a ticket may be Marked and have it counted. The explanation is as follows: 1st.—The simplest manner is when the voter wishes to vote a straight patty ticket:—lie then make's afi X in the circle at the left, or before the name or title of the party. Such a vot e must be counted for each candidate whosename is found under that particular title. 2nd.— The next least complicated style, is for the votetto ignore, or rather to pay no attention to party names or titles, and make an X in the square before the name of each person for whom he wishes to vote, bearing* in mind a provision found in Sec. 25 of said act to-wit: "If the voter marks more names than there are persons to be el- ectee! to an office his ballot shall not be counted for such office." 3d.—The most complicated and the least desirable style is to make the X in the circle at the left of your party mime and then if you desire to Vote for some other person, foi- any particular office than the one named on your own party ticket* and whose name appears on the ballot for the same office, make the mark in the square before his name Wo do HOT. believe, that tlici-o is a county in the state that has a bettor board of supervisors than Kossuth county has. It is a board that knows its business thoroughly, and which can bo depended upon to look sharply after the county's interests in every direction. Mr. Hollenbeck is the only member who is now up for re-election,and he should be given a big majority. He is the only representative of the eastern raid" die half of the county, and is the only candidate on cither ticket who can bo said to represent that section. And in voting on thisofiice republicans should remember that Wesley township has always been faithful to ticket, whatever her disappointments may have boon. There is not a township in the county or in any other that has been more constant in its support of the whole republican ticket or has worked harder for it.' It would bo perfidy and dishonor now for republicans to go back on the Wesley candidate. They won't do it. We predict the election of the entire ticket. A. 13. Cummins was a statesman when he defined the republican idea of tariff in these words: "Wo proclaim neither liigh tariff or low tariff. We do insist, however, that our people shall have work; that although we cannot control foreign markets wo can control our own; that wo shall liavp the first chance there, and that every natural resource shall be utilized to supply domestic needs. Wo are determined that just such a duty shall be laid upon every imported competitive article as may become necessary'to accomplish this result. It may bo a high tariff or a low tariff or no tariff at all, and we shall change and modify every existing statute as often and as radically as mutations of time and circumstances may require." Present indications aro that Iowa's congressional delegation will bo solidly republican. There is no chance for Weaver, ancUIayes has a very slim chance. Tlie, republican victory will sweep the country, Tammany will meet overwhelming defeat in New York City, and Hill will bo badly beaten by Morton. The next house will probably be republican. The Emmetsburg Reporter, L. II. Mayno's paper, says about the jail proposition: Kossuth county votes on a proposition to raise ?7,000 by a levy of 1 l-2irnills for 1895 to build a new jail. Kossuth county needs a new jail, as the place they now have wont hold a ten-year-old boy, providing ho wishes more desirable quarters. In a speech to the stocK yards men at Chicago, Thomas B. Reed said: Now somebody says, "If we can beat the democrats this time thoio will nover been a democratic party any more." Don't think that. There will always be a democratic party. There will always be a hind end to the procession. In another column the three correct ways of marking an election ballot are given. The first is the safest, an X in the circle before the word "Republican" on the ticket. Voting in that way you aro sure to vote right. There is no lack of great campaigners in the republican canvass this year, Nobody is hesitating on account of any doubt as to the outcome. They all seem to want to bo as responsible as possible for the result, President Cleveland has not seen his way clear to come out for BUI for governor of New York. Ho Avill not even gp there to voto for him 1 . The 39th annual meeting of the Iowa Horticultural Society will be held in .Dos Moines, December lith to 14th, A QOOJ3 BEGINNING, Beacon: The record of Judge Quarton during his first term of court is decidedly creditable. The demands of the occasion have been trying to an unusual extent, Neither of our old judges ever tell upon experience in this county which involved more pei> ils for the court than the incidents of the present term. It is apparent to all fair court visitors that Judge Quartan is meeting every requirement witb modesty, courage and ability, Since he is sure to occupy the bench for at least four years from the first of Janu* ary, it is fortunate |pr the district tbat the Judge is proving his competency for this position of so much tance to the people, Fresh oystere at Carload of Michigan apples at Opera House ®wery this week, Eighty cents a bushel", H for yoB£ winter's supply at t6 Vofefs— Thfey Read Well in lews. from a sppeeh mftde by eft-Speak- et Thos. B. Rood at Minneapolis Oct. 25.] THE SITUATION TOD At. Now what situation are we in today? Everything that 1 shall say to you oh that point will be absolutely worthless, will be completely nil, unless it meets a full response in your hearts, if 1 tfell you what our situation is today and you do not know it to be such before I tell you it, don't pay any attention to what I say. (Applause.) I won't give you a catalogue of tnills closed, of capital unemployed, of labor wasted with the set of eVery sun; I will not eVeri preach to you the doctrine that an ideal community is a commun-* ity that fails to do its duty not only by itself but by the coming generation but is a clog to the advancement of civilization. You know what misery and suffering there has beeii here. Not the misery aud suffering which Used to ornament and fill to overflowing the mouths of the democratic orators in the prosperous days gone by, but real suffering in the home and iti the fatn* ily— not, thank God, starvation aud absolute want; 30 years of republican rule had so enriched this country that the only suffering we had was from the Want of what used to be luxuries and had become necessities in our period of prosperity. (Applause.) This suffering we have had, and what has been the cause of it? Let us say frankly that the present bill was not the cause of it, because it had not been enacted. The democratic brother says the last bill was the cause of it because it was in existence. Would a policeman in jail with a pistol held to his head be an ornamental thing in the way of protection of the community, and that is the position in which the democracy have for two years held the law of 1890— pistol at its head. In that condition of affairs it was just as if death had set in. What was the cause then of our disaster? Not what is going to be the cause our lack of progress hereafter. That will be the senate bill, perhaps. Time will show, and I will not anticipate by discussing it. But what has been the matter with us for the last few years? Why, any business man will tell you that it had been the uncertainty with which we have been brought face to face. It is because no man knew where he could strike a blow, because every man knew that it was impossible to turn his mill wheels unless he knew what would be the result. Men do not build things, men do not make things, men do not manufacture things from either amusement or a sense- of duty. They do it because they want an old dollar back and 10 or 15 besides. ' Well, now the manufacturer pays for his material, for his labor, and then he wants to know what compensation he is going to have. If he puts $2 American labor in his product, and he is going to meet $1 European labor in the competing product, he has got too much sense to build what he used to build, to manufacture what he used to manufacture. Hence, as a matter of couse, naturally, he stopped producing. And what effect,did that have? Why, one great manufacturing company could not stop producing in this country without- haying its effect on all the -rest. There were plenty of men who stood by idle, and said: "We are not a protected industry." They said: "We can afford to be idle; at this election the tariff does not touch us; we are beyond the toucli of time or tariff. Why should a railroad man care about manufactures?" They said: u We are free; we belong to the non-protected industries, and therefore it is safe for us to commit our part of the stupendous folly of 1892; stupendous folly I say." What is the first thing that happened to the railroad man? He got discharged. If men are not at work in the manufactures, they do not care to travel. If goods were not made by the manufacturers, there was an end of freight. Witli fewer passengers and less freight there came the discharge of the freight hands, of the train hands, to such an extent that one little railroad in New England discharged 3,000 men. Then these 3.000 men, having good wages. stopped to buy, and so the row of products went on, and we reached the position that we are in now. WHAT IS THE BEST COURSE? What is the best course for us to pursue? What do we want? Some more uncertainty? If we do, I know the shop where we can get it. (Laughter.) If you are not satisfied with the folly of 1392, 1 will show you where there is some more foolishness for 1894, For I say frankly that if you can't learn the lesson of experience at a low price, you are going to learn them at a higher price, when most of us could have told you the truth about it long before, One would have supposed, judging human nature by a kindly standard, thatthese men who are at the head of the demo* cratip party, the leaders, would have been satisfied with their ^vork thus far, and have been willing to stop, Were they? The chairman of the committee of ways and means of tbe house pf repress entatives, who was the great leader «n' til Senator Gorham unhorsed him, stripped off bis armor and dragged him around the walls of Troy, or to speak more exactly, and more in harmony with this age, around the collars and cuffs of our Troy (Laughter,) declared absolutely in my presence, jand perhaps a little at my suggestion, amid tbe cheers of bis democratic brethren, sucb as they were in a condition to give that day, for it was the 'day of, the passage of the senate Mil tbi'ougb the bo wheye they bad been refreebed by ntipnabte djsh, wber e they ' their fill of a wu tbey .djdn't declared tbut the %bt was. bat jje went borne t9 bn ceastitwents, ana reiterated. He then. mm& tbe wr in order to tell Jbe British,, lie re ed from that dinner where hw ing fenees were upfley tbe Jtoi. hogany, liaeJs to hie eonstitpBey-jn w> not fl9e,an peace .aM gujelfl d&esu't ISBW m value, «f zest ter.) Tto piesidiwi of Bttfe* m a teflter filled &i%\t tbilj»%a .YWtagip |l|»|| WI-W-T -VT r^^ i^. 'T i « i 7'-w~yT i ws "• •'-, n~ "t-!*«&•>?,.•"- "•• - j-| r JJL;' gsif pmJygl&wlfeg t y^jig||jp;pB4 m ^ "7 f ' ' " " *^t i >J&- > ^^ 1 f^ A'fv* , ' :•.'.', . * ! •' ftfl ydtr * wewftMi We taht tfrorWBgh fedtrc'fi1;f6t»'bi the people. Now we have had a gecrd deal ofLfctfa- cation during the past twoyeats. Thef® fias been ft goxrtl deal of thinking by people who hadn't had much 6f anything else to do (great laughter) «nd the f-esult is that men listen to arguments who never listened to them before. When ah argument comes fight hdme to them, possibly t presume, it looks different. "What a foolish thing that was," we ate all of us sayihg, "that we did ih 1892." Then ft e were prosperous; we had had it for 30 years; we had been through evil times and difficult timesj but we had always emerged safely; we were 1 happy but With that everlasting Unrest which be- lottgs to hutnatt nature We said to ourselves," We Would like to be happier still," Well, we bad forgotteri all about the days of jafaes Buchanan. Robert J> Walker had only become a name to Us. The generation that lived tinder those two meti was a dead generation. BKAiStS THAf Attfc KOT TflEfcte NOW. But, at any rate, we said to ourselves, maybe we will do better, we have got high wages, they have con* Btantly increased from 1860 to 1892; that, as a matter of course—got that any way. Now let us have with our high wages some cheap British goods* Fools We were and blind. Why could we not then see as we see now, that British goods, however cheap, do not pay any wages to our laboring men; that British goods at any price take away the work from the people of labor. Why couldn't we see it then? Is is because the human being is almost as short sighted sometimes as the very beasts that perish. When we got into that idea that we were going to have our wages the same and get cheaper goods from abroad we were in the condition of the French gentlemen who, when they had determined, some of them— to add up all the property of France and divide it equally, they found that 6,000 francs would be the share of eacb individual, and thereupon this good man said: "That is a good proposition, I am in favor of it, I shall get 6,000 francs and that with the 12,000 that 1 have already got will make me a very nice fortune." (Laughter and applause.) So we said here we are with splendid wages and if we can only add cheap British goods to it there we are made for life. Ah, my friends, how the arguments of past years pass away in the face of the arguments from experience. How little and cheap souie of the talk that used to fill our ears from democratic platforms in days gone by. Take one staple thing. Under the democratic oratory two years ago we were costumiers and were suffering. Today, under democratic laws we are producers, and where are we? (Applause.) The siren tones of the Briton as he offers us cheap goods lure us now whither? Lo, and behold! We have not the money in our pockets to buy Texas, even if Texas can be bought for a quarter of a dollar. There are two kinds of cheapness in this world besides the cheapness of some party politics. (Applause.) One is legitimate cheapness, and the other illigitimate. Illigitimate cheapness you have got now—cheapness with no money in your pocket to buy. Legitimate cheapness you used to have, that is, cheapness with money in the pouch. That last is a blessing, .the other is- a curse, aud you know it. What do you want for the future, democratic cheapness in the shop windows, or republican cheapness in your homes? (Applause.) That is the great problem for you to solve, even for those of us who are republicans and voted right. V TIIE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Now, I don't propose to eulogize the republican party. In the first place it does not need my humble praise. It is a party. It is a party like many others, with some bad deeds, and many good ones. The fair average in the face of honest currency, of right living and the proper, treatment of the people. But there is one fact about its history I want to commend your attention to. And if you are a patriot it will strike you as high praise. It stayed thirty-two years in power, for I do not count the interlude of Grover Cleveland, the first time when he was bound. Thirty-one years of republican rule.^ Do you know that that was without parallel in the history of the world. Why, when coward England rose in a mass under Oliver Cromwell, how long was it between the death of Charles I. and the return of Charles II,, between the accession to the controlling power of that hero, Cromwell, and the return of tbe dainty Charles? Not a dozen years. In 1793 there came up one of the strangest phenomena in human history, the French revolution, where a great nation was convulsed; where eyery institution was torn in pieces; where the lives and thoughts of men were changed as they were never changed before in the history of the world, And how long was it between the rise of the French and tbe return of tbe Bourbons? Twenty-one years- And tbe republican party for thirty* two years has held control of the eown" cils of tbis nation, How did it get WR< der a free government? In' only o»e way, by representing that solid fQvm* ijation on wbicbJowy institutions vest, tbe average common gepe of the in* telligent peopMapplaupe. ,'and it you want any lurtl^jwftflowlon wmpare }t witb ttwJut twp years, (Applause I don'i Jbmfc tbat I need to trouble you with My wore arguments, tonigbj?. I baye stated to you the facts, and you will act upon. them. Now J am a stranger, gojming to you from afar, It this bad .b§,§n t?be dayp whsn dei? gonquelred tb'e wp,r}4. -I aw enfiHgb on frppi my birthnJafie to been in 9, foreign, hjnj, fcuj VQU tbe people, who, .eteetpb »', b Two in l&aistrtfe: 6* Sancfoft aftd AlgfoM. It has Ireetf expected all tbe tftirts that Congressman* Dollivei- wdaid tie- liver one 1 speech in this coUiity dufiflg the campaign, and that Algona, whi6ti had no speech from him two years agd, would be the point, fitii/ a bet* ter bargain has been made With the State Ceiittal Committee, arid Mr. Bolliver will speak at two points* itt Bahcroft in the at'fcerrJooh and ia Algona in the evening. The Bancroft meeting will be held in Jefferson Hall at 2 o'clock, and the Algoha meeting will be held in Call*s Opera House at fiSO p. in. These will, it is presumed, be the last republican speeches of the campaign in the county. SAYS 56,00^ Those Ate the Ballots, Me Predicts, Urt* der Which loWa Democracy Wilj Be Buried* WATERLOO, Oct. 25—Secretary of State M'Farland was in the city this afternoon, on his way to Lyons, where he is billed for a speech tomorrow night. He said to a reporter this afternoon that he felt ceftian the republican plurality in this state Would not be less than 50,000 this fall, "and I shall not be surprised," he added, "if it goes far t»bove that figure. Gov. Jackson says 75,000 and it may go to that," Asked in regard to the situation in the congressional districts, he said that Weaver was defeated already in the ninth district and would probably be buried under something like 2,000 majority. In regard to the second Mr. M'Farland said: "I think Curtis will defeat Hayes, but of course 8,000 majority is a big thing to contend against. Curtis is making a magnificent campaign and is gaining every day. The sentiment in the district has changed remarkably. Of course there is no question but that republicans will be elected in all the other districts, with the possible exception of the second, and as I say, at this time I believe we will carry that district, too." DROUTH-STRICKEN NEBRASKA. Populism the Only Crop for Several Years— Soil, Climate and Politics to Match—Told by a Nebraskan. John S. Adams, of Genoa, Nebraska, is here visiting his parents. From him the REPUBLICAN has obtained some facts which throw a strong light on the situation out there. He says that the crops have been a partial failure in that state for a number of years and in the western part a total failure, and as a consequence the people are in a deplorable condition of destitution. In sheer .despair large numbers are abandoning their farms and getting out of the state. Too poor to pay railroad fare they are going with the covered wagon of the early dtiys of emigration. He says that f.iomNl60 to 200' prairie schooners go eastward; through Genoa every week. Some offtue people have decorated their wagon covers with proclamations of their condition, intention and destination in the traditional style. One of these wagons bore the legend: "Democratic administration, Silver inflation, Nebraska starvation, I'm going back home." The crop through the state for the present season is rated at 14 per cent.,' ( and that is considered a liberal estimate. It is believed that it will take five years for the state to recover its former prosperity. The political situation gets its tints from those of agriculture—only the weeds are going to seed. The farmers who are left are in a desperate frame of mind, and they have been voting the populist ticket for a few years, hoping against hope for aid in their distress, but the more they have done that, and the harder their fight upon capital, the worse has their condition become, as capital has shown a decided inclination to withdraw from the state; The <% democratic party has taken third place in Nebraska of late, polling 44,000 votes in the state election two years ago to 83,000 republican and 70,000 populist, Tbe struggle this year is one of life and death for populism. Bryan secured a fusion of democrats with' the populists, but the straight-out demp^ crats bolted, and so there are again three tickets in the field. The buei-', ness men are united, regardless of party, against the populists, whom they regard as worse than famine, Jt is estimated that 20,000 populist voters have moved out of tbe state, and tbe republicans have hope of winning, despite the defection of Rosewater of the . Omaha Bee, Tbe outcome will be^ watched with interest- - -" " - THE QBJBQTJO^ ]5mnaetsburg Reporter; We notice -y% that despite their good intentions sorae 1 , ,^- 1 of tbe democratic papers are trying tfl !<' belittle the candidacy of Judge -•---•'«ton by asserting that he, belongs blue sky crowd tbat infests. AJgOMrti^ Tbat Mr, Quarton would defend'a Wue' 1 '•- >*$* sky priminai ttw §aiQ§ a^ be ,wonW ' r a « l v,| chief, a forger, or a nniap charged "witbT^?! any otber prime. BO one doubts; - mv --' is a part of tbe business of, tbe- < frateraity ^nd ihp lawyer- "-- 1 - *-• Mv4-wHM yMHa^MHdw *4Ws?jS ?*V .,..-- ra .^™ F ~, ^^j— ?«?*; bap none to defend, rathe* 1 tha^...!?^;-;^ -.- f ,-; -^., tQ.wiran 'attofify wbp-^ defends a rop.charged wjtb,^«raef .j^j<

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