AN INDEPENDENT-NEWSPAPER Published daily except Sunday and six legal holidays by The Freeport Journal-Standard Publishing Company Russian Visitor Makes Waves FREEPORT JOURNAL-STANDARD FRIDAY, JULY 18, 1975 FREEPORT, ILLINOIS i Symbol. Of Detente The docking of the space craft from the Apollo and Soyuz rockets Thursday afternoon was conceived as a gesture of detente and therefore of the recognition of coexistence and interdependence as contributing to, or even essential for, the survival of both peoples together with their cultures and ideologies. ' It gripped and held the attention of both Americans and Russians because it dramatized in a visible way the relationship which it symbolized. The concrete'is always more impressive to the average beholder than the abstract. Even if it had not succeeded the example would have been worth the effort and cost. Therefore, even before the rockets rose from their respective launching pads, the importance attached to it by the Soviet government and people had proved something. It was perhaps a case of going too far when the Russians produced thousands of buttons celebrating ApoUo-Soyuz for adornment of lapels of jackets, and even turned out a large number of commercial products bearing the same inscription. Nevertheless, it shqwed that the joint space-venture was considered a great event. For those who decry detente, the meaning was, of course, quite different. For cynics it was merely another deceptive trick by evil men bent on creating an illusory sense of security in an adversary marked out for eventual destruction or, as Khrushchev once said for' burial. . It does not matter, for the more distant future, what view is taken of the Apollo-Soyuz venture. It is only one of innumerable events that remind the two superpowers of one another and the need for each to concede the prestige and power of the other. Much has been made by some critics of the desire of the Russians to make it appear that the whole Apollo-Soyuz project was hatched and carried out principally by them, and that it is primarily a Soviet rather than an American achievement. That may be the case but it has its counterpart in the satisfaction with which Americans have been observing ever since the beginning of the week that, although the Russians were first to orbit in space with their Sputnik it was we who with our Apollo became the first to set men on the surface of the moon. As for detente, i.t will continue to be carefully watched by pessimists while it is being lauded by the optimists. Tragedy On The Street With the increased volume of two-wheeled vehicle traffic this summer, raised by the energy crisis, scenes such as the one reproduced in the next column are repeated daily. A friend in Freeport almost witnessed a double tragedy this week when two small children attempted to cross the street near a busy Empire School when summer school was being dismissed at noon. There was no collision. Unfortunately, the thoughts about being more careful -usually don't occur until the worst happens. And the aggravating thing about the problem is that those'persons who think the streets are a playground contribute to the already dangerous traffic patterns. Youngsters are more often than jiot the victims of such carelessness and accidents that happen despite the exercise of extreme caution. The best guideline we can recommend, in addition to strict adherence to traffic regulations, is absolute preoccupation with driving when operating a motor vehicle. Also, those who are in the lineup of bicycles, motorbikes or motorcycles should heed the same advice. We know summer is supposed to be fun time but it can be just the opposite with less than a second's notice. Because more citizens are seeking recreation close to home this year, local streets and area roads have become more congested. A majority of those who are contributing to the traffic increase is observing the rules. But there is always that one or two who can mess up the lives of others, inadvertently or purposefully. Decontrol Of Oil •The struggle between the White House and Congress, and also within Congress, over decontrol of oil, may go on for the rest of the year or more. The law empowering both President and the Congress to take action affecting the supply of domestic oil will expire at the end of July. Congress can and is expected to extend it, and the President could but probably will not veto the extension. So the effort to find a compromise will continue. The two factions seem willing to gamble, though about different things. One faction, largely Republican, wishes to stimulate more domestic oil production, even if it means an increase in costs at the pump. The reason given is that it is steadily costing more and more to produce domestic oil. The other faction, largely Democratic, wishes to keep down costs at the pump, at the risk of possible long lines of cars waiting for gasoline. From a political standpoint, the Democrats think the voters this year and next are more interested in keeping down the price of gasoline than in paying more on the chance of insuring a greater future supply of oil products. The Republicans think that, in view of the present heavy use of gasoline regardless of price increases, the majority of voters would rather gamble on a future supply of fuel than pay lower prices at the possible risk of discouraging development of domestic oil sources. Although the cost of oil products is only one of many issues that politicians must weigh and evaluate, it seems to be one which most people can at least fairly well understand. Other issues, such as the survival of capitalism against a steady pressure by many for benefits bestowed by the government, require more study of and understanding of the twin sciences of economics and government than the average voter can boast. The remorseless nature of these two sciences, economic and political, complicates the task of the government and of the whole American people in making present decisions and planning for the future. Planning is'always a high sounding word and seems preferable to laissez faire, and keeping hands off the continuing clash between economics and politics. But it assumes both a great wisdom on the part of planners and a patience on the part of the people which they cannot be guaranteed to possess. What Other Editors Say Combating Teen Drinking (Christian Science Monitor) More than a million junior and senior high school students get drunk on alcohol at least once a week, the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (NIAAA) recently reported. In similar vein, Boston's Medical Foundation, Inc. indicates that alcohol has far outstripped drugs as a problem for youth. Such findings should compel adult society to reconsider the legal and so- ^cial guidelines it has set for drinking. Social guidelines on drinking ultimately may have a greater impact on youth alcohol use. The NIAAA urged families adopt the attitudes of ethnic or other groups which frown on getting drunk, or encourage youths to seek the peer and self-respect that comes with not "going along with the crowd." WASHINGTON - Alexandr Sol- zhenltsyn steps into American life out of the pages of a Dostoyevsky novel. A deeply religious man and a moralist, he is preoccupied with fundamental questions of what is truth and what is justice. He sees every issue, large and small, personal and political, in terms of good and evil. ' He is a victim who became a hero, a teller of tales who became a symbol, a WILLIAM SHANNON uniquely Russian prophet who became an exile in the wilderness of the West. He speaks of sin,, shame, and redemption, concepts which our neo-pagan society with its secularized atmosphere and deeply corrupt popular culture can barely comprehend. It is no wonder that although he seeks to warn .and instruct us, we are bemused and baffled. As well as a powerful novelist and a moral prophet, Solzhenitsyn is also an informed, uncompromising critic of Communist theory and Soviet practice. In this third role as political critic, Sol- zhenitsyn has recently been provided with forums by AFL-CIO president George Meany who underwrote the cost of large public banquets here and in New York for invited audiences. Meany regards these appearances as useful demonstrations against the Nixon-Ford-Kissinger policy of detente with the Sovie't Union. Solzhenitsyn dpes indeed make a powerful argument against the moral emptiness of/detente as it is now being practiced. He indicts the greed of businessmen who are prepared to sell anything to the commissars including police security devices. He throws on the defensive those politicians and intellectuals who confuse conciliation with appeasement. Despite the clarity and force of Sol- zhenitsyn's analysis, however, his speeches are unlikely to produce firm political action. Although the trade unionists and their guests applaud his words and some reactionaries use his remarks to attack the concept of detente, there is not in American life today among trade unionists or conservatives or liberals the moral energy and political will to mount a campaign to put his ideas into effect. Nearly 30 years of political struggle with Communism and two costly wars in Korea and Vietnam have exacted their toll on Americans. For the moment at least, we as a people have a need to regroup and rethink our alternatives. Moreover, to Americans across most of the political spectrum, detente is ' morally acceptable because it 1 lessens .the chance of a nuclear war occurring on account of a failure of communi- OFF DUTY ambulance attendant John Newman gives mouth-to-mouth resuscitation to Kevin Novicki, 3, of South Boston who was struck by a car and died later at Boston City Hospital. The youngster's mother, Ann, Is comforted by her father and a priest while a chaplain and firefighters assist.-UPI Photo. High Cost Of Henry Troubles Accountant PARIS - Every time Henry Kissinger comes to Europe he finds prices skyrocketing. While nobody talks about it at the State Department, the comptroller is becoming very nervous about Kissinger's expense accounts and has urged him to cut down on his traveling. In fact, just before he left on his recent ART BUCHWALD trip to Paris, Geneva, Bonn and London, he had a terrible row with a State Department accountant. The minutes of this fight were found in Kissinger's garbage. "Mr. Kissinger, I see you're going to Europe again. Don't you think that's a bit much?" "I haven't been to Europe in several weeks. I have to see Giscard, Gromyko, Rabin and Callaghan." "I appreciate that Mr. Kissinger, but my job is to keep an eye on expenses. On your last three trips you've gone over the $54 per day allowance that all State Department employes are entitled to. You're setting a very bad example for all our other personnel." • "But I'll only be in Paris overnight. I'll eat on the plane and Giscard has invited me for lunch." "But what about breakfast? That will cost you $54." "It will be my only expense." "And laundry? The last time you were in Paris you put in a laundry bill. for $120." "I needed a clean shirt because I was going to see the Pope the next day." "And I suppose the $49 you paid to have your suit pressed was also necessary?" "I couldn't talk to Giscard in a rumpled suit, could I? He puts a lot of emphasis on neatness." Nice Gesture "Did you have to send a scarf to Madame Giscard for $150?" "I thought it would be a nice gesture. We need the French on our side for the oil talks." "I don't know what we're going to do with you, Mr. Kissinger. Do you realize that if you make one more trip to Paris we're going to have to ask Congress for a supplemental appropriation?" "I promise you I won't even tip this time. 'And I'll take the bus from the airport." "It isn't just Paris I'm worried about, it's Geneva. Do you know what the Swiss franc is worth as opposed to the American dollar?" - ."I have it all planned. I'm going to stick Gromyko with the .check for lunch. If they want detente they should pay for it." "And what about the hotel?" Sharing With Marvin "I'll share a room with Marvin Kalb and we'll let CBS pay for it. They'll never know the difference." "You say that now, but you'll probably come back with a dinner bill of $435 for two like you did when you went to Brussels." "I can't let people >ay for all my meals. It looks bad for American prestige. I'm not even taking Nancy with me on this trip. The only major expense I can foresee is when I meet with Prime Minister Rabin of. Israel in Bonn. But since I want him to give up the passes in the Sinai I can't really expect him to pick up lunch, too, can I?" "Why don't you split the check with him? Keep track of what he eats and you each pay your own." "Rabin's tough. He might not go for it. The last time he bought me a meal he,asked for $2.5 billion in military aid. When you're dealing in worldwide diplomacy there is no such thing as a free lunch." "Mr. Kissinger, you have your job to do and I have mine. But unless the dollar makes a miraculous, recovery in Europe you're going to have to find some other way of going to all these countries." "What do you suggest?" Package Tour? "Have you ever considered a package tour run by one of the airlines? You get your transportation, your hotel rooms, two meals a day and a chance to visit one nightclub in any five cities in Europe. It's quite a saving." "I am not interested in a package tour. This is getting ridiculous. Are you going to sign my travel voucher or aren't you?" "All right. But I'm not going to okay any of your -laundry bills when you come back. There is no reason you can't take enough clean shirts and socks to last you through the entire trip." Los Angeles Times cation between the opposing leaders. Secondly, it opens up the hope - fragile and speculative though it is - that increased trade and travel may leap! to some reform of thu Soviet system. Solzhenitsyn, of course, regards both reasons for detente as pathetic hopes. He would return to the full rigors of the cold .war and hope to see the Soviet system fall further behind the West, eventually changing because of its own stultifying inefficiency and arbitrariness. He may well be right. But Western leaders are not unreasonable in calculating that prospects for peace are improved rather than worsened by' a positive instead of a negative approach to the Soviet tyrants. A policy of detente, however, does not require moral surrenders such as President Ford's decision to snub Sol- zhenitsyn. The decision is almost inexplicable because it is like passing , up the opportunity to have a conversation with Tolstoy or Thoreau. It is sad because no American, be he President or private citizen, ought to be embarrassed by someone who makes an absolute, unqualified defense of the idea of human freedom. It ought to be possible for American leadership to reconcile detente with hard bargaining, to maintain a civilized tone in dealing with the Russians while preserving their .own moral per- spective'oh the Russian system. Jefferson or Lincoln or John Kennedy could have carried off this intellectual and. political feat. Richard Nixon, so morally compromised and ambiguous a figure, could not. Their avoidance of Solzhenitsyn .indicates that Kissinger, the sorcerer's apprentice, and Ford;, nominally his new master, are likewise incapable of it. As the politicians and diplomats fumble, Americans can still benefit from Splzhenitsyn's moral couhseli Less important than how we choose to live in the world with our enemies is how we choose to live with ourselves. Freedom, he points out, is not an end in itself but "a means by which we can attain another and higher goal." That goal is to lead a morally worthy life. After all the fashionable causes of the moment - abortion, women's rights, "gay" liberation - have achieved their goals, there will still remain the enduring problems of how to invest our lives with moral content and how to create a culture worthy of human beings. Only a visitor from a land where freedom does not exist could ask so pentratingly the question - to what good use are you putting the precious gift of freedom? New York Times Service Behind The 'Guys' In The Middle East CAIRO - Egypt has a Mr. Nice Guy and a Mr. Tough Guy. President Anwar el-Sadat, with his moderate tone on American television interviews and frequent reference to "my good friend Henry," is Mr. Nice Guy. The man President Sadat chooses to use as Mr. Tough Guy when the pursuit of peace requires bellicosity is his foreign minister, Ismail Fahmy. When it began to appear that steady progress toward an interim agreement with Israel was imminent, and that Is- WILLIAM SAFIRE rael would not be made to look like the heavily-pressured loser in the deal, it fell to Mr. Tough Guy to call a news conference to threaten that Egypt would no longer permit the mandate for United Nations peacekeeping troops. Before he made that announcement to reporters seated at a long table in the Foreign Ministry, Fahmy used what he must have considered a clever play on words. In English, and choosing his words carefully, he charged that delays in the negotiations were proven by "a holocaust of statements" by Israeli Premier Yitzhak Rabin. To most people, a holocaust is an infernal storm; to etymologists, it is a sacrificial destruction by fire, but to Jews, and capitalized, the Holocaust was the murder of six million people. That crime on the human conscience led to the creation of the state of Israel and was poignantly commemorated by Rabin in last week's visit to the site of Bergen-Belsen concentration camp in Germany. ~ After making his little joke, the foreign minister of Egypt delivered a delicately hedged ultimatum to the United Nations: either put pressure on Israel to agree quickly to give up Sinai land, or else Egypt will not permit the foreign troops in the buffer zone. As he spoke, Fahmy seemed fairly confident of some U.N. response favorable to Egypt and critical of the Israelis, and the announcement had none of the drama of a prelude,to war. Most of the reporters came away with the belief that this was a negotiating ploy to improve Egypt's position in the interim agreement; it may also be an opening gun in the campaign to oust Israel from the U.N. Curious, how easily Arab leaders move through the corridors of impotence that make up the U.N., and how frequently they invoke their, interpretation of the Mideast resolutions. We tend to forget that it was the Arab world, a generation ago, which refused to accept the U.N.'s creation of Israel,, and launched the first in a series of five wars to deny the Jewish state's existence. Now the U.N. is being used to castigate and weaken its creation. Somewhere in this scenario we can expect Mr. Nice Guy to reappear, and in return for his even weaker pledge not to resort to war, arrange for the concessions of land that would make an Arab attack easier. Sadat might well be reasonably successful in this, for even the Israelis realize that he has chosen - for the time being - the political route to recov- ering lost territory through the Americans, rather than the military route 'available from the Russians. (In this land of paradoxes, the Soviets have joined the Israelis in complaining about hostile propaganda in the Cairo press). In the long run, what is Sadat after with his nice-guy-tough-guy tactics? Israelis think he's after them, and have the scars to prove it; moreover, the Arab brushing-aside of King Hussein at Rabat was hardly a step toward peace. But the Egyptian leader may have a higher aim, and some of his actions in recent years offer at least some hope of positive purpose. Under the half-socialism and military adventurism of the Nasser years, the Egyptian economy suffered; now, at least, there is talk of "open doors" and "free zones" for foreign investment capital. Egyptians, with such a long history of subjugation, like to dream of independence; with India and Yugoslavia, they formed the "third world." But they must be discovering that political independence means little without economic self-sufficiency; not being poor could become more important to the average Egyptian than not beating the Israelis. As matters now stand, a foreign businessman could go crazy in Cairo. The telephones don't work; hotel rooms are not available; the banking is archaic. Sadat's top men know this, and talk earnestly of creating an "infrastructure" to facilitate the doing of .business. Sadat might be able to bring it off. U.S. policy is to bet on the hopes that he can, with our management help and Arab oil capital, substitute the need to prosper for the need to hate. If we're right, and he really turns out to be Mr. Nice Guy, we will have helped turn Arab leadership toward free and peaceful development. If we're wrong, and he turns out to be Mr. Tough Guy, we will have helped build a nation capable of providing what Fahmy might sensitively describe as a "final solution" to the Mideast problem. New York Times Service Law For Today Another Left Turn Q. Is it permissible to turn left on a red light onto a one-way street? A. Yes, under certain circumstances. If the motorist is in the left lane of a one-way street turning onto a one-way street running left, the turn is legal following a complete stop. Municipalities have the authority to prohibit such a turn, just as they may prohibit a right turn on red. -Illinois State Bar Assn. EDITORIALS AND COLUMNS The opinions of The Journal- Standard are expressed in the editorial columns on the left-hand side of the page. The opinions expressed by the various syndicated columnists are their own, and no endorsement of their various views which often conflict - should be inferred. THE BETTER HALF By Barnes 1975, ThoRegid and Tribune Syndicat* 1 "We're taking a second honeymoon. My wife went to the mountains/'
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