Arizona Republic from Phoenix, Arizona on April 5, 1969 · Page 12
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Arizona Republic from Phoenix, Arizona · Page 12

Phoenix, Arizona
Issue Date:
Saturday, April 5, 1969
Page 12
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41.L EDlTiUNJi THEAmONAREPUBLIC "****» *f Saturday, April S, The Spirit Of The Lord It, Thvre It Liberty U Corinthians 3:17 Published Every Morning by PHOENIX NEWSPAPERS, INC. 110 E. Van Buren, Phoenix, Arizona 85004 Loofe/ It's Already Got Them Agreeing! ABM System May s y R eg Manning Deter Aggressor Arizona Republic Staff Artist lUftINt €. fULUAM, Recompense to no man evil for evil. Provide things Hd*est in the sight of all men. Romans 12:17 Unholy Week * 'The three Republican state senators from Pima County didn't wait until Good Friday to crucify their party, They did it on Holy Thursday. A lot of people will be watching the tomb for signs of resurrection on Easter Sunday. Political analysts differ on the reasons that led Senators Holsclaw, Jacquin and Cardella to bestow the Judas kiss on Majority Leader Kret. The dominating pas- flon in Holsclaw's life is appropriations for the University of Arizona. The main objective of Jacquin is to become majority leader. As for Cardella, he may have been just going along for the ride. Regardless of motives, the three maverick Republicans voted against their supposed leader, Senator Kret, by supporting a motion to adjourn over the weekend. While legislators frequently cross party lines to vote on substantive, or important, matters, they are supposed to stay hitched on less important matters of procedure. Faced by his followers' open disregard of his desires, Senator Kret resigned as majority leader. He said, more in sorrow than in anger, "There can't be a majority leader without a majority." Obviously there can be no Republican majority as long as the Pima County Republicans vote with the Democrats. But a Democratic majority based on their support would be very risky. Defection is a two-way street. Senators who put their votes on the auction block would probably just as soon knife one party as the other. .There are several ways this impasse may be settled. Holsclaw might pick up a couple of million dollars for the University of Arizona. Jacquin might get his covet- eti leadership post. Cardella might read some tea leaves that scare him about his future. However it comes out, the senators who are having fun and games at the expense of the public aren't doing much to improve their own image. Those who live by the sword also die by the sword, and at some future time the three may find themselves hanging from Crosses on their own special version of Calvary. We're riot sure which one would go in the middle. Cuba's Problems ''It's a good thing Fidel Castro doesn't pay attention to Ms U.S. admirers, or he might never have delivered the speech he did on March 13. Instead, the Cuban Premier, in a speech broadcast nationwide from the University of Havana, acknowledged that Cuba is beset by serious economic, political, and social problems. Among them: juvenile delinquency, crime, and persistent and apparently growing illiteracy. The U.S., Heaven knows, is in no position to smirk at Cuba's troubles with the first two problems. But it is nice to hear Castro himself dispel some of the legends which U.S. myth-makers have cultivated so diligently. IT WAS ONLY a few months ago in a national publication that author Ronald Steel said flatly that Cubans "are incontestably better off under Castro than they were under Batista." Among the accomplishments he pointed to were the fact that the regime "has eliminated illiteracy" and "achieved a formidable 8 per cent. growth rate in recent years." Newsweek, while citing the "astonishing progress ... in the area of social reform," was a little less glowing. It said only that illiteracy in Cuba has been "virtually" eliminated. Although it added that "any talented Cuban child — no matter how remote his home or how poor his family — can be confident that his ability, whether it be for music or baseball, will be spotted by officials and nurtured in special schools." The New York Times Magazine carried a perfectly obsequious account of life in Cuba today by writer Jose Yglesias, who couldn't find enough good words about Cuba's "volunteer" workers, its sense of national pride, its elimination of racial prejudice, its growth rate, etc. AND OF COURSE millionaire industrialist Cyrus Eaton, who has an affinity for Communist dictators, said on his return from the island (where Castro and other dignitaries feted him on his 85th birthday) that Castro is giving Cuba its first real chance since its discovery by Columbus. "Castro is dedicated to the country and the people," he said. To all this fulsome praise, we have Castro's own Word that illiteracy is growing. To Newsweek's silly statement about everyone being given tqual treatment, we have (among many other evidences) a New York Times report of March 15, 1969, that "Membership in the Communist Party ... is a prerequisite for holding a significant job in Cuba." And party membership is held by no more than 65,000 in a country of 8 million. And as for that impressive growth rate, a recent U.S. Agriculture Department survey lists Cuban per capita income down 14 per cent since Castro came to power 10 ydars ago, notes that per capita food production is 30 per cent under that of the late 1950s, and says: "Tangible benefits to the populace — such as free schools, free medical services, and minimal rests — have been offset by such negative factors as increased food costs arid severe rationing of food, clothing, gasoline, and other daily requisites." This despite the fact that Russia reportedly pays a n^llion dollars a day to keep the Cuban economy afloat. BUT ONLY the collectivists, with their social engineering bias, would judge a regime by statistics. Even if Cuba's statistics were impressive, which they are not, there would still remain the fact that it is a total totali- tajrian state which outlaws the press, opposition political parties and free speech. It is a nation which still keeps tens of thousands of political prisoners locked away in jails, where it tortures their bodies and minds. Since Castro came to power, more than 500,000 Cubans have fled their homeland, some at tremendous personal risk. And the twice-daily shuttle flights of would-be immigrants to the U.S. are booked solid for the next three years. By every accounting, Cuba remains an island prison, the latest example of many of the inability of Commu- to rule other than by coercion and terror. S A By RALPH de TOLEDANO That band of willful men to the U.S. Senate who oppose the Safeguard system of anti-ballistic missiles have their own built-in safeguards. If they are wrong, there will be no country left to rise up in wrath against their folly. Those who fight for the creation of an ABM system can say: "If we are wrong, then the country will be out of pocket for the ABM network. If we are right, the country will survive." D* TOLEDANO It boils down, then, to a question of money versus survival. Sen. J. William Fulbright and Stuart Symington should ponder the equation. Meanwhile, the battle over the ABM assumes a nightmarish logic in which patently ridiculous statements are advanced as deep thinking by those criticizing President Nixon and Defense Secretary Melvin Robert Laird. We are told, for example, that the ABM is useless. Yet the Soviet Union, living in a scarcity economy which does not allow of waste, has built 83 ABM sites, according to our Intelligence. Soviet military planners may be many things, but they are not idiots. * * * WE ARE TOLD that to build ABM sites close to our cities will leave them open to attack by the Soviets. But no one mentions that Inter-Continental Ballistic Missile (ICBM) sites, a much more tempting target to an aggressor, ring those same cities today. The construction of Nike Zeus launchers and the missiles stored nearby have not provoked the Soviets to attack us. We are told that ABM sites will stand in the way of "negotiations" with the Soviets. Carrying this argument to its logical conclusion, the United States should begin to destroy its ICBMs and their launchers in order to encourage the Communists to agree to negotiation, and we would achieve this end. The Kremlin would be in the driver's seat and dictate the terms of negotiation to us. HISTORICALLY, disarmament agreements have never prevented wars. The major world powers destroyed substantial parts of their sea power at the London Naval Conference in the Twenties. One of the signatories to the treaties signed then was Japan, the naval aggressor in World War II. There is little talk of this by the Messrs. Fulbright and Symington, perhaps because they have forgotten. Only deterrent power can prevent a nuclear attack on the United States. The policies of former Defense Secretary Robert Strange McNamara and the Kennedy - Johnson administration have changed the balance between the Soviets and ourselves so that today there is parity — where once the United States had unquestioned and unchallengeable preponderance — with the Soviets pushing ahead. By 1972, they will hold a clear preponderance over us unless the Nixon Administration begins to rebuild America's defenses. The enemies of the ABM can say there is a stalemate today, but the Soviets — without that nasty "military- industrial complex" which is presumably driving us on — are working overtime to develop a nuclear capability of blackmail proportions. THE ABM is a defensive weapon, posing no threat to a peaceful Soviet Union. It can be placed in the same category as the city walls of ancient and medieval times. It should be recalled that the massed might of the Greeks was unable to defeat Troy until by a trick — the celebrated Trojan Horse — the Greeks were able to get inside Troy and ultimately sack it. Today's Trojan Horse is the argument that these United States do not need to defend themselves from the Soviet Union. But if the wall is not strengthened, all the good-will in the world will not prevent the destruction of these United States, or the dissolution of this country by nuclear blackmail. WAMTA SETTLEMENT * A Conservative View Students Have Some Legitimate Gripes, But Let Them Try To Understand Us By JAMES J. KILPATRICK ROCHESTER, N.Y. - This is circuit-riding time for some of us old chautauqua speakers. Come spring, we hit the campus trail, going from one g r e a t-issues conference to another. Almost every university, i t appears .stages such an intellectual games day. It is hard work for the out - of - shape KILPATRICK oldster, but the pay is good and the jousting is fun. Much of the pleasure comes from the informal give-and-take with students. ^ They are a mixed bag; it is not easy to generalize about _them. A few of the bearded oafs and stringy wenches have nothing to offer but a brutish insolence; their notion of free speech and reasoned debate is to grunt "oink, oink" at a guest. Others are amateurs at the oven; their opinions are brown on the outside but half-baked within. Most of the students are civil, informed, curious, good- humored. The same words, phrases, questions and complaints recur. The big word this season is "relevant." It has ousted "alienation," "mainstream," and "identify," which were big words a few springs ago. IF there is a single, underlying grievance, it is that much of the standardized higher education imposed on today's students is not relevant to the needs of tomorrow. Regulations on student conduct are not relevant to the university's proper role. Old moral concepts are not relevant; the church is not relevant. Old people and old ideas are especially irrelevant. Old people simply do not understand. Some of this is truth. Most of it is sophomore stuff. One can agree, for example, on the necessity for wholesale reexamination of standard degree requirements. Unless one intends to make a career of chemistry, is anything really gained by much of the lab work? Is the French subjunctive relevant? Are all the rules on off- campus conduct really required? All of them? Fair questions, these; they demand responsive answers. AS for the relevance of the old ethical concepts, the old religion, the old political truths, one can only urge patience. After a while, a loaf of bread gets done. The relationship between man and the state seldom is seen clearly, even by oldsters who struggle all their lives to comprehend it. Young eyes will see with greater clarity later on. It is the business of old folks' "not understanding" that gets to be irksome. Here, too, one has to concede both truth and novelty to the student complaint. Today's generation gap is in fact different in kind, and not merely different in degree, from the generation gaps of ages before. These young men and women of 1969 are the first generation of television, of atomic weapons, of computer technology, of space flights, of the pill. THEY contend, quite rightly, that they have intellectual and ethical hang-ups we never knew. Middle-aged America, if I am not mistaken, is prepared to accept this student point of view. University administrations are making desperate efforts to gain a deeper understanding of student revolt. But it is high time to suggest to these loquacious young people that understanding is a two-way street. When do they propose to understand us? One observes little effort in that direction. The editors of college newspapers, a remarkably vain and contemptuous lot, seldom appear to understand the real and palpable damage that is done by their flaming "freedom." IT IS part of their high-flown vanity, part of the pose they assume, to profess indifference to mere money. Thus, if a dormitory bond issue is defeated, or a university's appropriation reduced, or a prospective benefactor gravely offended by some four-lettered editorial, the student editor is unmoved. He must be free! This won't do. If state legislators are to be persuaded to try to understand students, in some fashion the students must be persuaded to try to understand legislators. If we are to understand their concept of unfettered freedom, the must try equally to understand our conviction that order and liberty are inseparable. We understand their urgency: They want "black studies" now! Well, let them understand our caution; we have learned a little about leaping before looking. What all this adds up to is "communication." That's still a big word in the spring chautau- quas. But communication is not just talking. It's listening also. The students are great talkers. It would be pleasant to see them unplug their ears. , Brother! Could You Spend! 9 Today's Quote Philosopher Sidney Hook, writing recently ID The Atlantic: At the time of Little Rock, Ark., had someone blamed the riotous behavior of the white racists against Negro women and children on the conditions in which they were nurtured, we would have dismissed such an explanation as evasive apologetics. Not all brought up under the same conditions rioted. Sometimes conditions reduce men to a state of being which makes moral judgment on human behavior irrelevant. But whoever would explain away the assaults against academic due process as the result not of deliberate action, but merely of the state of the world or the nation, of the Vietnam war or the draft, has barred his own way to understanding the problems we face in attempting to extend human freedom under law both in schools and in society. Whatever the conditions are, so long as we are recognizably human we are all responsible for our actions; and sometimes for the conditions under which we act, too, but, of course, not in the same way, and not to the same degree. Ag 1 See tt \ **'™ -llw * - " taM * Mlw ~' r J — ,i Labor Court May • Be Implemented By HOLMES ALEXANDER WASHINGTON, D.C. - Number 12 on President Niton's list of 34 prime object tives was a directive dated Feb. 4 to Labor Secretory Shultz "on the advisability of establishing a labor court..." The White House staff te already bewildered by the number of federal agencies. The top advisers don't want any more proliferation, but the labor court could be an exception. ALEXANDER Last, year there were 4,950 work- stoppages, 33 of them major. They cost the nation 47 million man-hours of strike-" caused idleness. It was the highest pro*" portion of lost-time since 1957, and the largest number of stoppages since 1953. .. * * * THE LABOR COURT idea is fairly new in this country, but it has gradually . grown acceptable. Only its form will be., much in dispute. One form, proposed last year by Senator Griffin (R-Mich), would abolish the present National La- -1 bor Relations Board, which now rules oif "unfair labor practices," and is regarded as a special pleader for the unions^ In place of the NLRB, Griffin would : substitute a 15-judge court with the general idea of establishing objectivity. On a much larger scale, and exclusively dealing with stoppages "adversely'* affecting the public interest," was a bill ; last year by Senator Smathers (D-Fla). The Smathers bill, based on a plan that has worked well in Australia, would re- • peal the Taft Hartley Act sections which give the President responsibility for dealing with emergencies. ^ It would transfer all this responsibility to a U.S. court of labor-management re-.. lations. The five judges would be nominated by the President, confirmed by the Senate and seated for terms of good behavior. This court's decisions would be final, save for the right of appeal on constitutional interpretation to the Supreme Court. • * * SUCH A LABOR COURT, on the Australian model, would presumably lift serious disputes above politics and personalities, free the President and Congress from intervention, and hand over the decision to life-term, impartial judges. But it would also violate an ancient American prejudice against "compulsory arbitration" held almost equally by • management and labor. Management would have to surrender what it regards as property rights. Labor would have to yield its sacred right-to-strike. Both would complain they'd been deprived of collective .bargaining. - •* Military Affairs Pueblo Hearing Proves Baffling By Brig. Gen. (Ret.) S.L.A. MARSHALL Military Affairs Analyst For a number of reasons, the performance of the men from the Pueblo at' the hearing in Coronado, Calif., baffles; me more than the official fumbling antecedent to the seizure of the ship. Man -, after man, as was testified, broke down and cried. That is wholly abnormal in men schooled within the military. By way of contrast, we have the scene at Operation Little Switch, Panmunjom, in April 1953. During the first two days, I MARSHALL was on the ramp at the exercise, representing Gen. Mark W. Clark, Supreme Commander in the Far East. Having been superimposed over the chief censor, Col. Jim Sheridan, I,, was also perforce taking a hand in regu-,, lating the interrogations. HERE WE HAVE a body of allied enlisted people returning from North » Korea captivity. The majority had been;: POWs much longer than the Pueblo < men. All were victims of critical malnutrition. At least 40 per cent were ill, A , number were bullet riddled, their captors.,;, having refused to operate on them. Some were carried from the trucks to the!-' ramp on stretchers. A few had become,, progressives and had collaborated with the enemy. Yet in the course of these men being questioned, with TV cameras going and a horde of correspondents hanging on every word, not one of the subjects broke down and cried, though some of the interrogations were exhaustive. THE ONE MAN I saw cry on that first day was my immediate assistant, a „ Navy lieutenant commander. He had just ; heard a young Marine describe how he * was wounded at an outpost called Nova, bow he marched all the way to a border': camp with three bullets in his legs, and 10 still along the route, tried three times to escape. The onlooker turned away, tears streaming from bis eyes, lie said: "I never knew there could be men like this," .v Yes, the contrast is nearly absolute," though whether it signifies anything" more important than that the Little Switch returnees came back as indivioN. uals, while the Pueblo men feel bound together as a group and were given U months for collective brooding, who is qualified to aay?

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