Arizona Republic from Phoenix, Arizona on April 4, 1969 · Page 12
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Arizona Republic from Phoenix, Arizona · Page 12

Phoenix, Arizona
Issue Date:
Friday, April 4, 1969
Page 12
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THE ARIZONAREPDBLIC on worm Afi«tr» Friday, April 4, Sounds Like They're Interested s*» i»outic*i ^ ^ _ A' Writes By Reg Maiming Aifeona *«p,M|e Sttfl Artfet Hailoi RebttUds Mere TAe Spirit Of ffce Lord h, 7/>ere /$ /./fcerfy II Corinthians 3:17 Published Every Morning by PHOENIX NEWSPAPERS, INC. 110 E. Van Buren, Phoenix, Arizona 85004 tUGtNl C. NIUIAM, NMhhtr Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. For there is no power but of God: the powers that be are ordained of God. Romans 13:1 Ike's Legacy i He is at rest now, in the good earth which was so much a part of his heritage. In Abiline, Kan., in the heartland of America, Dwight David Eisenhower lies at peace with the world. Thousands of editorial writers, columnists, and commentators have written many thousands of words during the past week trying to explain what it was that made the one-time allied commander and President the respected figure he was in life as in death. It was many things, of course. But above all, it was Ike's moral quality — his devotion to all the best instincts that guide and prod men — which set him apart from most others. Soldiers are not ordinarily saints, and Dwight Eisenhower was a career soldier. Furthermore, those who knew him best realized that beneath that kindly smile and happy mein was an all-too-human being capable of quick bursts of temper . . . followed soon again by that irrepressible grin. BUT IN AN increasingly permissive age, when adolescents and adults alike regard the invitation to "do your thing" as a call to lawlessness and rebellion, Dwight Eisenhower set a model of kindness blended with restraint, independence with self-discipline, freedom, with sacrifice. Without ever being preachy or sermonizing, Ike at all times staked out his position on high moral grounds. He never promised more than he knew he or anyone was capable of delivering. And he forgave the critics who carped at him for every imagined shortcoming. Dwight Eisenhower was often unfairly accused of being "uninspiring," largely because he viewed the presidency not as an office to push and prod the populace, but as a place to set an example. He deplored the mindless rebellion that we see around us today, and he spoke for an America that was proud of its history and Confident of its future. A SURVEY of Yippies (members or supporters of the Youth International Party) who filled out questionnaires during last summer's Democratic convention in Chicago, reveals that 79 per cent admittedly used marijuana at least once a week, 29 per cent used LSD weekly. We wonder how Ike would have felt had these self- destructive pseudo-idealists, supporters of the McCar- thy-RFK "New politics," tried to, enlist under his political banner. We wonder what advice General Eisenhower would have had for those draft resisters who preach that the way to preserve democracy is to destroy the most democratic government on earth. The radicals and destructive mobs get the headlines and the publicity. But it is the concerned Americans, the Dwight David Eisenhowers of the world, who chart the way toward the better tomorrows. C ' . Union-Imposed Quotas The Supreme Court's recent decision that labor, unions may fine members who exceed daily production quotas is certain to raise far more questions than it answered. The biggest question is where the court will draw the line in allowing unions to use their own rules to accomplish what normally is a collective bargaining matter. In the case just decided, the court ruled that the United Auto Workers local at Wisconsin Motor Corp. was legally empowered to fine four employes who had exceeded the union-imposed ceiling. Justice Byron White, who wrote the 7-1 decision which rejected the plaintiffs' contention that they were being kept from working at the top of their capacity and ability, said that if the company wants to require more work of its employes "let it strike a better bargain." In fact, however, the quota was not the result of labor- management negotiation; it was imposed unilaterally by the UAW local, and exceeded the negotiated "machine rate." And the court in effect has upheld the union's right to impose quotas unilaterally. Does this mean, then, that all union-imposed quotas, however unreasonable, are to be upheld by the high court? No, the union-imposed quota cannot go below the negotiated "machine rate." However, union negotiators can—and do—lower the "basic machine" rate to a point where it is almost meaningless. The National Labor Relations Act not only guarantees workers the right to join unions and engage in union activities, but it also guarantees the right to refrain from such activities. And it says unions can't "restrain or coerce" employes who want to refrain. Yet this latest decision seems to disregard that portion of the NLRA. Furthermore, Justice White said that if ambitious workers are frustrated by union ceilings on production, they are free to "leave the union." What he did not say was that at many plants, union membership is a requisite for continued employment. Therefore, in effect the high court was telling ambitious union members they had no recourse but to toe the line or find themselves out of a job. Finally, this latest court ruling, like a previous 1967 ruling, mentioned above, extends to organized labor the privilege to use its rule-making power to unilaterally establish terms and conditions of employment. By no stretch of the imagination does this amount to collective bargaining. Today's Quote President Novice G. Fawcett of Ohio State University, in remarks before honor students at a scholarship recognition dinner: During their college years, the true activists rarely make headlines. They're far too occupied with assimilating knowl- tdge, iharpening their analytical powers, and building thiwrid of foundation which is necessary to wisdom. His Valedictory By EDGAR ANSEL MOWRER After almost 55 years, this reporter commentator on world affairs is letting up and will no longer write four columns a week. This is a final attempt to make clear my position. During most of this time, starting September 1, 1914, as a war correspondent i n France, I have recorded international trouble, sometimes amounting to catastrophe. Almost alone, from t .___-,_ Rome ifl 1922, I MOWRER warned tha t Mussolini would really try to revive a "Roman Empire" whenever he thought he could do so safely. From Berlin, in 1930,1 irritated many Americans by predicting that Adolf Hitler meant business. In 1943, as a political columnist in Washington, D. C., I lost popularity by criticizing FDR's notion that he could handle Stalin. • • • EVER SINCE then I have felt obliged to chronicle the worsening of the world situation, following such American mistakes as: Truman's neutrality toward the Chinese civil war of 1945-49 and his failure to reunite Korea; Eisenhower's refusal to help the Hungarian Freedom Fighters, his handing the Suez Canal to Egypt's little Hitler, his failure to help France produce nuclear weapons and consolidate NATO, his original support of Communist Castro against Batista and his revival of the myth concerning the "maturing" of the Soviet rulers; Kennedy's failures at the Bay of Pigs and the Berlin Wall, his unnecessary concessions to Khrushchev after scoring in the missile crisis, his acceptance of something like nuclear parity with Moscow, his compromise over Laos, and finally, his tacit agreements with our enemies to limit our efforts to defend South Vietnam. For all these mistakes the world is still paying heavily. * * • TO BE SURE, we have also had victories like the successful defense of Europe as well as strokes of undeserved luck — Chiang Kai-shek's superb performance on Taiwan, the anti- Communist revolution in Indonesia, the near collapse of Red China and above all, its worsening feud with the U.S.S.R. Unhappily, I have felt obliged to call my readers' attention less to these than to our defeats in spite of our unequalled power. For while we were seeking peace through compromise, the other side was seeking victory. Tor this reason, too, at the last election, I supported Dick Nixon in the hope of a new American foreign policy based on a revived will to win. . This policy Nixon has been slow in revealing. Nevertheless, I am heartened by the testimony of Defense Secrtary Laird to the U.S. Senate Armed Services Committee: "Never have the challenges to our national security exceeded in number and gravity those which we found on taking office." Finally the truth is out, confirming a process which, to the best of my ability, I have chronicled for a quarter of a century. Nonetheless, I am not a pessimist! For in my opinion, there is another and heartening truth upon which I wish to insist, in this, my last, four-a»week news column: With our allies, we Americans still have all it takes to win without major war — if we are ready to pay the price! ; An Atlantic Community plus Japan with a common policy and pooled resources still possess overwhelming military, economic, scientific and political superiority over our enemies, present or potential. Can we Americans pull ourselves together, silence those who for whatever reason are urging us down the road to decay and defeat, and prove ourselves worthy of our Founding Fathers? I for one believe that we can and will. *<hes*L ?*&£**' «&*" On The Bight • •. • John Lindsay Running For Mayor, But Long-Range Objective Presidency By WILLIAM F. BUCKLEY Jr. Among the reasons why the mayoralty election in New York is of such general interest are: 1) New York is the center of many things, among them the icommunica- Itions complex; 12) There aren't I many elections I the year after ^residential I elections, s o I that special at- Itention is given |e.g. to the jmayor of New 'York and the governor o f and 3) Mayor BUCKLEY New Jersey; Lindsay of New York is running for President of the United States. In that connection, it is of course granted that Richard Nixon's victory considerably upset the timetable. The dream of the Lindsay- philes, a year ago, was: Re-election of Lyndon Johnson, a fight within the Democratic Party in 1972 between the new and the old guard (Bobby vs. Humphrey) and in the GOP ditto (Lindsay vs. Nixon), with the Democratic victory going, preferably, to the old guard, and the Republic victory to the New Guard. EVEN otherwise — Bobby vs. Lindsay—the Lindsay people conjectured that they had a chance, a very good chance. The convulsive year of 1968 upset that among many other blueprints, but the consolidations have gradually taken place, and the situation is now as follows: Nixon will presumably be re-nominated, although it is not to be dismissed that Lindsay might serve in 1972 as Eugene McCarthy did in 1968, only Lindsay would hope to consummate the mutiny, Otherwise, Lindsay would gear up to 1972, anticipating at that time a fight against Teddy if T. ousts Nixon in 1972; other- wise, a fight against Teddy, or whoever, to succeed Nixon. BUT IN order to do any of these things, Lindsay needs to be re-elected as mayor of New York; and the irony of it is, as will be seen, that New York's conservatives are doing more than anyone else to make this possible. The complications are legion. For one thing, Mr. Robert Wagner has intimated that he might run once again for mayor of New York. Four years ago, when Mr. Wagner left office after three terms as mayor, it was generally believed that providence itself had separated New York City and Mayor Wagner. But the experience of the last four years has caused many New Yorkers to think back on the Wagner years as the Age of Pericles. That is why so many Democrats assume that Wagner has merely to declare his candidacy, in order to achieve his nomination. BUT then the plot thickens. Would Wagner succeed in getting the endorsement of the Liberal Party? He did the last two times around, and there are potentates in the Liberal Party who still love him and do not love their incumbent mayor, John Lindsay, for complicated reasons. Meanwhile on the conservative front, Republican Sen. John Marchi has received the endorsement of the Conservative Today's Postcard Party, and will challenge Lindsay in June for the Republican endorsement. That would have been • good clean contest between two professionals issuing out of opposite wings of the same party, except that a third candidate, right-wing Assemblyman Vito Battista, has announced his determination to stay in the Republican race, the result of which will be to divide the conservative showing even as George Wallace divided it and came close to defeating Richard Nixon. SO THAT Lindsay might yet win the Republican nomination. Supposing, at that point, that John Marchi dropped out of the picture, that the liberal party stuck with Lindsay, and that Wagner took the Democratic designation, what would the Conservative Party do, I asked one of its leaders. "Cultivate the reading of poetry," he replied. Thus it goes in politics, an extension of the law that in government you most usually accomplish the opposite of what you set out to do. What New York aches for is good government freed of liberal abstractions. Lindsay is the incarnation of abstract liberalism, and the results have been chaos. : Yet the congeries of private and public ambitions surround* ing the entire mayoralty campaign may .well give it a thrust entirely different from what the text-books tell you the two- party system is all about. Standing Up Changed Man By STAN DELAPLANE Spring in the garden. At last, at last. Fell to reading "The Naked Ape" — a fascinating book — and found that walking on two legs made vast changes in man. When the first man stood up, They Said They'll Shaw Up If We Don't Blab It Around. ..' it must have caused quite a stir in the community. STANDING up changed man entirely. (Some mighty fascinating changes, too. But I don't want to spoil the ending.) One thing not mentioned is that standing up raises sand with our backs. "Been lifting anything heavy?" the medic asked me. I was going around half bent over. "Just drawing the usual three pints of verbs and adjectives from my veins each «ay," I said. ' •" - " "' •'-••'"•" He murmured something about the "aging process" and cinched me up in a kind of tad- dle. But tot problem rtiUy ii standing on two feet. HB dinoMur % extinct, ai any school bojr know* Put how did to 4o »t Science looked at those big bonei in the muwum and decided the dinosauri bad slipped disc*. He got them by standing up. He stood up to get the juicier leave* higher in the tree. I fot thto from the British Empire Council on Rheumatism. Man, no doubt, will extinguish himself the same way. Unless he decides to do ty by blowing himself to pieces. * Standing up gave us § lot of new choices of ways to go. K After Bomb Lull i By DAVID LAWRENCE • • WASHINGTON - Oddly enough; the niost potent influence that can be exerted now to bring about peace in Vietnam.would be a-formal announcement by the U.S. that it will resume bombing of North Vietnam and all sup•ply routes to the south unless ~sT cease-lire and a ; mutual withdrawal of military fdrceH Is drdered and an international guarantee is given by several nations'that they will enforce any agreement reached in Paris. The reason for emphasis on a renew- LAWRENCE ;' al of the bombing is that a year has passed since It was halted. The North Vietnamese not only have repaired the damage caused by the bombing, but have improved their methods of defense and are transporting supplies received from the Soviets and Red Chinese in bigger amounts than hereto^ fore. DISPATCHES from Saigon reveal that U.S. intelligence sources have made a study of what's happened, and have found that Hanoi, as well as the entire country, is better off than before the. bombing. ,,, Roads, bridges and communications have been rebuilt or augmented. Routes to the south, no longer under attack, are being used to move troops and supplies faster than ever. All this is being transported in and out of Hanoi and the port of Haiphong and over the rail lines from Red China more effectively than prior to the bombing. The U.S. stopped the bombing in part on March 31 of last year, and halted all of it on Nov. 1. In that year, more than 12,500 Americans have been killed and 81,000 Wounded. The total casualties on" the Communist side number 250,000, but' this isn't bothering the North Viet-; namese very much, for they are gradually getting into a better and better position militarily. * .* » THE COMMUNISTS are convinced that the Americans are getting ready to- quit anyhow in response to an alleged change in public opinion. The enemy interprets some of the speeches by members of Congress and the anti-war demonstrations as indicating that the U.S. is ready to acknowledge defeat and now is willing to work out what amounts to a surrender. From a military viewpoint, the prime mistake the U.S. has made is in failing to prosecute the war with maximum power. Even today a threat to resume bombing could make the North Vietnamese move toward a settlement in Paris. No plans or peace talks will be of any avail'if the U.S. is to speak from a position of military weakness. Hence, a.' declaration now of an intention to resume bombing unless a peace program is promptly agreed upon would be a realistic move. As 1 See It Marine General Now Not So Sure By HOLMES ALEXANDER WASHINGTON, D. C' '-* General- David Shoup, one of our f ightingest Marines, a former Joint Chiefs of Staff member, was telling me he was "ready' to go. again," that he would not want his 45 years of military service any different than it was, that he considered . . himself "the most -patriotic person in the country," and "Hell, no*" he didn't want to have this 'country pushed around by Communists. But the reason I ALEXANDER phoned General Shoup was that I'd' read the pre-publication galleys of hi£ article, "The New American Militarism/' in the Atlantic Monthly. In it, the' General didn't write as he talked to me. B;E WAS writing the peacenik line for a peacenik periodical. He was calling his country "a militaristic, and aggres- ; sjye nation." He was on the merchants - of - death" kick with cracks about "an -immense and expensive military establishment* > fueled by a gigantic defense industry.^ He was passing the message that "the. blight of Vietnam" -would expose American ''inUUarism" is a "poisonous- weed" and not "a glorious Woom." • .•••;. ••. .*».».• '. .:"' THERE WAS such a contrast between what tbe General wrote and what the General said that I persisted in the interview. Did; be believe that in this warlike world we could safely be anything less than a fighting nation? Weil, the General said he just didn't know. He was, sure there were interservice rivalries, .and sure that we could hav«, handled the Dominican Republic crisis with fewer troops, and sure that we could, win in Vietnam ("We're not beaten yet,"'he laid) with more troops, But: he wasn't sure about whether tiwe wa«, any other way of national life in a bos- til* world. He just "didn't know," he said. :., ........ •'. • .,,,

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