AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER Published daily except Sunday and six legal holidays by The Freeport Journal-Standard Publishing Company FRIDAY, JULY 11, 1975 FREEPORT, ILLINOIS The Ford Candidacy Announcement of the Ford candidacy enlivened an otherwise dull week from a news standpoint. But it startled no one, raised no eyebrows, caused nobody to say "Well, did you ever? . . ." The timing of the announcement was the only element of uncertainty, as the President had repeatedly said he was going to make it when he was ready. Most of the suspense vanished after the "Mayaguez" incident, and all of it was gone after his successful veto of Democratic bills in Congress. ; The announcement was important technically and from the standpoint of campaign financing. It makes Mr. Ford the only registered declarant for office and renews discussion of whether or not he has a good chance of making it. He must leap the two hurdles 'of getting nominated and getting elected. From both contests he seems likely to emerge the winner, unless something exceptional happens. And his strength in both races lies in the moderation of his views and his apparent determination to remain moderate and not be ruffled or moved to rash action by. the urging of activists who want him to be more outspoken, even more violent. That is not his way, and it is the way of the largest number of voters, whether they be partisans or mugwumps. The great majority like him for his appearance of being a straight shooter, keeping his cool, being tough but smiling. In his own party he must win over two kinds of party groups more conservative than he. These are the extremists, like Howard Phillips, who say he is no good at all, and the less severe, like Ronald Reagan, who say the Republican party is merely a shadow of itself, and needs a really strong and affirmative leader to give it the substance it has lost. [At present it looks as though these far rightists in the GOP are gifing more encouragement to the Democrats than Mr. Ford is willing to give. The Democratic candidate, whoever he may turn out to bejUvould-vastly prefer running against Ronald Reagan than against Je^ry Ford. The tilting with Ford the Democrats have attempted in Congress this year has unhorsed them again and again, and caused them to beat their breasts and rail against him in vain. A real honest to goodness budget balancer would be a much easier and more acceptable target. . • Bumper Crop Year The news goes around in central and northern Illinois and in Iowa, that something unprecedented has happened. The corn has been tasseling out before the Fourth of July. What that means is that we may have the biggest corn crop ever, because it will mature before the droughts of middle and later summer set in and before the fear of early frosts begins to threaten. ^What that means for the consumer is not the same as what it means for the average farmer. It means for both the likelihood of dropping market prices for corn and for every other food commodity that is based on corn, such as meat that can be obtained in,raising cattle on feedlots for lesser, feed:,p£ices, in competition with the gra.ss fed stock whose meat consumers dp not like so well; ?But it is just the old, old storyjof supply and demand. There has ••never yet been any man-made system that provides guarantees that everyone will be satisfied and fairly treated. There has never yet been a man-made insurance against imbalance of supply and demand, just exactly the right amount of both. On the whole, however, a bumper crop year is better news for more people than a year of failure or undersupply. Thus, a growing year that began with gloomy auspices and prophecies of damage from cold weather and flooding in many areas has turned into a year of relative promise and hope. The repercussions will be felt in the international market, though that means that great care must be exercised. The Soviet Union has been reported trying to bargain through secret intermediaries for greater quantities of American grain than last year. The memory of what happened last year remains as a warning, but will warning be sufficient? ' ;As for prices at the consumer level, that is something else. Since labjor is half the cost of the retail price value, there will be no decline in prices unless there is a decline in buying by the general public. Packaging goods, transportation, placing it on the shelves, checking it out, providing for more attractive processing that will save the .housewife labor, all these will be reflected in a rise of several points in Detail prices. All that can be said to console the family budget planner is that the rise will be smaller than it might be, due to the bumper crop that is ripening in the fields right now. The Silly Season We hope the garbage (some prefer a sweeter word) stories carried on our front pages two days in succession are about ended. Granted, there is more legitimate garbage news in the form of the recent strike in New York City, but the ridiculous fanfare made by reporters from the National Enquirer and the Palm Beach Post this week have been followed by the editorial suggestion in the Peoria Journal-Star that those wishing to contribute clean^garbage to the Enquirer's collection send it by mail. • It is really making unnecessary news to hoist ; refuse bags from the street in front of the Kissinger home and then, of course, have the act spread across front pages in word and picture. It gets read during the dog days of summer because not much else is new, but it does no credit to the journalistic profession to have that kind of behavior endorsed. Many of our critics would like to see some of the headline-seeking prima donnas engage in such drivel. It justifies much of the gossip manufactured about us. We are only interested in making sensationalistic copy, it is said. The trouble with the Enquirer stunt is that it has the opposite effect of what was desired. Purportedly, the publication wanted to get some naughty material from the private life of Mr. Kissinger. What it got instead was reassurance for the secretary that he will be more in the limelight than ever before, something which he obviously enjoys. Meanwhile, we expect that more of our colleagues will make fools of themselves by trying to think up a funnier garbage stunt. Perhaps it offers a needed change of pace but we'll accept something with more substance in its place. What Other Editors Say Feeding The World (Milwaukee Journal) There is an apparent conflict between this nation's need to sell its agricultural products abroad and its efforts to improve the agricultural capacity of developing nations. Success in either affects the other. Admittedly, the U.S. walks a fine line in trying to keep its own production at peak levels while encouraging other nations to produce enough to compete for world markets. ANfNONY LEWIS 'UNTIDY/ LET'S STKAK3HTEN IT OUT AND t>/W\ IT UP. '• •• . Blacks, Liberals Have Second Thoughts On Busing By RICHARD L. WORSNOP Editorial Research Reports In a decision handed down in 1971, the Supreme Court acknowledged that the use of busing to achieve racial balance in public schools might be "administratively awkward, inconvenient and even bizarre in some situations and may impose 1 burdens oh some .'."."", It was almost as if the Court had anticipated the bitter reaction to the school busing program that went into effect in Boston last September. An expanded busing plan that is to begin this fall promises to be even more "administratively awkward" and to arouse even greater opposition. Last year's program involved only two parts of the city - South Boston and Roxbury - and the projected busing of 17,000 students. The new plan, announced by U.S. District Court Judge W. Arthur Garrity Jr. on May 10, will embrace the entire -city and require the busing of approximately 21,000 stu- dents.i The Garrity plan is nothing if not complex. It sets up eight community school districts plus a city wide district of 26 "magnet schools" with special programs designed to attract an inte- ' grated student "bou'y.^Moreover, it allows wide variances in the" racial composition, of the •community districts from §5 pe'r cdht white; ; "5 per cent minorities in East Boston to 40 per cent white, 60 per cent minorities in Madison Park. The busing issue has long been portrayed as. a classic liberal-vs.-conservative, black-vs.-white confrontation. But now a number of blacks and liberals are having second thoughts about busing. For example, Coleman A. Young, the black mayor of Detroit, filed a brief with U.S. District Court there opposing a proposed city wide busing program. He argued that It would "have the opposite effect of that desired - schools will be resegregated instead of desegregated." These are almost precisely the sentiments, of Louise Day Hicks, a conservative member of the Boston City Council and a long-time busing opponent. In denouncing Judge Garrity's expanded busing plan, she said: "He has created a legal monstrosity that in the end will produce what we''have been trying to avoid from the beginning - a racially segregated Boston!" What both Young and Hicks were saying, in effect, is that Wising will trigger an exodus to the suburbs Of middle-class white families. When this happens, the schools become even more racially imbalanced than before and the central city is deprived of part Of its former tax base. A busing program involving both a city and its suburbs might alleviate the problem,of white flight. But the U.S. Supreme Court rejected such arrangements in a decision handed down last July. In a case involving cross-district busing between Detroit and its suburbs, the Court held that "An Inter-dls- trict remedy might be in order where the racially discriminatory acts of one or more school districts caused racial segregation in an adjacent district or" ; where district lines haye been drawn on the basis of race." But "without an inter-district violation/ and inter-dls- trlct effect, there is no constitutional wrong calling for an inter-district remedy." ; The NAACP immediately announced that it would continue its court fight' for cross-district busing in Detroit. And the city of Boston is appealing Judge Garrity's new busing plan. Busing,; originally thought of as a solution, has' instead become part of this problem. / IE BETTER HALF By Barnes ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^•••^^^^^^^^••^^••^•H and I gave transfusions to a few thousand type-O mosquitoes!" Fo/towup To A Story That Produced Probe Last Dec. 22 The New York Tlrnes published a story by Seymour M. Hersh saying that the Central Intelligence Agency had conducted a "massive illegal domestic intelligence operation." The story created a great stir, leading to congressional and executive investigations of the CIA. But it also aroused'extraordinarily sharp attacks on Hersh and The Times, and not only from the predictable right. The Washington media world buzzed with sour talk about the story. Time Magazine, reflecting the mood, said there was ! 'a' strong likelihood" that the piece was "considerably exaggerated and that The Times overplayed it." Charles Bartlett, the columnist, said "knowledgeable quarters" in the government found it "highly exaggerated." On the right, John D. Lofton Jr. later wrote with relish that a Pulitzer Prize jury had turned down the Hersh story as "overwritten, overplayed, under-researched and underproven." Lofton added:' "By implication, the. CIA has been found innocent of the- charges agalnst.lt reported by Hersh." Last month the Rockefeller Commission reported that the CIA had indeed carried on illegal domestic activities on a large scale. I was abroad at the time and .wondered whether Hersh's critics had been big enough to admit their mistake.. The answer appears to be no, and some comment is in order. First| there can be no doubt any longer about the correctness of the Hersh story - or of The Times's decision to play it prominently. The Rockefeller Report, the work of eight conservative men, confirmed the story in substance and detail, the New Republic published .a thorough comparative analysis by Morton, Halperin; only a brief sketch can be attempted here. The Rockefeller report said Operation Chaos - it disclosed the name had focused on the antiwar movement and compiled files on thousands of American citizens, as Hersh wrote. Was it "illegal," "domestic," "massive?" The commission said the operation had "unlawfully exceeded the CIA's statutory authority" and piled up "large quantities of information on the domestic activities of American citizens...,", a '(veritable mountain of, material." Few Apologies The commission .also confirmed Hersh's statements that the CIA had, wire-tapped, opened mail, infiltrated legitimate organizations. The tone of its report was carefully dead-pan, but the substance was hair-raising. If anything, Hersh had understated the .CIA's horrors. And so one, must ask why there were such attacks on the story originally, and have been so few apologies lately. One reason may of course be jealousy of the most important and successful investigative reporter in the business. Then there is ideology. There are people on the right who would like to have a secret police system in the United States, and who think we would have been better off not knowing that American soldiers massacred women and children at My Lai. Such feelings can produce blinding animus. A curious example was provided by William Rusher, publisher t>f the National Review. After sitting next to Hersh on u television show, Rusher described him as "a tall, bulky type \vith a personality to match." Hersh is in fact a slightly-built man, with the personality not of a bear but of a nervous badger. Special Relationship /Another reason for the pique at Hersh may. be the special relationship that some in the Washington Press Corps have long favored with top CIA men; There is a reluctance to attack those with whom one dines. Hersh, like Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward in Watergate, is an outsider who does not play the social game. Richard Helms, the former CIA director, has been a particular intimate of some journalists. Charles Bartlett wrote last January that Helms could "be counted on to show (investigators) that he took strong measures to keep his agency on its side of the legal line." Helms may be a charming dinner partner, but he was also a principal author of the CIA's lies and illegalities. Finally, some who criticized Hersh may not understand the limits on the function of investigative reporting. They complained that he had not produced conclusive evidence of CIA wrongdoing. But journalists do not have subpoena power, and no one should expect them to perform like courts. It is enough If they call atten-' tion to wrongs and provoke correction by the formal system of law and politics. These wrongs had been called to official attention, but the politicians did nothing until Seymour Hersh forced their hand. It is good to hold the press to me- tlcul6us standards, but a little odd to do so 'while winking at official crudities. William Colby, the present CIA director-testified last February: "This operation was neither massive, illegal, nor domestic, as alleged." With his standard of truth, how long would he last as a journalist? New York Thrifes Services Letters TO THE EDITOR Cecil B. DeMille Remembered Editor Journal-Standard: It all started in August 1944 when Cecil B. DeMille received a letter from the American Federation of Radio Artists, one of the two unions to which he belonged. In the letter, DeMille was told that the officials of the Los Angeles local of AFRA had voted to assess each member a one dollar political assessment to be used in opposing a propostion scheduled to appear on the California ballot in the November election. Th3t propoi <sal was Proposition 12, which would have outlawed compulsory unionism in the state..,. ,. He said later, "When I received the letter, I knew,.or rthought I-knew, something about the American citizen's right to political freedom. When'! studied Proposition 12, I decided to vote for It. And here my union was demanding that I pay $1 into a political campaign,fund to persuade other citizens to vote against Proposition 12 Even if I were opposed to Proposition 12, I asked myself, did my union, did any organization, have the right to Impose a compulsory political assessment upon any citizen, under pain of the loss of his right to work?" . What was at stake to DeMille? His job with the popular Lux Radio Theater, which at that time had an audience of 20 to 30 million every Monday night. In terms of money, the job meant only $100,000 a year. After much agonizing and against the advice of many close friends and associates, DeMille made his decision. He refused to be coerced into paying the dollar. He conducted the Lux Radio Theater for the last time on January 22,1945. On March 17,1945, friends purchased air time so he could tell the American people - over nationwide radio broadcast - exactly what happened. The response was overwhelming! No movie <vith tlje exception of "The King of Kings" and "The Ten Commandments" had ever brought so much mail, he later reported. The letters, he said, "came from every part of the country and from fighting men-on every front where Americans were still at war. They were from Democrats and Republicans, rich and poor, men, women, and even'children in all walks of life. Many of the most, touching came from union members or their wives. The gist of them all was much the same: 'Do something to keep what has happened to you from happening to the rest of us.' " HAROLD KETELHUT 915 S. Chippewa Ave. 1 -p ' • ; . The True Meaning Of America One year short of the 200th anniversary of America's independence, the question persists. What does it mean to be an American? For one thing, it means you can either cheer the event or mock those who do - and-no one profits or suffers from one or the other. It means being caught in many contradictions, whose grandeurs and miseries often highlight each other. It means to belong to a nation of immense power, whose people are shame-faced about using it; a nation also which, with all its wealth, lives beyond its means, and has ended heavily in debt, owing itself more than it will ever be able to repay. It means tp live in big cities of un» -paralleled technical skill and richness, yet always to face the chance that segments of the city workers will be laid off for economy and others will strike, so that the garbage will rot in the streets and the public-safety services be threatened. It means you don't have any heroes, except perhaps in sports and in rock bands. It means that if an authentic political hero or moral prophet showed up he would go unrecognized,, and some would doubtless see him as a phony. It meins mat while many try to save people's souls no one has to save his own or be saved by a state religion. It means there is no ideology, no of- ficial'heaven or hell and'no dogma about how to get to either. It means that anyone can make his own heaven out of his own work, love and dreams, and go to his own hell in his own basket. Your Own It means you can pick your own God to worship - or not; your own mate to MAX LERNER marry - ot not; your own spot to live in; your own language to.speak; your' own way to bring up your children; your own lifestyle to live; your own, loves and hates and hobbies to pursue; your own way to use or waste your, time;, your own medley of relations with' other consenting adults. In homely' terms it means you can toss together the ingredients you have, in order to mix your'own life salad and add your own dressing. It means that while you may walk " home In the cities with an eye out for the mugger, and double-lock your door against the depredations of the prowler, you don't have to fear the deadly knock on your. : door at night. To be American involves many day-to-day discontents, but none of them relates to a soviet of workers and peasants, or a Politburo, or a revolutionary military council, or a prime minister turned dictator. , Right now it means there are fewer jobs than people looking for them and, therefore, thin helpings on cracked ' plates. But when you have a job you can leave it and move and live anywhere else, wherever there is work to do, or the wind beckons and the spirit •stirs. .'• . .• •-;.. : - ' ..'•'• Part Of Nature ilt means to be: part of an infinite richness pf nature, a stretch of continent varied enough to encircle the extremes.^ climate and terrain - and it means also to abuse the nature thus granted, and to be so inured to the bounty as to take it for granted. It means to travel as your heart commands, with no by-your-leave, no one to register with and no one to watch and veto your goings and com- ings. It means you can read or write for * any publication/see or make any film, turn on any program and do it without skulking or,hiding and without benefit of official censor. It means being part of a competitive people, sometimes insensitive about any but themselves; but also of a people who often care about sharing and who share the care of others. It means the freedom to seek the education you need and can use, to learn without .exclusions and teach without having your classes broken up. It means to care about equal justice under the law even while you practice lawlessness - grand or petty. It means to live by often ignoring or breaking the law you would die without.. And despite everything It means a belief in fairness. It means freedom to explore, changesjn society and In yourself, to expand access to social space and open up Inner space. It means a chance to gather knowledge or remain ignorant, even to make a fool of yourself. It means to write this even though many will think it's silly to ask what it means to be an American. • Los Angeles Times .
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