Anti-Slavery Bugle from Lisbon, Ohio • Page 1

PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY AT SALEM, COLUMBIANA OHIO. JAMES BARNABY, General Jgent. BKXJAMI.N S. JONKS, J. ELIZADETII JONKS, Epitors.

Pi'RLIshino Committee Samuel Brooke, James Harnaby, David L. Cialbrcath, Lot Holmes. From the Anti-Slavery Standard. GOODELL ON THE CONSTITUTION. Wo have finished our notice of all lhat Mr.

Goodell urges under the head of strict construction, and now pass to that part of his book in which he tries to discover the meaning of the Constitution from the "prevailing spirit" of the instrument. The first point insisted on is the preamble, which states the Constitution to have been "ordained in order to establish justice and secure the blessings of liberty," itc. "Liberty and Justice" are very changeable terms, and tako their tone from the lips that utter tliem. Mr. (Joodell thinks them so clear and unmislakeable, as to include, everywhere, the idea of emancipation and freedom.

80 do when they nre properly used. lSnt, nnforuinaiely, men differ on this point. Liberty and Justice to one man, mean aristocracy and an order of nobles to another, universal suffrage to one individual, property and equal laws to another, community of goods and Fotirierisin to a third, no marriage and a general scramble. Now, we shall find out what ideas the men of I7tW attached to these words, by consulting the Constitution itai-lf, which they declare they establish in order to secure their idea of liberty and justice. The Constitution, thorefure, is to give a definition to the pro.unble, not the preamble to force a meaning upon the Constitution.

Valuable as is the aid of contemporaneous interpretation, in helping us to understand some ambiguities in the Constitution, we are glad to have ono more opportunity of agreeing with Mr. Coodell, in declaring our" full and hearty assent to the following remarks of 1 his on the common reference to the indentions of the frumcrt of the Constitution 83.) "The design of the parlies to a written agreement, is to be held ipi i dislir.ct from the designs of the men employed to draw up the paper. And 'Wt. the people if the United who adopted the Constitution, and whose act and instrument it is, are not bound to concede that our design, in adopting and maintaining itwas, of necessity, identical with what may be proved to have been the design of the persons, or a portion of the persons we employed to prepare it for us. What the Convention of 1787, or a portion of it, intended to eject by the Constitution, is not to be confounded with the designs, especially the paramount orject of TUB PEOPLE who adopted it.

The objects of the Convention, or members of it, may deserve our attention, and their testimony to the spirit of their times, may command respect. Hot their intentions are not to be substituted for the intentions of THE PEOPLE, or confounded with them." The second point made is as follows: The English Common Law knows no slaves (Abundant evidence is adduced of this.) The United States Constitution is moulded and fashioned on the model of the English Common Law: (No proof, whatever, is given of this.) Therefore, it is an Anti-Slavery instrument. The first point is beyond dispute, and the syllogism would be an excellent one if the second assertion could be maintained. As the only evidence produced is an assertion of Mr. T.

1). Weld, we shall postpone any criticism until some real proof is adduced. We may, however, state in pissing, that the doctrine laid down, generally in this connection, by several Liberty party debaters, that all acts of Parliament, contrary to reason and justice, are void, and that the Judges may treat them as such, is not law. This principle is generally sustained by disconnected quotations from Blackslone. His able commentator, Mr.

Christian, long ago rejected the doctrine. He says, "If an act of Parliament should, like the edict of Herod, command all children under a certain age to he slain, the Judge ought to resign his office rather than be auxiliary to its execution but it could only be declared void by the same legislative power by which it was ordained." Blackstone, himself, on a subsequent page of his work, explains more definitely the general terms he had previously used. On the page of his first volume, he says: 'I know it is generally laid down more largely, that acts of Parliament, contrary to reason, are void. But if the Parliament will positively enact a thing to be done which is unreasonable, 1 know of no power, in the ordinary forms of the Constitution, that is vested with authority to control it; and the examples usually alleged in support of this sense of the rule do none of them prove, that, where the main object of a statute is unreasonable, the Judges are at liberty to reject it; tor that were to set the judicial power above that of the Legislature, which would be subversive of all Government. If we could conceive it possible for the Parliament to enact that a man should try as well his own causes as those of other persons, there is no court that has power to defeat the intent of the Legislature, when couched in such evident and express words, as leave no doubt whether it was the intent of the Legislature or not." Chancellor Kent, also, of New York, the highest living authority, though citing and praising the few old cases which sustain a different doctrine, concludes with Blackstone, thus "When it is said in the books that a statute contrary to natural equity and reason, or repugnant or impossible to be performed, is void, the cases are understood to mean that the courts are to give the statute a reasonable construction.

1 hey will not read i I nrraums. out of respect and dutw to tlm anT verv uniuat or ahmir.l within the contemplation of the law. But if It should happen to be too palpable in its direction to admit of but one construction. Mv tJ no dub' in the English law, as to the binding efficacy if the Mute. The will of the Legis- lature is the fiunrema lur nf tha lnn.1 r.

..,1 lature is the supreme law of the land, and demands perfect obedience," Kent' Comm. 1. 417. A MITT ill 1 VOL. 2.m 16.

AVERY BTOI XO UK ION WITH SALEM, OHIO, FRIDAY, SLAVEHOLDERS." NOVEMBER 20, 18-16. jE. WHOLE NO. 68. I lie then goes on to point out the brond distinction between our Government and the English.

There, as there exists no written Constitution, it might, with some plausibility, be maintained that the courts had right to bring all laws to the test rf those great principles of common sense and common justice, in which nil mankind are agreed, and which form the only thing lhat ran be called a foundation for British law. Bui here wp have a specific, limited, written Constitution. It contains ALL the principles which the pen-pie, the nation, have agreed shall form the foundation of our nntion-il law. Tin only lest, llinrefore, to which our conits have liny right to submit the action of the Legislature is, to ask, it constitutional if so, it is legally binding on them no matter how unjust or how unreasonable it is. Such is the frame-work of Government under which we live.

The perpetual mist ike or attempt to mislead, on this point, will, wc hope, justify this digression. Section 3d is entitled, "Spirit of the Constitution, as attested liy history and by eminent civilians and jurists." We wee aware lhat politicians jhad, ever since the Revolution, done up a greal deal of Anti-Slavery talk; but as no ore of the "civilians or jurists" of the country ever dreamed that the Constitution was an Anti-Slavery instrument, or denied the existence of the pro-slavery clauses, known to lie contained in it, we were, we confess, surprised, though mindful of llie hescttinnr sin of Yan- keen, when we arrived lit this section. It strikes us as the latest specimen of a drowning man catching at straws. Mr. Goodell's next argument amounts to this.

There is nothing in the Constitution forbidding Congress to abolish slavery, therefore, possesses the power. The use of such an argument struck us as ex'rcmelv uncratp- ful in him towards that very respectable body, the the perversion of some of which had done him such good service in securing for his hook the only plausihility it can boast. The 10th Article of the Amendments expressly declares that, "The powers not delegated to the I'niled States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the Slates respectively, or to the people." Amendments, Article X. In the very teeth of this declaration, that on.s is a limited Government, has no powers i nut those granted to it anil that all not granted are reserved Mr. discourses thus: "The absence of any restriction upon the Federal Government, of the ordinary, the universal power of all civil Cover imeiits to abolish the slavery existing within their territorial limits, is proof positive that no or 'guaranty' in favor of slavery has been made.

We now add lhat this circumstance furnishes proof that the Federal Government DOES possess power to abolish slavery, and is bound to EXERCISE lliiit power." p. 119. "No ono then questioned the legitimate power of civil government in general, to abolish slavery, and the exercise of that power to that end was the rising fashion of the day, in this country. Yet in forming a civil Government with supreme powers, no restriction was even attempted to he made, upon the power of the Government in that direction. Of course, the power of the Government, in lhat particular, is the same witli that of other Governments p.

1 13. "The Federal Constitution contains ho limitations of the power of the Federal Government in the matter of slavery. That Government, therefore, retains all the power over slavery that any other civil governments hold. And consequently, even in the absence of such specific provisions as those we have considered it would still be true that the Federal Government is amply competent lo abolish slavery." p. 120.

"These delegations of power comprise a full description of the essential powers of a 'civil and the 'establishment of justice' is declared to be the end of the whole. The general powers thus delegated lo the U-niled Slates, (aside from specific provisions,) are sufficient for the abolition of slavery, unless it can he shown (which it cannot) lhat such a particular exercise of power is prohibited in the p. 1-20. With such a specimen of construction, which considers powers as granted because they are not prohibited or even mentioned, it would be waste of time to contend. We believe the National Government, as the parchment asserts, to have no powers hut such as are granted it, and as Mr.

Goodell allows that this has not been granted, hut only implied in the nature of all other Governments, our argument is at an end. Under such a Governmentas ours, expressly declared to possess no powers but those delegated, one might as rightfully exercise a power, expressly forbidden in the Constitution, on the plea that it was necessarily implied in the very nature of all civil government, as claim one not granted, on such a plea. Shortly after, he stumbles on the following passage from the "Madison papers," relating to Article Section 2, of the Constitution "On motion of Mr. Randolph, the word 'servitude' was struck out, and 'service' unanimously inserted the former being thought to express the condition of slaves, and tho latter the obligation of free persons." Vol. 3, p.

15U9. And then Mr. Goodell reasons thus "We have the testimony of Mr. Madison, then, to the fact, that Mr. Randolph and the entire Convention, without a dissenting voice.

1 determined to frame Article I. Section 2, in such a manner that it SHOULD NOT be understood to 'express the condition of but SHOULD be understood to 'express the obligation of FREE PERSONS Observe how readily, in spite of his correct principle as to the intention, of the framers, i our disputant catches at anything in contem poraneous interpretation which teems to sustain his side! If, however, he had flopped 1 i i i to consider the whole article referred to, which reads thus 'Representatives and direct taxes shall he apportioned iiinong the several Stales which may be included within this Union, Recording to their rosprctive nmnbrrs, which shall he determined by adding lo the whole number of free persons, including those hound lo serrice for a lenn of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of ALL OTH ER persons," United Stales Constitution, Art. Src. He would have seen that his quotation from Madison only strengthened our side. If they were so careful to describe those bound loser-vire fur a term if years as free persons, who were thn OTHER persons'! Being other than "free persons," and other than those "humid lor a term of years," they must be the slaves.

The next subject considered is the legality of the Stale slave laws as compared with State constitutions a point irrelevant, and one with which we have nothing now to do. Mr. (ioodell concludes with his general idea of "Constitutional Law." His principle is, that no Government can rightfully exist, in llie siht of God, hich does not possess the authority to put an end lo such a wrong as slavery. Hence, the American 1 'riiislitution, rightly considered, does confer that pow er. We subjoin some extracts, lest our readers should think us exaggerating, or playing on their credulity, in asserting thai so able a man as Mr.

(Joodell seriously argues lhat in human affairs a thing is, because it ought lo he; that mankind always do what they ought lo do. Certainly his argument, in this connection, can hardly be understood otherwise, since thn question at issue is not what Constitution this nation ought to have made, or whether the actual one is binding on us, hut what sort of one we have actually established, lint to our extracts: "All this would be true, even upon the snp-I position that any artificial compacts or writ ten parchments, could possibly construct a civil Government that should be a civil Government, and yet not he vested with the power of securing inalienable human rights: a proposition we shall not stop to djscuss in this place, though it may require attention elsewhere." p. 12.0. "A right in the Government, to wield power for the enslaveipent of any human being, is a right that, in the nature of thin us, can never exist." p. 118.

"Does the pith and gist of the matter lie in the papersthe parchment! Or lies it in something beyond, or back of the parchment, or the paper 1 Have we found the thing, when wo have found llie parchment, the paper, or have we found only what purports to be a statement, a description of the thing it self p. I -10. "What would be thought of the mathematician who should identify the sciences of arithmetic, or geometry, or algebra, with his booh; his approved and highly authoritative booh on thosu subjects! ho should never speak of "arithmetic" with any higher meaning to the word than the book bo holds in his hands? But such a village pedagogue, could we find one, would well deserve a place be-sidu-the grave Senator, or the learned Judge of the Supreme Court, who has no higher meaning to the phrase, 'the Constitution if the I'nitrd States' than the written or printed parchment or paper, agreed upon, and drawn up by llie Convention that assembled in 1787 forgetful that a Constitution of Government, like a theorem in algebra, or a fact in chemistry, or botany, or zoology, or nstronoiny, is a palpable, veritable, existing fact, whether any hooks or papers have described them correctly, or undertaken to describe tliem at all." p. 148. "The Federal Convention, and 'we the people of the United States' could no more make a Constitution of civil government, out of a cloth of our own fabric, and upon any principles lhat might suit our own selfishness or caprice a Constitution that should be valid and binding, than Dr.

Combe, and an university of physiologists could nude, at their own whim or pleasure, constitution ol the human body, that should be binding upon all the anatomists and surgeons of a nation, or on all who should have occasion to contract their muscles, and move their limbs! In both cases, it is God who has made the Constitutions." p. 152. "To the case in hand. Human beings can no more construct a civil government, witli binding aulhoiity over human beings, yet without llie power lo 'execute judgment between a man and his than they can construct a globe without the quality of roundness, or a cube without six sides." p. 151.

"A Constitution of civil government, therefore, that tolerates slavery, is an absurdity that cannot exist." p. 155. Man may discover, but cannot create law." p. 153. The reader will notice in these quotations the evidence of that, the clergyman's frequent error, (to which we have before adverted,) of deceiving oneself ith the ambiguity concealed under llie word "law:" law, for instance, in its first, broad meaning, standing for the rule which God and nature point out and sanction as proper and rightful; and law, secondly, the rule, which certain individuals, constituting the majority, have arranged, shall be the settled plan of their society.

All the principles, which we have quoted above from Mr. Goodell, would be apposite and in place, if we were discussing the question whether a wicked Constitution was binding on the citizen, or whether the individual would be justified in supporting it. But we understand him to bo seeking now to lind out, not the duty of individuals in relation to wicked laws, not what sort of a Constitution the American people ought to have framed, but what sort of one they have actually tried to set up. When we ask for their actions, Mr. Goodell tells us what their duties were.

Alas, he is too orthodox not to know that evidence of what a man ought to have done, goes but very little way to show what he actually fia-i done. It is a very pjaiisible theory, and may be a very sound one, lhat no Government can, in ihe eye of God, rightfully exist without possessing the power to execute justice between man and man. Every one is at liberty to adopt it, if it strikes him favorably. But whether the American people have or have not tried to set up a Government without granting it that power, is a totally different question: a question of fact, not of thooiy. And unfortunately, men so often do what ihey have no right to do, lhat it will require no overwhelming amount of evidence to convince us tlixt the American people have been treading in this broad and popular path.

To assume that all rightful Governments lve necessarily certain powers, and then argue that a particular human, man-made Government, which is nv no means necessarily a iiioiitici, one, does possess those powers, because it ought to possess them, is surely an easy method of proof, but unfortunately, not a very convincing one. The whole of the last quarter of Mr. Goodell's book is excellent to convince a candid man that he ought not lo support the actual ('institution of the United Slates, hut it seems lo us utterly out of place in an argument purporting to show hat that Constitution actually is. And so we say farewell to Mr. Goodell.

p. Mrs. Child's Views of the Recent Slave Case. Mrs. Child has a letter in the Boston Courier on the subject of the recent Slave Case, from which wo copy as follows: On the side of freedom there was hearty eloquence, and great clearness and directness of argument.

On the side of despotism, there was legal acutencss and hair splitting. It is all the ablest man run do, under such circumstances. It is impossible to be eloquent in such a cause. If a niun has any heart, it rises tip, and looks su? sadly and upbraidingly into the eyes of bi intellect, that it lakes away his strength. Arid even if he has no heart, he is still troubled with an awkward consciousness that it does not sound well to sustain the system of human slavery, in Ihe nineteenth century, arid with the ears of a free Stale for listeners.

Therefore, the best a lawyer can do in such a dilemma is to disguise and cover up the hateful idea, and wind and twist adroitly, to keep the devil hidden behind a stump. Judge Edmonds, after a patient hearing, discharged the colored lad, on the ground that, if he were a slave, there was neither the owner nor the arrent or attorney hern to clfiliiFlTTm," and therefore no one had a right lo distrain him of his liberty. His release was a signal for furious excite. nient among the upholders of that benign and patriarchal system, which true-blue De mocrats so often embellish with the soft and courteous name of "involuntary annrenticr. ship;" but which those who handle things without gloves call the accursed system of human slavery.

The captain, probably not ironi in ieenng io llie poor lad, hut looking only lo his own safely, ollered 50 to who ever would catch him. Sine hundred police men, vertmlly authorized by ihe Mayor, were instantly on iho qui rive to secure the prey. I lad a menagerie of tigers and hyenas been let loose on a poor little panting hare, there could not have been a hotter pursuit. L' 1 vessel ami sieamuoat was watched every avenue lo the city was watched. They even curried ineir vigilance so tar as to fol low and inspect certain wooden boxes, conveyed from one of the missionary offices.

In one of these suspected boxes, the livino- Gospel of Freedom, bound in black, was round. Then great was the exultation. The man-hunters disputed among themselves who had the principal share in this noble transaction; and paragraphs were put in the paper to set tle what particular individuals undouhtedly deserved lite honor. Perhaps the city authorities may pass a vote to erect them a monument of brass on the Battery, where it will be coiuq icuous in all strangers arriving in the metropolis of what they suppose to be a free Stale. Their sons would probably be glad to let verdigris fill tit) the names; but the Mayor, who seems so peculiarly desirous to oblige our Southern masters, might, during his administration, cause the brazen record to be kept bright, though it would pass any man's power to make it clean.

And if the Empire Slate really aspires lothe magnanimous, me iruiy uemocrauc mission of being Slave-calcher to the South, I would propose lhat a banner float from the Slate- House in Albany, and the City Hall here, bearing the proud Excelsior and underneath, the State of New York, with Liberty Pole in one hand, and in the other a trembling Slave led back in chains to his master. I could not but think what woi Id have been the emotions of old Franklin and Jay, and Putnam and Warren and a host of other revolutionary heroes, had they suddenly dropped down into the midst of that excited crowd, ho, for fifty pieces of silver, were Hunting a poor young soul into slavery. "They had the hearts of freemen to the last And the free blood that bounded in their veins. Was shed for freedom with a liberal joy. JJut had they guessed, or could they but have dreamed.

The great examples which they died to show Would fall aojlat, would shine so fruitless here. That men should gay, 'For Liberty these died, Therefore let us be had they thought this, Oh, then with what an agony of shamo, Their blushing faces buried in the dust. Had their great spirits parted hence to Heaven!" Well, they caught the fugitive, and may they live to be ashamed of it, in calmer and iser moments. A second writ of habeas I corpus was served to deliver him from their hands, and he was again brought before Judge Edmonds. There was a law passed by the New York Legislaiurc, in 1817, that in case a person e-scaped from service or labor due in nnothcr Stale, and secreted himself on hoard a vessel, the Mayor of a cily might give tho captain certificate, authorizing him to convey him hack whence he came.

Mr. Blunt, counsel or ine captain, conienued tnal mu law was a police regulation, similar lo those applied to paupers ami criminals; and therelore the h.iy was propiriy under the jurisdiction of the Mayor, not ol the Circuit Court. 1 lie counsel for the fugitive denied this construction. He said tho law of 1817 was manifestly intended expressly for slaves absconding from their masters. That if the law was constitutional, it was repealed by a subsequent law passed in 1810, which expressly lok such cases out of the hands of the Mayor, and every other officer, until the proof had been settled by tii.il b.ifore a jury.

And in case the law of 1817 kIioiiIJ not be admitted lo be repealed by subsequent legislative action on the subject, they fell back on the unconstitutionality of both laws, because they both interfered with the supreme law of Congress, passed in 1793, which is unnecessary to quote here, so often have tin changes been rung upon it in Boston, during the Fast Iwelve years. Ihe counsel for the can tun reidilv admit ted the paramount authority of the law of '93, and Judge Story's celebrated decision was as usual mournfully conspicuous on the side adverse to human freedom. But his chief reliance seemed to be on the argument that the law of 1817 was a police reflation. and as such did not interfere with the superior law of Congress. Therefore the Mayor had a right to authorize the captain to carry the lad hack, as he would a pauper.

lie said ho would not be sending him hack to slavery it would merely set him on the wharves ol Savannnah, whence he came. and the lad could then go where ho pleased. i iookro nun cioseiy, to see he blushed while he was making this sophistical hair splitting; huthe did not. Lawyers have great power ol countenance. Mr.

Mckeon, who, I am happy to sav is a Democrat, performed his official duly well anu aoiy, in ueuau ol me "lugltive Irora in justice. Mr. White put his arguments vt ilh remark able force, clearness and eloquence. John jay, granuson ol old John Jay, threw himself into the cause with all his heart and soul. Ihe noble, the beautiful votins man! I have Ions observed his manly and UDrirht course with love and honor and from the depths of my heart do I lhank him for his ex ertions in this case.

Most young men dw in ula wnen standing in the halo ol illustrious progenitors; but John Jay stands in the blaze of their reputation, noble in his own right, by undeviating integrity, and a heart always true to human freedom. Amid the manifestation of much misdirected feeling, it was pleasant to observe that a largo proKrtion of the public gave their sympathies to the fugitive. When the counsel for the captain evinced legal acuteness in his argument, there were no signs of approbation from the audience; but when the opposite counsel made a clever hit at the "patriarchal system," the general satisfaction was expressed by smiles, and suppressed murmurs, like a tree stirred by the winds Out of doors the general inquiry was, "Will the poor fellow get off!" Even some of the police, asked, in a tone of vexation, "Why iflA lan.n C- i wUv menus care anu hide nun, when. they once had him!" Tammany Hall vociferations fall into manir hnn. FSt, simple Souls, who nnnnnt h.A o.a.ln In aerstand that freedom is good for one man, and not good for another.

The popular heart beats truly and kindly, where popular understanding fairly comprehends on which aw side the right is. More and more this comes to be understood and felt, even amid all the obstructions it must necessarily meet in a great emporium of trade. Such trials as these, perhaps, do more than any olher single influence to enlighien the eyes, and right ly guide the sympathies of the public. A few years ago, an athletic Irishman, standing by his coal cart, heard in our streets the cry of "Stop thief!" and saw a black man running. At one bound, he caught the fugitive.

The pursuer came up umTihank-ed him, saving, "The rascal is my slave." "Slave exclaimed the astonished Irishman; and slipping behind the master, he adroitly caused his feet to slide from under him, while he called out to the negro, "Run, man, run! While he assisted the master no to rise, he said, "By St. Patrick, if you had only called out 'Stop 1 should have known in the beginning whose heels to trip up." It is to be presumed that he was a newly arrived emigrant, and had not the fiery spark of Irish freedom naturalized out of him, in the process of making him "a true blue Democrat, dyed in the wool." In Hoston, the public have learned pretty thoroughly whose heels lo trip up, in similar cases and unless I mistake the Iree character of the State of New York, they are fust learning it here also. I have written more sarcastically than usual, but it is the voice of honest indignation, not of ill-will toward any living creature. The freedom which is so necessary to my own existence, 1 would guard as the sacred right of every human being, without reference to their nation, creed, or color. I am charged with the electricity of freedrm, and whoever touches me with word or deed of despotism, must expect to see the sparks fly.

My severe allusions to Democracy do not arise from the slightest degree of party-feeling. Uut because 1 do truly and cordially sympathize with the broadest theories of human brotherhood, therefore am I the more fiained and disgusted by the absurd and ug-y incongruity between pro-slavery practice, and clamoroui professions of free pnnriples. One latb specimen of this kind t-xcih-J my indignation to an unusual ucgrc-. Ly u.r old consuiuttou of Hits state, no colored man was allowed to vote unless ho possessed a fgf.lll remittances to be tmide, and nil letter! relating to ihe pecuniary tJf a in if the paper, to be mldressed (post paid) to the General' 1gent. Communicatwns intended for inter' lion lo be addressed to the Editors.

OTkrms: per annnm, or (inrariably required) if not paid within six month of the time of subscribing. Advkrtiskments making less than a square inserted three times for 75 cents: -ono squac $1. Printed for tht Publishing Committee hf II tIM.OOl). freehold estate of the value of $250. Whoi the new constitution was being formed effort wai made lo extend to this unoU'ending ami persecuted class the same rirht of suffrage grnnted to all other criminals.

This was by democratic Influence, and the law remained unchanged. Not satisfied with this, some of them wished to lake away even the small privilege which had been grunted in lieu of equal rights. They had the shamelessness to urge that coloied peope who possessed a freehold estate of the required value ought not to be allowed lo vole, because it was a violation of democratic principle to make property Ihe basis of suffrage. 'I his vindication of tyranny, in the sacred name of liberty, seemed to me the very climax of hypocrisy. Even Italian banditti will not let the handles of their daggers be made in Ihe form of a cross.

Saturday morning. A messenger from the Court informs me that the boy is again discharged, with long but very luminous reasons from Judge Edmonds why he was compelled to decide that the arrest vras an illegal one. The lad was immediately surrounded by eager friends, who carried him out of the cily at fell speed, amid loud hurras. Thank God, men cannot be telegraphed from Georgia, if neu-s can; otherwise, during these long formalities of law, the master might have come upon the poor fellow, and all his hours of agonizing fear and anxiety might have ended in a return to slavery. The Captain brought a suit against the lad for assault anil battery, for resisting hie attempt lo put him in iron9 and tho Mayor demanded ISIOOO hail.

But the friends of the fugitive, in order to meet this, hrouoht tt counter suit against the Captain. Finding it was iiKeiy to prove a troublesome tillatr, it was agreed mutually to withdraw thp suite. There is a slow fire under public opinion, in this matter; and pro-slavery men cannot al ways tell how to ralciil Ihe rise of the thermometer. Seven colored men have boon arrested for attempts lo rescue Ihe I id. A sir.uiL'o social jumble is this in which we live where men are even more liable to he imprisoned for obeying noble and generous impulses, than- for acting from base and selfish ones.

Uut the mixture of freedom and slavery in the elements of the same go eminent must of course make a strange jumble. L. M. U. Polygamy and Adultery in the Church, Our readers have often been informed that polygamy has been allowed in some ol the mission churches under the charge of the A-merican Hoard, but we presume "thnt it will startle them to bear that adultery ex'w J.i the mission churches.

Such is declared to us uiuujmii uui iii me re cent meeting of tho American Board by Rev. Mr. Paiton. The following is extracted from tho report of Mr. Palton'u speech as given in, the Boston Recorder; "Mr Patton then read a portion of a letter" written by Rev.

Mr. Griffin, a missionary in Oregon, who went out under the pntronage" of a pan of the churches in Litchfield county, Ct. Mr. G. suites that he found churches there, whose members were living ton-ether without marriage that he endedvored'for a time to persuade in private to marry, but not succeeding, was forced to preach on adultery.

This raised a storm. The people belled, and were sustained by every Protestant Missionary whom Ihey consulted, who declared that the time bad not yet come to make a stand against adultery. The letter charged the Methodist missionaries with special opposition on this account to Mr. and with baptizing the children of unconverted parents, and administcrirg tho LorJ'a Supper to one of their mpinhers who swore he would not marry his woman." Here Patton was interrupted by half a dozen persons vehemently, and in some cases calling him to order, and endeavoring to si-lence him. When he could again he heard.

Mr. Pation remarked "As the letter seems to be so obnoxious to the members of the Hoard, I will not quote from it further, only observing that 1 reirrel not himr nl.u a few sentences in addition, which implicate ono or more missionaries of this Board." What the extent of this mailer "pear be, if all the facts were bromrht in. light, we cannot say, but the above, if it can be relied upon, is sufficiently awful to startle the religious wt rid. Methodist ministers declaring that the time has not come to take a stand against adultery Methodist minis-ters administering the Lord's Supper to men who swear they will not marry the women with whom ihey Can any one tell in what century we live! Such a Gospel can never save the world. True IFts-leyun, Value of Mexico.

A Massachusetts paper asks in reference to the taking of Monterey, Now what would have been said to the negotiator who in his diplomacy should have ofl'i red S00 American citizens, 300 of them to have their heads knocked off and 200 lobe battered and bruised, cut to piece without mercy, for, say. New Mexico, California. and the coast as far as Tainpicot or for the whole of Mexico 1 Who would have paid the price! by the man who should have proposed it would have been put in iron wristbands as a mad man, it he had not been drawn and quartered by popular indignation. And what more are we to get for this 500 now sacrificed by the policy of Mr. Polk sanctioned by Mr.

Wtuthrop and Governor Briggs." Abolitionism The underground railroad is at present in active operation, and we are not at all surprised at it, for there are hundreds of Jree negroes In our cily at this present tune who are here contrary to law: besides, there is what is termed a Sorthern African Church organized in tht-, city, in which woamcndibly a very viul. hl o'llion i.aranuc a a u.i-sux.; lo when uv. ol is existence la out very iiiiusi sr. ujuii Uvcillc..