Anti-Slavery Bugle from Lisbon, Ohio on February 19, 1847 · Page 1
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Anti-Slavery Bugle from Lisbon, Ohio · Page 1

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PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY AT SALEM, COLUMBIANA CO., OHIO. JAMES BARNABY, Jr., General Agent. BENJAMIN S. JONES, ) r J. ELIZABETH JONES, J DIToRS. Pum.i8HtNO Committee: Samuel Brooke. James Barnahy, Jr., David L. Galbrealh, Lot Holmes. THE RANSOM. Letter to Frederick Douglass, with his Reply. DONCASTER, Dec. 12th, 1846. Dear Fkederick : This is the first letter of advice I ever wrote to yon it is the last. 1 like to bear the responsibility of my own existence. I like to see others bear theirs. I say what I am about to say, because I think it is my right and duty to say it; at the same time, not wishing to interfere with your rijrlit to follow my advice, or not, as you shall see lit. That Certificate of your freedom, that Dill of Snl. nf l,o,tv rf n1. fm.n ihn. .ill,,;,, Sale of your body and soul, from that villain. Auld, who dared to claim you ns a chattel, and set a price on you as such, and to demand and take a price for you as such, I wish you would not touch it. I cannot bear to think of you as being a party to such a transaction, even by silence. If others will take that paper, and keep it as an evidence of your freedom, you cannot prevent them ; hut I wish you would see it to be your duty, publicly to disown the deed, and never to recognize that hateful Bill ! nor to refer to it, as of any authority to establish the fact that yon are a Freeman, and nut a Slave a Man, nnd not a Chattel, The moment you entered a non-slave State, your position ceased to be Frederick Douglas, versus Thomas Auld, and became Frederick Douglass, versus the United Slates. From that hour, you became the antagonist of that Republic. As a nation, that Confederacy, professing to be based upon the principle, that Cud made yon free, and gave you an inalienable right to liberty, claims a right of property in your body and soul to turn you into a chattel, a slave, again, at any moment. That claim you denied; the authority and power of the whole nation you spurned and defied, when, by running away, you spurned that miserable wretch, who hold you as a slave. It was no longer a contest between you and that praying, psalm-singing slave-breeder, but a struggle between you and 17.000.000 of liberty-loving Republicans. By their laws and constitution, you are not a freeman, but a slate ; you are not a man, but a chattel. You planted your foot upon their laws nnd constitution, and asserted your freedom and your manhood. Yon arraigned your antagonist the slave-breeding Republic before the tribunal of mankind, and of Cod. You have stated your case, and pleaded your cause, as none other could state and plead it. r :.: .1 -' - r . i 11 i Your position, as the slave of that Repub lic, as the marketable commodity, the dehumanized, outraged man of a powerful nation, whose claim and power over you, you have dared to despise, invests you with influence, among all to whom your appeal is made, and gathers around you their deep-felt, absorbing, and efficient sympathy. Your appeal to mankind is not against the grovelling thief, Thomas Auld, but against the more daring, more impudent and potent thief the Republic of the United States of America. You will lose the advantages of this truly manly, and, to my view, sublime position ; you will be shorn of your strength you will sink in your own estimation, if you accept that detestable certificate of your freedom, that blasphemous forgery, that accursed Bill of Sale of your body and soul ; or, even by silence, acknowledge its validity. So I think. cannot think of the transaction without vexation. I would see you free you are free you always were free, and the man is i. villain who claims you as a slave, nnd should be treated as such ; and the nation is a blasphemous hypocrite, that claims power over you as a chattel. I would see your right to freedom, and to a standing on the platform humanity, openly acknowledged by every human being not on the testimony of a hit of paper, signed and scaled by an acknowledged thief, but by the declaration of a penitent nation, prostrate at your feet, in tears, suing to you and to Cod for forgiveness, the outrages committed against Cod and man, in your person. That slave-breeding nation has dared claim you, and 3,000,000 of your fellow-men, as chattels slaves to be bought and sold and has pledged all its power to crush you down, and to keep you from rising from ignorance to knowledge from degradation respectability from misery to happiness from slavery to freedom from a Chattel to Man. As an advocate for yourself, and your 3,000,000 brethren, you have joined issue with it and in the name of God and humanity, you will conquer! The nation must and shall be humbled before, its victims, not by a blasphemous bill of sale, alias Certificate of freedom, for which XI 50 are paid, but by renouncing its claim, blotting out slavery-sustaining constitution, acknowledge itself conquered, and seek forgiveness of victims of its injustice and tyranny. Thu plea, that this is the same as a ransom paid for a capture of some Algerine pirate, rr Bedouin Arab, is naught. You have eiready, by your own energy, escaped the grasp the pirato Auld. lie has no more power over you. The spell of his influence over you forever broken. Why go to him 1 Why ask the sacrilegious villain to set a price upon your body and soul I Why give him price I The mean, brutal slaveholder to price your freedom, your soul, in dollars and cents, and with cool, consuminale impudence, and villany unsurpassed, saying, 'I'll be satisfied with 750 dollars I'll give up my right of property in your person, acknowledge you to do a ireeman, anu nni slave, a man, and not a beast for XI Satisfied,' forsooth ! You cancelled his claims, when you turned your back upon him, and walked away. But the claims you as a slave. It does ! Let dare to assert that claim, and attempt your re-enslavement! It is worth running some risk, for the sake of the conflict, and the result. Your wife and children are there, it is and you must return to them ; hut the greater will be your power to grapplo with monster; tho shorter and more glorious "NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS." SALEM, OHIO, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 19, 1817, VOL. 2. XO. 29. WHOLE XO. 81. ANTI-SLAVERY BUGLE, j j j : . , 1)0 llie conflict; the more Hire and complete the victory, if vou tro as the antagonist of a n:,ion ,1,al cIi,ims -ou ns 8 lave BS c,i1- lurneu lino an nnicie hi inercuan- dize. i on would he arinpd with an irresist-ihle power, when, as a self-emancipated captive, yon arraigned that piratical Republic before the world. You would be sheltered nnd sustained by the sympathies of millions. The advantages of your present position should not bo sacrificed to a desire fur greater security. But I will go no fnrthei. You will think that what I have said has more of indignation than of reason in it. It may he so. reelinjr is olien a safer and a wiser guide than logic, r , ' ;,? ' , T E . , Pf Bmlt "" American slaveholder is the most guilty, and the meanest, the most impudent, most despicable, and most inexcusable in his quilt ; except it may be those, who in the non-slave Slates, nnd in Scotland and England, stand sponsors for his social respectability nnd personal Christianity, nnd who thus associate our Redeemer in loving fellowship with men who are iho living embodiment of the sum of all villa uy . I Before concluding I wish to add, that in I what I have said, I would not arraign the I motives of those who have, as they believe, sought to befriend you in this matter. I be-i lieve Anna Richardson, and nil who have ta-j ken part in this transaction, have been actuated by tho purest motives nf kindness to you and your family, nnd by a desire, thro' j the purchase cf your freedom, to benefit the I American slaves. But thry have erred in ! judgment, as it appears to me. Forgive this, i if it needs forgiveness. I delight to see you loved and honored by all. and to see you made an instrument by the Cod of the op-I pressed, of bumbling in the dust, that gigan-i tic liar and hypocrite, tho American Repub-I lie, that stands with llie Bible and Declara tion ol Independence in its hands, and Us heel planted on tho necks of 3,000,000 of slaves. Thir.e sincerely, H. C. WRIGHT. FREDERICK DOUGLASS'S REPLY. I I cf for to ; to a its the of is his daring and a 50.' nation it certain true, the will 22, St.. Vim's Siuarc, Manchester, ) ii'l Dec, ltUli. Henry C. Wright: Dear Friend . Your lclterof the 12:h December reached me at this place, yesterday. Please accept my heartfelt thanks for it. I ' am sorry that you deemed it necessary to as. sure me, that it would he tho last letter of .)..: ...... 1.1 :. t . i i i advice you would ever writo me. It looked ns if you were about to cast me off forever! I do not, however, think you mrant to convey any such meaning ; and if you did, I am sure you will see cause to change your mind, and to receive me again into the fold of those, whom it should ever be your pleasure to advise and instruct. The subject of your letter is one of deep importance, and upon which I have thought and felt much ; nnd, being the party of all others most deeply concerned, it is natural to suppose I have an opinion, and ought to be able to give it on all fining occasions. I teem this a fitting occasion, and shall act accordingly. You have given me your opinion : I am glad you havo done so. You have given it to me direct, in your own emphatic way. Yon never speak insipidly, smoothly, or minoingly ; you have strictly adhered to your custom, in the letter before me. I now take great pleasure in giving you my opinion, as plainly and unreservedly as you have given yours, and I trust with equal good feeling and purity of motive. 1 take it, that nearly all that can be said against my position is contained in your letter ; lor it any man in the wide world would he likely to find valid objections to such a transaction as the one under consideration, 1 regard you as that man. I must, however, tell you, that 1 have read your letter over, nnd over again, and have sought in vain to find anything like what I can regard ns a valid reason against the purchase if my body, nr against my receiving the manumission papers, if titty art ever presented to me. Let me, in the first place, stain the facts and circumstances ot the transaction which you so strongly condemn. It is your right to do so, and God forbid that I should ever cherish tho slightest desire to restrain you in the exercise of that right. I say to you at once, and in nil the fulness of sincerity, speak out; speak freely; keep nothing back; let me knew your whole mind. 'Hew to the line, though tho chips fly in my face.' Tell me, and tell mo plainly, when you think am deviating from the strict line of duty and principle; and when I become unwilling to hear. I shall have attained a character which I now despise, and from which I would hope to he preserved. But to the facts. I am in England, my family are in the U-nited States. My sphere of usefulness is the United States; my public and domestic duties are there ; and there it seems my duty to go. But I am legally the property Thomas Auld, and if I go to the United States, (no matter to what part, for there is no City of Refuge there, no spot sacred to freedom there,) Thomas Auld, aided by the American Government, can seize, hind and fetter, and drag me from my family, feed his cruel revenge upon ine, and doom me to unending slavery. In view of this simple statement of facts, a few fiiends, desirous of seeing me released from the terrible liability, and to relieve my wife and children from the painful trepidation, consequent upon the liability, and to place me on an ei.al looting of safety with nil other anti-slavery lecturers in the United Stales, and to enhance my usefulness by enlarging the field of my labors in the U-nited States, have nobly and generously paid Hugh Auld, the agent of Thomas Auld, 150 in consideration of which, Hugh Auld (acting as his agent) and the Government the United States agree, that I shall be free from all further legal liability. These, dear friend, are the facts of the wholo transaction. The principle here acted on by my friends and that upon which 1 I of 0f act in receiving the manumission papers, I deem quite defensible. First, ns to those who acted a my friends, and their actions. The actuating motive was, to secure me from a liability full of horrible forebodings to myself nnd family. With this object, I will do you the justice to say, I believe you fully unite, although sonn parts of your loiters would seem to justify a different belief. Then, as to the measure adopted to secure this result. Does it violate a fundamental principle, or does it not 1 This is the question, and to my mind the only question of importance, involved in the discussion. 1 believe that, on our part, no just or holy principle has been violated. Before entering upon the argument in sup-nnrt nf this vipw. I wi'l take the liberty (and I Lnnw vnn will nnrdon ill to say, I think - j - , j - . . . you should have pointed out some principle violated in the transaction, before you proceeded in pvhort me to reDentance. You have given me any amount of indignation against 'Auld' and the United States, in all which I cordially unite, anj fell refreshed by reading; but it has no bearing whatever upon the conduct of myself, or friends, in the matter under consideration. It does not provo that I t.ave done wrong, nor does it demonstrate what is right, or the proper course lo be pursued. Now that the matter has reached its present point, before entering upon the argument, let me say one other word; it is this 1 do not think you have acted quite consistently with your character for promptness, in delaying your advice till the transaction was completed. You knew of the movement at its conception, and have known it through its progress, and have never, to my knowledge, uttered one syllable against it, in conversation or letter, till now that the deed f is done. I regret this, not because 1 think your earlier advice would have altered the result, but because it would have lefl mo more free than I can now be, since the thing is done. Of course, you will not think hard of my alluding to this circumstance. Now, then, to the main question. The principle which you appear to regard as violated by the transaction in question, may be stated as follows : Every man ha a natural and inalienable right to himself. The inference from this is, 'that man cannot hold property in man' and as man cannot hold properly in man, neither can Hugh Auld nor the L'nited States have any right if property in me and having no right of property in me, thry have no right to sell me and, having no right to sell me, no one has a right to buy me. 1 think 1 have now staled the principle, and the inference from the principle, distinct ly and fairly. Now, llie question upon winch the whole controversy turns is, simply, this: does the transaction, which you condemn, really violate this principle ! I own that, to a superficial observer, it would seem to do so. But I think I am prepared to show, that, so far from being a violation of that princi ple, it is truly a noble vindication ol it. ue-iore going further, let me state here, briefly, what sort of a purchase would have been a violation of this principle, which, in common with yourself, I reverence, and am anxious to preserve inviolate. 1st. It would have been a violation of that principle, had those who purchased me done so, to make me a slave, instead if a freeman. And, 2ndly. It would have been a violation of that principle, had those who purchased me done so with a view to compensate the slaveholder, for what he and they regarded as his rightful property. In neither of these ways was my purchase effected. My liberation was, in their estimation, of more value than 100; the happiness and repose of my family were, in their judgment, more than paltry gold. The 150 was paid to the remorseless plunderer, not because he had any just claim to ii, but to induce him to give up his legal claim to something which they deemod of more value than money. It was not to compensate the slaveholder, but to release me troin Ins power ; not to establish my natural right to freedom, but to release me from all legal liabilities to slavery. And all this, you and l,and the slaveholders, and all who know anything of the transaction, very well understand. The very letter to Hugh Auld, proposing terms of purchase, informed him that those who gave, denied his right to it. The error of those, who condemn this transaction, consists in their confounding the crime of buying men into slavery, with the meritorious act nf buying men out of slavery, and the purchase of legal freedom with abstract right and natural freedom. 1 hey say, 'II you Buy, you recognize the right to sell. II you re- ceive, you recognize the right of the giver to give. And this lias a show ol truth, as wen as of logic. But a few plain cases will show Its entire lunacy. There is now, in this country, a heavy du ty on corn. The government of this country has imposed it ; and although i regard it a most unjust and wicked imposition, no man ol common sense will charge me with endor sing or recognizing the rTjlit of this govern. ment to impose this duly, simply because, lo prevent mysell and launly Irom starving I buy and eat this corn. Take another case : I have had dealings with a man. I have owed him one hundred dollars, and have paid it ; 1 have lost the re. ceipt. He comes upon me the 6econd lime lor the money. I know, and he knows, he has no right to it; but he is a villain, and has me in his power. The law is with him, and ngainst me. I must pay or he dragged to jail. I choose to pay the bill a second time. To say 1 sanctioned his right to rob me. because I preferred to pay rather than go to jail, is to utter an absurdity, to which no sane man would give heed. And yet the principle of action, in each of these cases, is the same. The man might indeed say, the claim is unjust and declare, I will rot in jail, before I will pay it. But this would not, certainly, be demanded by any princi ple ot truth, justice, or humanity ; and how- fvnr niiif.il wr i r i . ' 1 1 1 nn n HnnR.n in TKaiifMrii -I. j: l. his daring, but litife deference could bo paid to his wisdom. The fact is, we act upon Ibis principle every day of our lives, and we have an undoubted right to d.i so. When I came to this country from the United States. I came in the second cabin. And why 1 Not because my natural right to come in the first cabin was not as good as that of any other man, but because a wicked and cruel prejudice decided, that the second cabin was the place for me. By coming over in the second, did I sanction or justify this wicked proscription I Not nt all. It was the best I could do. I acted from necessity. One other case, and I have done with this view of the subject. 1 think ynu will agree with me that the case I am now about to put is pertinent, though you may not readily pardon mo for making yourself the agent of my illustration. The case respects ihe passport system on the Continent of Europe. That system you utterly condemn. You look upon it as an unjusl and wicked interference, a bold and infamous violation of the natural and sacred right of locomotion. You hold, (and so do I,) that the image of our common Coil ought to be a passport all over the habitable world. But bloody and tyrannical go vernments have ordained otherwise : thev usurp authority over you, and decide for you, on what conditions you shall travel. They say you shall have a passport, or you shall ie put in prison. iow, the question is, have thy a right to prescribe any such terms 1 and do you, by complying with these terms, sanction their interference 1 I think you will answer, no; submission to injustice, nnd sanction of injustice, are different thing ; and he is a poor reasoner who confounds the two, and makes them one nnd llie same thing Now, then, for the parallel, and the appli cation ol the passport system to my own case. I wish to go to the United States. I have a natural right to go there, and be free. My natural right is as good as Ihatofllugh Auld, or James K. Polk; but that plundering go vernment says, I shall not return to the Uni ted Slates in safely it says, I must allow Hugh Auld to rob me, or my friends, of JL150, or be hurled into the internal jawsol slavery 1 must have a 'bit of paper, signed and seal ed,' or my liberty must be taken from mo and I must be lorn from my family and friends. The government of Austria said to you, 'Dare to come upon my soil, without a passport, declaring you to be an American citizen, (which you say you are not,) you shall at once be arrested, and thrown into prison.' What said you to that Government! Did you say that the threat was a viilanous dna, and an infamous invasion of your right of locomotion ! Did you say, 'I will come upon your soil ; 1 will go where I pleasa ! I dare nnd defy your government !' Did you say, 'I will spurn your passports ; I would not stain my hand, and degrade myseit, y touching your miserable parchment. You have no right to give it, and I have no right to lake it. I trample your laws, and will put your constitutions under my feet! I will not recognize them : as this your course! No ! dear friend, it was not. Your practice was wiser than your theory. You took the passport, submitted lo be examined while travelling, and availed yourself of all the advantages of your 'passport' or, in other words, escaped all the evils which you ought to have done, without it, and would have done, but for the tyrannical usurpation in Europe. 1 will not dwell longer upon this view oi the subject; and I dismiss it, feeling quite satisfied of the entire correctness of the reasoning, and the principle attempted to be maintained. As to the expediency of the measures, different opinions may well prevail ; hut in regard to the principle, I feel it difficult to conceive of two opinions. I am free to say, that, had I possessed one hundred and fifty pounds, I would have seen Hugh Auld kicking, before I would have given it to him. I would have waited till the emergency came, and only given up the money when nothing else would dr. But my fiiends thought it best to provide against the contingency ; they acted on their own responsibility, "and I am not disturbed about the result. But, having acted on a true principle, 1 do not feel free to disavow their proceedings. In conclusion, let me say, I anticipate no such change in my position as you predict. I shall be Frederick Douglass still, and once a slave still. I shall neither be made to forget nor cease to feel the wrongs of my ensla ved fellow-countrymen. My knowledge of slavery will be the same, and my hatred of it will be the same. My the way, i nave never made my own person and suffering the theme of public discourse, but have always based my appeal upon the wrongs of the three millions now in chains; and these shall still be the burthen of my speeches. You intimate that I may reject the papers, and al low them to remain in the hands of those friends who have effected the purchase, and thus avail myself of the security afforded by them, without sharing any part oi the responsibility of the transaction. My objection to this is one of honor. I do not think it would be very honorable on my part, lo remain silent during the whole transaction, and giving it more than my silent approval ; and then, when the thing is completed, and I am safe, attempt to play tho hero, by throwing off all the responsibility in the matter. It might ho said, and said wilh great propriety, 'Mr. Douglass, your indignation is very good, and has but one fault, and that is, it comes too late!' It would be a show of bravery when the danger is over. From every view I have been able to take of the subject, I am persuaded to receive the papers, if presented not, however, ns a proof of my right to be tree, for that it self-evident, but as a proof that my friends have been legally robbed of 130, in order to secure that which is the birthright of every man. And I will hold up those papers before the world, in proof of the plundering character of the American government. It shall be the brand of i"'1'"1'' stamping the nation, in whose name the deed ...... , .- .... r n r- was done, as a great aggregation u. lu '. critcs, thieves and liars-and their coi.dcm- nation is just. Thpy declaro that all men are created equal, and have a natural and inalienable right to liberty, while they rob me of JLl.it), as a condition ol my enjoying this natural and inalienable rijlit. It will be their condemnation, in ihrii own hand-wriiing, and may he held up to llie world ns a means of bumbling that haughty republic into repentance. I ngree wilh yon. tint the contest which I have lo wage is against the government of tho United States. But the representative of that government, is the slaveholder, Thomas Auld. He is cominnnder-in-'lm-f of the army and navy. The whole civil nnd naval force of the nation urn at his disposal. He may command all these to his assistance, nnd bring them nil lo bear upon me. until I am maJe entirely subject to bis will, or Biibmit lo bo robbed myself, or allow my friends lo be robbed of seven hundred nnd fifty dollars. And rather than be subject to his will, I have submitted to be robbed, or allowed my friends lo be robbed, of Ihe seven hundred and fifty dollars. Sincerely yours. FREDERICK DOUGLASS. Report of the Select Committee To which had been a Petition a Dissolution of the Union. In Senate— February 3, 1847. Mr. ConDARD. from Ihe Select Committee, mado the following REPORT: Tho Selec. Committee to which was referred the memorial of certain inhabitants of tho counties of Columbiana and Mahoning, praying the General Assembly of the State oi unio, lo declare the federal Union dissolved, now report It did not need the instructions of the Senate to induce the Committee to report adversely to the prayer of the petitioners. The proposition is traitorous and disloyal. It is not a thing to be entertained, or reasoned upon. The perpetuity of the Union should be assumed regarded as a fixed fact, not to be debated or questioned. Attachment to Ihe Union should be a feeling a sentiment in every American breast. It should be instinctive. The American should imbibe it with his mothei's milk. It should grow with his growth and strengthen with his strength be the confidence of his youth, Ihe pride of his manhood, and the solace of his old age. Next to the dulies which an American owes to his God, are the duties he owes to his country. The first of ihese is. Preserve the JUnion ; the second, Preserve the Union; the third, Preserve the Union. The value of tho Union cannot be calcu lated ; if it could, Ohio could show how vastly important that Union is to her. Centrally situated, her citizens sending the products of their industry at one season, through the artificial channels of Ihe North, and at another by the great river of the South, findingaccess to Ihe Ocean at points 2,000 miles apart, what portion of the Union could Ohio spare 1 here would she draw ihe dividing line I Shall tho beautiful river which forms her Southern boundary, now teeming with peace ful commerce, free as the air we breathe, and witnessing no hostilities but the generous competition of nn enterprising people, shall that bo the boundary line between independent and unconnected States 1 Then, may we expect to see arrayed upon the opposite banks the Hostile armies ol Ihe divided nations. Bristling cannon shall supplant the waving wheat upon its hills the march of armed men tread down tho products of its vallies, and the waters of the Ohio be discolored wilh the blood of her sons. Are our citizens pre pared for this! Can the memorialists, many of whom belong to the genller sex, averse lo civil commotion and bluodshed ministering angels to man w hen pain and sickness dis tracts him, tempering with their soilness the rough asperities cf man's nature can they willingly see such possible consequences wilh complacency ! VV hen the first l'resulent or the United States, the Father of his Country, was about retiring from that high office to which Ihe partiality of his grateful countrymen had twice unanimously called him, he addressed to thein an affectionate letter, prompted only by the great love he bore to the people he had saved, and containing sentiments which should bo perpetually cherished hy the American people. This paper, usually styled Washington's Farewell Address, and bearing date September 17, 179f, should, next to Ihe Bible, be the daily reading of our people. His warning voice must be forgotten, his counsel's contemned nnd disregarded, before any one can be willing to raise a parricidal hand against the union of these States. The committee recommend the adoption the lollowlng resolutions: Resolved, That Ihe memorialists have liberty to withdraw their memorial. Jicsolved by the General Assembly nf Stale if Ohio, That Iho Secretary of State cause lo be printed, an edition of Waslung-ton's Farevell Address, and distributed each School District in the Slate. CHARLES R. GODDARD, JOHN MARTIN. ALFRED P. EDGFRTON. Our readers can learn from the following, the disposition made of the above report. Mr. Goddard from the select committee which was referred the petitions asking for a dissolution of the I nion, made a report against tho prayer of the petitioners, concluding wilh a resolution directing Ihe print-in" ofWashington's Farewell Address, and Ihe distribution of one copy lo each School District in Ihe State; which was adopted. Mr. Thornbill offered a joint resolution providing lor the printing of 5000 extra copies of the report. Mr. Welch moved to amend so as to ex- cept from the priming that part of the report charges that the prayer of the peti- tioners is " traitorous and disloyal." Mr. Perkins said that the Constitution and Bill of Rights recognized the right of the people at any lime lo alter or abolish their! government. Hi- regarded the ehaf"t- against Qj-All remittance to be made, and all letter relating In the pecuniary affair of the paper, In be addressed (post paid) to the General Agent. Communication intended for inter' t ion tit be addressed to the Kdilor. fJ3 Tkrms : $1,50- per annum, or 1,75 invariably required) if not paid within six months of ihe time of aubseribrpg-.- Advertisements making less than a square inserted three times for 73 cents: on square $1. Printed fir Hit Publishing Committee fry a. is. n.iri;oi. the petitioners of " treason," as a gross liuef. The amendment of Mr. Welch was lost-yeas 13, nay 21 ; and the resolution was agreed to. Intolerance at the South. of Under this caption one of the Philadelphia papers gives an account of some very unusual and violent proceedings in the county of Accomac, in Virginia. The Methodists of that district, it appears, decline dissolving their connection with Ihe Philadelphia Conference, nnd refuse to join the .Southern church. For this conduct they have been arraigned as enemies to Ihe institutions of the South. It is said thnt no word or act of abolitionism is charged or suspected; the head and front of their offending is, that they dare to worship their Creator in Communion with Christians of the North.- An excited popu lar meeting has been held to denounce their course, at which Judge Searburgh, if we mistake not, the successor of Judge UpRhur, consented to make an address. Shortly after, a pamphlet was issued by Judge Searburgh, William P. Bayly (brother of the meinberof Congress) and various others, enjoining submission upon Ihe Methodists The North American, which contains alt these particulars, has, ns usual with every thing (hat it relates, attempted to grve the matter n party coloring, but proceeds to relate the following particulars. A letter written Irom Accomac expressed surprise to find men who hesitate not to swear and drink,' ' eallinar upon the christians to bow down to the Cod of this world.' This pamphlet is before us. We did not suppose it possible that conspicuous and influential men could be found at the south willing to lend their names to such a publication. It abounds in the wildest and most sweeping denunciation of the north, and proscribes all connection with it, in terms the most virulent. Not only is it, in effect, a plea for Ihe dissolution of Ihe Union, but for entire non-intercourse wilh the North. It asks, 1 Can a slave-holding community always rely upon pnfesrions, even from preachers 1 ' and adds that a man 1 when asked, are you an abolirronis! J ' to answer 'No, is wholly unsatisfactory. The interrogator is precisely where he was before tho question was asked neither wiser nor better informed, as to the real character of the person in lerrogated.' "The address regards the continuance ef Christian connection with a Northern church, as itself, an overt act of abolitionism. It says, ' the civilized world rras signed and sealed the doom of slnvery '. Friends of tho Methodist church in Accomac, were you parties to this death-warrant! Is your seal attached to it! And again, 'is it possible that they can flatter the : selves no mischief is to grow out of such a connexion 1 ' Upon another page, Judge Searburgh- asks v " Can we sustain practices- m a Body of Christians which we would spum and revolt at, if done in our Legislatures or other public assemblages! Will we sustain and adhere to a conference which allows Ihe introduction of negro testinMmy in church trials-ngainst while ners ins, which is to expel ua from the church of our choice and disgrace us-in the eyes of our fellows, when in trials at law wo will not tolerate their testimony evci where a sixpence is involved ! " "But, lest this language should not be sufficiently explicit, the vengeance of the mob is distinctly threatened against this body ot Christians, themselves slaveholders, and whose only offence is communion wilh the Philadelphia conference. ' We cannot,' says the address, 'believe the Methodist of this county will longer desire to continue, OK THE PUBLIC LONGER TOLERATE. their connection with the Northern Church."' The address appeals in a most violent and rationale manner, as we should judge by the extracts from it, to the feelinns of the pco- 1 .k... .i:...:-. i ... . ' in nni, uimmi'i, ano noi w ithout etlecl, as these facts seem lo show. A letter in the "Snow Hill Shield," states "That in consequence of the excitement produced by Ihe town meeting and pamphlet, a strange scene was witnessed on Sabbath at ' Guilford meeting house.' A number of rioters, with a loaded cannon, awaited the approach of the preacher in charge, determined to destroy him. He did not arrive, and the chivalry that loaded a cannon to assasinate a minister of the Cod of Peace, were deprived ui nieir iruiic ana viciim. Upon another occasion, the moh surrounded the church during service, discharging guns, throwing stones, and exciting the greatest alarm in the female worshippers.- At length they entered the church nnd dispersed Ihe congregation, threatening the life of lb preacher if he dared lo return. -V, T. Post. Black Laws. the lo j : nothing hut a W hig trick to shun responsi-wnich bility, and save the integrity of the party, to j keep their promises to the Abolitionists of j Ohio, and retain their allegiance lo the nni-the - versal Whig parly at Washington. The Whigs are fast earning Ihe title of "Artful Dwlijers." Cin. Herald. The Ohio Statesman, of Friday, says; "'Die bill to repeal Ihe black kiws passed! the House of Representatives last night, by a vole of 31 to 30 a parly vote, w ith the exception of .Mr. Russell of Portage, and Mr. VRllandigbam. "Mr. Clark of Franklin voted for Ihe repeal, and Mr. Noble of Franklin had private business out of the House at the time, and did not vote. Tho vote on this Question will be found in the proceedings. "The bill proposes to reneal thesa ! provided the people sanction rt at tho election. That is a time when scarcely one-third of the votes of the State are east. "This morning, Mr. Vallundigham moved a reconsideration of the vote of last nirit, but the motion failed. "The bill came up before the Senate this morning, nnd was referred to the committee on the Judiciary." The introduction of the bill to submit the question of repeal to the neoule. is. of miirh.

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