Anti-Slavery Bugle from Lisbon, Ohio • Page 1

efi ingle. 1 I i 4 to if AIM'S 11. lloMXSOX, EDITOR. "NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS." pearsox, run usui so Mr VOL. M.

NO. 22. SALEM, COLUMBIANA COUNTY, OHIO, SATURDAY, JANUARY 15, 1850. WHOLE NO. 69-2; i ifi i in The Anti-Slavery Bugle.

From the Cincinnati Gazette. FORESHADOWINGS OF DOOM FOR THE POLITICAL POWER OF SLAVERY. 1 One of tho clearest proofs that tlio afnir thie' world arc controlled hj a righteous, moral Giver nor. is seen in the (not thnt every wrung system contains tho power which will work its ruin, nnd very wrong aorr is seen weaving witti nn own bands the net by which he is snared nt length. In th preparation and rendering of retributions which belong; to earth, two things are often so plain as to attract general attention a fatuity of minj in tho workers of iniquity, by which in nil tbeir scheme, the, seem to choose tho very nie.ne' a 8na tnan.lcsUMon v.

mu ill U) vruCUng 01 events which makes destruction sure. The solemn interest which we feel in tracing tho history of some great ctime, is caused mainly by the consciousness that nn unseen hand is spread. tag the toils in which the perpetrator will be at Inst. The great dread which some times overmasters the soul of the murderer, is not much a fear of mere huinnn skill or effort, as an apprehension that God himself is arraying nil lenoics against him, so that bis best devised plans for concealment nnd escape will prove the very means of exposure and punishment. These print oiples are ns applicable to wrong political notions as to individuals, and the history of the attempts of the slave power to subdue the North and bring the whole country into subjection to its own per petual dictatorship, shows in the most conclusive manner, that lie who rules the destinies of nations has sealed it fur ruin, and is guiding it surely to it end, and thnt its cliicf supporters in selecting the means of its detence, have chosen precisely those best adapted to render its downfall certain.

The lesson which this history in ome of its main features presents may be profitably studied both by the North and South, for it foreshadows tho tnl of our national controversy too clearly to admit of mistake. If we look at the main even's uf the ftruggle, we cannot resist tho conclusion ihut not only id the seal set, but tint the leaders of the lave power have been, and still are, the chosen instruments of its ruin. At tha time when Juhn Quincy Adams undir took to vindicate the right of petition, the country was comparatively at peace in regard to the insli- tutions and policy of the South. The people ul the North knew little of the character of slavory or of the spirit and designs of the Southern leaders. Had the Southern statesmen of that day, combined thir wisdom to devise the best method of laying bare to all tho world, the true character of their yetem, to urract attention to the offensive spirit of their policy, and make it the universal suljrct of thought andisouHsion, Ihey could have con rived nothing admirably fitted to produce these results, ns tho vfry method which they adopted to hut out the light and reoder discussion impossi ble.

The Athert gag, nnd the assault upon Mr Adams rondered it inovitablo that the whole in of Congress, and of parties should bp thenceforth used to arouse and rnliht the people, and now every schoolboy of the North i familiar with the character of Slavery utid the de signs of its leaders, and beyond all other topics il has been since the subject of Congressional debate. The which hnva been made in regard to the secret history of lli-s Foote which gave rise to the debate between Mr. Webster, and Mr. Il.iyne, present another instance in which Southern leadcts seem to have been guided on to ruin by an unseen hand while they thought themselves most wise. The double ol j-ct of that lution as has been said, was to separate the West from the Hast, am! by nn affiliation of the South and the West, and a suitable system of internnl improvements, direct the commerce of the Missis-tippi valley up the Southern seabourd.

Hence the fioroo attack upon Etstern character, institutions and policy nnd hence, also, the proposed lit eral policy toward the West in regard to tho public lands. The result is known. The South was most signally dofenled, and the very measure by which she proposed to cripple the Northern cities bound the Wait and the East together by inseparable eonneoi tione, and has built up empires in the Great Yub wtey, which pour their whole wealth into tho cities of tbe North. Again, to remedy this mistake, and contract this Northwestern development the South deemed it necessary to provide new territory fur the expansion of the slave system, forgetting that a living thing only can grow, and that slavery is only a doatb and a deoay. Texas was, therefore, forced Upon tbe North, the rw material, as was thought, out of which to manufacture at leisure and to or der, at least four slave States.

The fatal nature of this acquisition begin now to appear. Whether now to divide Texas, in order to save one slave or run the risk of yielding all to free labor the question which tbe Sjuth has on its hand present a very pretty subject on whieb to exeri oise her skill. Before the present could be foreseen, however, the South, intoxicated with supposed succc.s, and with visions of new born slave States, brought on tbe further dismemberment uf Mexico, by which he secured at once the whole Pacifio (lope for frsou) and has also rendered inevitable tbe for' nation of more free states in what was Northern Mexiua. a tho mean time tbe Nurthero mind needed to be agitated and embittered anew, in preparation for coming events, and Southern statesmen seem again lo havs been stirred by some pow. above themselves, to forge another instrument for.

tbe destruction of their power. They contrived and madly insisted upon the Fugitive Slave Bill, than which nothing could have been thought Of better Gtted to goad tbe North, and arouse a pirit of hostility and retaliation and just when the Northern people were thoroughly stirred, and it peeded but auutber act of aggression and injustice to prepare them fur action, then tbe Missouri Compromise was destroyed, in tbe absurd expecta tion that tbe slave system oould extend itself can be secured. Out the same fatality attends en this sehe.no of the South. It begins to appear if openiri(? of tMa raiwny wnuM only prove mean of itltr(1ducing more easily, and quickly, I and of the North, nnd so in- I northward. As the result, Knnsns is free, ft nil she to likely to oflVr two Juung free slates for the no.

ceptnnce of the South. Again snuilirrn leaders have insisted upon the southern route for tha Pacific Railroad, nnd hnve resisted nil notion until their own fuvorito project iur. rr.t hole South. western border. Nor Is this fear a grnundles one.

As in every previous step of her policy, tho South is snared in her own devices. Another instneco is afforded by tho manner in (which the South has cherished ntid deteudei the elave nouriehed it into a m0f, imv)tUint branch but how tlo did she foresee that in so doing, she -was build ing up two conflicting interests that would in the end divido her counsels. Just when the high price of slaves so presses upon the extreme South, as to render the reopening of the slave trade, desirable, the northern producers of slaves are ready to unite with the free Noilli nnd declare that it shall not be (June. As a final result, just when the leaders of the eitrcnie South were exulting over their supposed victories, they aro beginning to nwnke to the con. sciousness that they have lust nil, and have been singing triumphs while on their march to political ruin nnd woreo than nil, nt the very timo when the whole strength of the South is needed to sustain the fire eating ing, tho Northern border States I are coming into sympathy with tho free North, and nro inviting the skill nnd capital of the free lahorer, and far nnd wide the significant question is spreading, is not free labor more profitable than that of the slave Such are some of the foreshnd nwinga uf doom for tho slave power us a political despotism.

Every blow aimed nt free labor has Bmitten bnck fatally upon the siniter. Under the guidance of a higher power it has been working out its own ruin while consutnnte skill, and far-sighted politicians, both North and South, ate beginning to adjust themselves to the changed aspects cl the future ihey sco already thnt the slave power is virtually dethroned, nnd that tho Government must aoon be administered upon national basis. From the Ohio State Journal. SOUTHERN VIEW OF THE SLAVE TRADE. The Richmond Enquirer bus an article on the slave trade nt the South, in which tbe editor very reasonably remarks; 'We can readily see hr.w foutliern men may op pose tho opening of tbe African Slave Trade with the the question uf economy hut we cannot see how Southern men, Lclioving the institution of slavery to be a Heaven-appoint nnd wiFe insiitution, both formatter and slave, denounce tho introduction of moro slaves ioto the South, an an infamous crime.

There is no avoiding ilio conclusion arrived nt in tho articles on the subject in this paper. slavery is rich! any where, it is right etery where If slave aro held by the sumo tuiuro ns other property, they are cntitltd to the same govern uient protection, nnd the owners cannot Ijo deprived of their property. The principles, ruw declar ed, that slavery is in itself, and is protected ly tho constitution in nil the territories of the I'liited Stn'cs, and our law of Conuress declaring slavery on tho ocean piracv. the must glaring contradiction that ever existed in nny government civilized or savage. Is not the ocean, us much the land, territory of the I'nited S.ate.o, us far as the jurisdiction of government over its ow citi zens concerned Why is slavery so very un amphibious a principle, thnt it lives on U.

S. terra tries on land, but dies under U. S. jurisdiction on the water This glaring inconsistency cannot exist. There are but two roads out of it.

One is tho establishment of slavery universally. The other is the restoration of the only true principle that slavery is always wrong, that it is only toler uted in the slave States, and is piracy everywhere under the jurisdiction of the general government All common sense nnd sound reason declare the latter, but in the South, interest requires the former, and this is the course the Enquirer tukes Starting un the basis that trade in American tie groes is right, its argument is logical agiinst the right of Congress to suppress it. Our limits prei vent extracting mnre than enough to show the general tenor of the argument. "The Constitution gives Congress the power to 'define nnd punish piracy and felonies on tbe high seas, and offenses against the law of Now, buying negroes in Africa, or eveu stealing them there, is neither piracy or felony committed on the continent of Africa, but cannot be on 'the high I'nder this power Congress has de. clared that 'murder or robbery, committed on tbe high setts, or in any river, bJen or lay, out of the jurisdiction: of any particular fiate or any oflonte, which, if committed within the hody of the country, would, by tbe law of the Luiteu State be punishable ith death should be ad' judged to be piracy and felony, and pui.ishable with death-' This i a definition germain tu the law of nations, ami hence within the provision of tbe Constitution.

But, not satisfied with this definition, Congress ha exteodod niracv to include slave tradiug, aud with the exercise of tho same power, eould include the trade iu opium under the definition of piracy. Tbe power to 'de-Sue' piracy is not lo say what offense thall be pira oy, but what offense art piracy by the law of notions. The framera uf tbe Constitution never meant that Congress should punish the trade in vncivilized negroes, while it proteeted tbe trade in oivilezed negroes. "The African slave trade is not 'an offense against the law of fur every nation has at one time or another euooursged and protected it." Ia an article on the slaver Wanderer, oopied into this paper from tbe Savannah Republican, tbe editor remarked, with apparent superfluity, tbat no una ever entered into tbe slave trade to estab lish a principle. The En'inirer takes the opposite view uf tho affair.

It declares that many honorable man believe the laws prohibiting the slave trade unconstitutional tbty expect no relief from Congress, and look to the Supreme Court, "but constitutional points can only arise before the Sui preme Court, through the instrumentality of a "rate," and a "caie' involving the constitutional ity of these laws can only ariso out of their vio lation. This violation has been made, not from the hope of pecuniary gain, but as a means of deciding a question which they believe involves submission to an unconstitutional (m henco not bi nding) law, or dissolution of the Union to avoid the consequences resulting from submission to an unconstitutional precedent," Hence it seems there is a principle involved in the matter, nn which depends the permanency tf the Union, If, after all the labor that ha been expeuded in saving tbe Union, it is now brought to the brink of a precipice by the arrival nf this, perhaps bogus, slaver, Wanderer, the "lot her: slido" sentiment, attributed to Mr. Banks, may become a relief. What is the stability of a Union worth, that enn be knocked out of its propriety by a singlo cargo of Africans? The Enquirer concludes a tong article as follows "But there are ninny other Issues involved in the revision of tho laws now prohibiting the slave trade, which we desire to be mnde, nnd which we believe will be nccumplished by the discussion in the "Echo" and 'wanderer' questions. "We hope this discussion will liberate our coun try from the "entangling nlliarce" of the lnve trade treaties.

We hope this discussion will wipe from the statute books those laws which now cas1 dishonorable reflections upon the institution of by the punishment they inflict upon those who may engngo In it. Wo hope this discussion may prohibit American national vessels from pursuing and capturing tbe vessels uf any nation other than the United States, who may be engaged in the foreign Blave trad a If any other nation desires to engngo in it, we have no objection nnd we wnnt to see the United St.ites occupy this position saying to the world "slavery is right, and the sooner you introduce it the better for your national health." We prohibit our own citizens from bringing any more slaves from Africa, not thnt we beliove it to be wrong, but because we believe, from economical principles, that we bave enough here already." The "Barkis" of the Suprsme court "is willing," undoubtedly. That institution, high exalted above popular prejudice, can discover slavery eu preme everywhere an excellent tonio for the health the Hack drop tho "rhubarb senna and purgative drug" to purge away the evils of tbe nation. But it is the fate of the attempt to establish sin- very on principle, to gain nothing but a trend mill progress. The more it is established in theory the more glaring its inconsistencies become, All slaves have at sums time i.een stolen.

Successive shillings of tho plunder do not void the owner's right to his property, nnd the owner is ever pres ent to assert it. If the Supreme Court declares tho slave tiade legal and proper, the negroes, sto in Africa, may be boo 'lit of their native chiefs or traders and transported to America, shielded by the government, which having established the principle tli.it possessijn uf stolen negroes is all the points of the law, is bound to defend it. II the principle is sound, the original robber medi-urns lire unnecessary to it. Americans who make a descent on the coast of Africa and seize the negroes themselves, luivt acquired tho same legal title, nnd the same right to protection. The Enquirer pronounced it the extreme of absurdity to declare the trade in civilized negroes in America right, nnd that in uncivilized m-grocs in Africa wrung.

Tho Enquirer is sound. If the slave trade is right in America, it is rig'at in Africa. If kidnuppiiig negroes is right in Africa, and the possessor enfitled to the protection of government, for his stolen slaves, the principla is limited by no longitudinal parallel, utid kidnapping negroes in America is right, and entitled to the same pro tection. A strung force uf kidnappers could make a much more profitable descent on tho large plantations of Alabama and Missippi, tbno on the Af rtcan coast; and thus uvuid all the cost and loss uf the middle passage and as soon as they bud actually secured possession uf the negroes, government would be compelled to protect them in it. The first effect uf this beneficient principle, which Is tu secure the national health, would bo to declare the unconstitutionality of the fugitive eluve law.

That would be done, of course, as goon as a Kentucky negro cuuld be stolen, so a to make a case. No relief being expected from Congress in this matter, we must look to tbe Supreme Couit. But this is only the beginning of tbe benefit of this principle. If possession of stolen negroes on the high seas, or anywhere else, is a elear title, it is tbe tame with other property. Tbe vital part ul slavery on principle, is that slave proporty is the same as other property so, if a right cau be acquired by stealing in one case, it can in both; therefore our Supreme Court wuuld be compelled to declaie all laws punishing stealing unconstitutional, a soon as a case could be made, and tbis would ma le at once, for no relief can be ex from Cunizrees in this matter.

Titers will be no end of benefit" to the national health if the Supreme Court will oa! declare the principle that stealing, or trading in stolen property i legitimate commerce, and entitled to be protected by tbe right arm of tbe Government, Tui Old Slav Trad and Wuo Covpuei It. The whole number of African slaves, imported Charleston, from the 1st of January, 1804, to the 31st uf December 1807, was 33,775, being an of 0,814 a year. Tbe number of arrivals of slavers in tbat period was 202 of which 70 be- longed lo Great Britain, 61 lo Charleston, 59 to Rbodo Island, 4 to Baltimore, 3 to Franoo, 10 to Norfolk, and 1 each to Boston, Hartford and Sweden. Of the tlavee brought in, much the larger part oame in the British vessel. They amount to 10,519.

The three Frenoh vessel brought 1,078. Of tbe vetselt nominally owned in Charleston, the greater part of the cargo nnd doubtUtt the vessels too, in fact belonged to non-residents, so list of 8.CC3 slaves brought by those vessel only 2,000 are set down as really belonging merchants, and planters of Charleston and vicinity. Next to tho British, the Khode Islander bad the largest share in the business, and it is a noticeablt fact in this connection, that Captain Towosend, of the slaver Echo, is a Rhode Island man, perhaps the ton or grandson of some of thoee old slave traders. Bristol in Rhode Island, imported into Charleston, during tho four years, 3.914 slave, Newport, 2,4 18, Trovidence. 55G, and Warren 280, making in tbe whole 8,238, brought in by Rhode Islanders.

Baltimore is set down for 750, Savannah for 300, Norfolk 287. Hartford 250, Boston 550, Phildel phia 200, New Orleans 100. Of the consignee of the vessels, 01 were British, 88 were Rhode Islanders, 13 native of Charleston, and 20 French, counting tbe same person, we suppose, a many times over a be bad different vetselt consigned to him. For the Tribune. TERRIBLY FRIGHTENED.

Repubjican, as a faithful oonservator of the pub-at Jiu moral and fety, ha performed bi task in a way that (bow bim true ion of the prolific Moth-average er of Great Men. "Firebrands," be declares, "are not suitable pabuft'm for Southern youth," which A born Yankee who get his own living, and never in his life appropriated without consideration a dollar uf another man's wages, is, uf ouutse-incapable of apprehending what it is to be "one of the Chivalry," and a member of a First Family. But we nevertheless take the liberty uf believing that it must sometimes be the most unhappy of conditions. The number of realities in this life of which a sensitive man may have some legitimate apprehension is so great that he is id very pitiable circumstance who i compelled to be afraid of things which a plebian northern boy, not out of his petticoats, would face, with a wooden sword, without wincing. Here comes to us, for instance, a Virginia Democratic news-paper, The Blue ltiilyc Republican, with it leading article beaded "Fire brands Afloat," and it is evident tbat the whole Oounty ofCulpepper is in an alarming state of panic seeing visiuns of outrage and arson, and dreaming dreams uf throats cut from ear to ear.

Perhaps it is our distance from the uene of distress, perhaps a want of proper sensitivness and chivalric senti. nient which naturally attends those who bave not in their veins a single drop of that blood which has flowed through an unbroken line af Virginia chevaliers; but we cannot help suggesting tbe inquiry, whether a "fire-brand" that was "afloat" would not be likely to bo what tbe negroes called -'squencbed," and whether the apprehension that the river would be eet on fire by tbat mean was nut slightly premature. At any rate we confess. without the sliifhtest blush of shame, tbat did we five in a community where floating fire-brand, ex posed us to such terrors, we should flee at once, like the wicked man, whom no one pursuetb, to the nearest depot of the Underground Railroad, if no better refuse were offered us, and escape to a country where we could have the blessed privilege of becoming a "mud-sill" and enjoying an undis turbed belief that any combustible wnich it well overboard is past all mischief. The particular fire-brund which lias recently spread its gatrish, and frightful, and portentous light through the Culpepper region of Virginia, came through toe P.is'.-Olfice, and, "the wrapping being paper accidentally came open," which, considering tho nature of the inclosuro, was not strange.

Such accidents, however, to Not them packages are nut uncommon in Southern post- offices, and can only be looked upon as providential. The package in question was addressed to Maria G. Underwood, tbe wife of Mr. John G. Underwood now of tbis city, but formerly uf Virginia, though that, of course, could have nothing to do with th "accident" which happened to it.

But having happened, "several gentlemen" of course, gen tlemen, being Virginian the trifling act of tarn pering with the mails being excusable under the eircumstanccs. the package belunging unlv to woman, "several gentlemen "gave it a careful examination. It was found to contain a few pamphlets, entitled "View of -American Slavery, Taken Century Ago," and bearing the imprint of "The Association uf Friends for the DiPusion uf Religious and Useful Knowledge," of Philadelphia. Tbe book, a copy of which happens to be before us, seem as harmless as the Declaration of In dependence, Ike Congressional Globe, Black' stone's Commentaries, or tho Discipline of the Methodist Church, wotks, we presume, not altogether unknown in Virginia, and all quoted from in this little pamphlet. It contains, moreover, the sentiments of Washington, of Jefferson, of Henry, of Randolph gentlemeo of tbe Virginia of History and of a boat of others of this and other countriea, nune of whom are now alive, and particularly Benezet's "Account of Africa," and Wesley' "Thoogbte on Tbi alarmingly inoendiary doeument'iome well meaning Friend in Philadelphia bad tent to Mr Underwood, as be might bave lent her a reprint, wore there one, of "Jefferson' Notes on Virginia," for her own edification and the "gentlemen" who sat in alarmed and solum conclave over it, like a pale and qualmish "Crowner'e quest" over an unpleasant body, only permitted ber to bave it after imposing upon it "very high chatge," a ahe herself says in a a calm and dignified letter to tbe Republican, ex plaining how tbe puckage eame to be lent to ber.

1 he jury, however, reserved to themselves tbe right tnd conferred upon the editor of tbe paper tbe duty of acquainting their fellow-citizent uf Culpepper County uf the danger wbich menaced them, though haply averted, it might be, by these bigb-mioded men, before tbe fire of wbose patriotitm postal lawe were a tow, when maihbag smelt of fire-brand. And the editor of the Blue Ridge a an abstract proposition, I unquestionably true, though we had alway euppoted that live coalt were the oommonett diet of the font of Virginia Families. Washington and Jefferton he evidently regard aa well meaning person, who would bave known more if they bad lived longer, but wbo on fortunately the inetitution wa claimed to be only a of only at a constitutional right, but as of divine Underwood' correspondent is told, lor his comfort, that ho it an "unballasted philanthropist" tbe hardest name yet; and be and the titner evil-prompttd xealots" of the "Association or Frienda" are advised "to etrip their three thousand black -coated hypocrites of tbe rube which thev defile." and do eomsthing else, we are nut quite clear what, with "those whited epulcbre of of tbe breathing dead, the factory and the workshop," which, "pour forth their periodical hecatomb of white-raced all which, we trust, will be properly attended to by the Philadelphia Quakers. Especially let them lose no time with the hypocrites, and the white.facd breathing dead slaves poured out of whitd epul-dire in periodical hecatomb. A CORRECTION.

To the Editor of the Xew lurk Tribune Si: I see in the Tribune of thi morning, in your account of a newspaper assault upon my wife, an error which ought to be corrected. My Virginia fellow-citizens have not certainly in tbi instance been guilty of a violation of the mail. The package of books was tent by the Philadelphia Quaker, not by mail but by express. Don't be too severe upon Old Virginia her modem politicians are a little impulsive, to be eure, nnd somewhat frightened at tha opinions of Washington and Jeffersjn, and other Revolutionary Patriot of that State cn the subject of slavery but you peiceive they are now willing to discuss the subject, even in their strongholds. Tbe reeult ol such discussion Oitinot be doubtful.

Truth it as certain to be brought out by it at fire from tbe col. lision of tbe flint and steel. Yuurt truly, JOHN C. UNDERWOOD. NEW YORK, Dec.

23, 1858. On which we remark: Tbat the editor of Tbe Blue Ridge Republican (aid nothing of the pamphlets having come by express. He said "The package, a we learned, came open tbe wrapping being paper and the pamphlet were examined by several gentlemen though we were not of tbe number hence their character wa Tbe "several gentlemen," shall have the benefit uf the correction that it was not a publio mail bag, but a private express hag, wbich they violat edif tbat is any help to them. EDITOR In looking over a copy of tbe Geary City (Kan- tat) Era, published in June last, we observe tbe following editorial article, which, on account of its just and manly spirit, we transfer to onr col amn with great pleasure. Liberator.

FREEDOM. In another column will be found tbe resolutions adopted at the Freo State Convention beld at Troy last Saturday. If those resolution are to be con sidered hereafter as embodying tbe sentiment! and forming tho platform of the Free State party, tbe junior editor cannot longer act with tbat party, ex cepting so far at itt efforts are for the prevention of the establishment of slavery in Kansas, as tbe word slavery it popularly construed. We are opposed to the principle of slavery, as well as the institutiou, tcherever it exists, and the aeonnd res olution or the three is as decidedly pro slavery, to our mind, at any une ever adopted in a Southern eonvention. For is it nut practically denying the humanity of the Negro, yea, placing bim below tbe level of the brute creation, to forbid bim coming within the limits or the new State of Kan' tat, on which thousands of dollars, and thousands of humin lives have been spent and tacrificed, fur the now empty word Freedom The speechless brute can go where he chooses, bnt tbe Negro, a human being, because he has a darker si in than his aristocratic while brother, mutt be debarred from entering the State, or if he is in, from hav ing a voice in saying what laws thall be made for him to live under.

Is this Freedom? If it ia, then the world has at yet but seen the tunny aide of slavery I Was it fur this tbat the once gloiious Free State party was organized for this thnt no ble men and fearless women came amidst dangers and hardships iu tho dark, dark day of Kamas to meet buffeting from angry wavet and adverse winds? for thi that the noble minds of the east worked almost day and night? now an empty sound, a meaningless word es I all tbeir efforts bave ended in Freedom for the white man. but Slavery for him whom nature hat teen fit to clothe in darker skin We can tee that aristo cratic man who wrote that second resolution, struggling in the deep water in which he uosi. pectedly finds himself, imagining himself lo be at bitz a fish at any in the water, but we can see him only a a poor Wrigly ng worm. The 'junior editor' of the Era ia Earl Marble Tbe following it the odious resolution which elicit bi meri ed rebuke, and which wat offered by Mr. Wrigly, -f Doniphan Rttolved, Tbat we are in favor now, aa hereto fore, of excluding the negro race by lav from Kansas toil, and are ia lavur ur making ikantat a free white state fur white inhabitant.

WHOM SHALL WE BELIEVE? Judge Douglas, of Illinois, gives it hi opin ion, mat Pur I atnert iignerv ui me ueciarauua ui 1 i American Indeptudenee could not be suob hypo. crit a to include the African elave, wben tbey de clared all "men created free and equal," and then make (lave of suoh equals, for life. Mr. Lincoln, of Illinois, give it a hi opinion, that our Father included bond andree, and then, to our astonishment, proceed (at least he ie eo ported.) to say, that the Slaveholder ie entitled to A I a Fugitive uw oy me vuniiiiuiiuu i to wben tbe people in any new Territory, by ma jority adopt a slave Constitution, be "test no oth er alternative than to admit them ioto tbe Union It tee.nt to ui, tbat it would Jbave been more con sistent on the part of Mr. Lincoln, (Marling out a be did.) to bave made an effort to make the Cootti.

tution agree with tbe Declaration of our American Independence, than to bave to toon surrendered to th Slaveholder all that be eould atk, via tend back bit clave wben tbey ran away. Ue might i i.i in nr IUITI mm 1UI i Inbnf," implied ft contract lit-tween t-arli at leesti But, oh the Cunfrsry, Mr. Lit.eoln proclaim rtiat our Father declared that all men were create free ahd equal all having tha save rights'. 'Mr-d only departed frottl Jtich ble at ta tanrlion Con itution that gave th-ir children power! pass law to enslave the Afrii-ah and hit pntrlt for life, and when any uch fscap lU i free Sta'e, compel ue to return him or her fci tbe master, ur suffer fine and imprisonment. 1 We verily believe that had the campaign laMtd.

a month longer, in Illinois, that Mr. Lincoln weild have taken possessiut. uf Judge Douglas' Pjattufui, and robbed him uf all his thunder Mr. Lincoln kept one foot on tbis Platform, most uf the lime from the commencement uf the siege in Illinois. The Republican press appear lo glorify Mr.

Lin- eoln on all sides. An India Rubber creed anivtre tbe purpote of politicians sometimes just btfort an election, but it toe elastic for long and protracted Campaigns. Whether the Hon. Willi tm II. Seward endortee Lincoln, know not; but if be doe, Ohio, we think, will be an unhealthy climate for bim in 18C0, if he should get a nomination for tha Presidency.

We will close by saying, that it is quite proba ble that the Auctioneer was telling tbe African slave and the ox side by side, when our Falhert were writing out the Declation ot our American lb-dependence. Could those men be eonhietent with themselves, in declaring bim equal with ihstn. selvos, and at the tame time, uphold law thai made bim equal only with tho beast One thing is true, that in construing tbi Decla ration to include bond and then construing after act of our Fathere either in favoring or endorsing either directly or indirectly Constitution cr lawe eo a to chain down tbe African slave for life, and make merchandise of hiui, it dishonoring our Fatbere far more, tee think; than in construing tbi Declaration a not including the elave. Then we make our Father in tbe latter construction, eon tent with tbemselvee in Itaviog the African bound in all time to como. as be has been, however we may think it is wrung lo enslave any race of men.

Here we rest, by ying that we, ourself, bave not been to tbe poll but three time in twelve year. We did not vote at the three last Presiden tial elections. We would like to east one vol be fore we go hence, for a man a Chiof Magistrate of thi nation, thai would do unto other a he would bave other do unto him, -1 A. SAWYER. Akron, Summit Ohio.

Note. We received the above in tbe form of a circolar. It i suggestive, and we commend it to the consideration of all who profett to be ami-slavery and yet vote under an acknowledged pre-hv very conttitution. From the Independence Beige. PROGRESS OF EMANCIPATION IN RUSSIA.

ST. PETERSBURG, NOV. 22, 1858. While the great measure of liberation ia going on the Emperor bat, a you know, in spite of all opposition, emancipated all the peasant! on tbe Appanaget, or lands of the I.nperinl family, com. prising several hundred thousand eouls.

I bave already analyzed tbe remarkable ukase relative to this emancipation. I bave now, on the tame tab' ject, a fact wbicb i very characteristic ot tbe dif- tieulties wbicb the Pdmco meet in th execution of bis gonerous desires. For the management of tbe administration of appanaget, an administration as complicated? il i extensive, there ie a special Department, called the Department ol the Appanage. Tbe direction of tbi department it in the hande of Gen. Mura- vieff, not to be confounded with the Governor of Nijni, that energetic man who first oomprebended the plun of the Emperor in regard to emancipation entered resolutely upon its execution, and carried with bim tbe nobility of bi province.

Tbe Muravieff of the appanage baa nothing ia common with him. It it notorious bere that when the Emperor had resolved to free the peasaota of the Imperial family, and when, in tpite of netrong opposition, be signed the ukase which gave thtm tho liberty to remain in their villages aa free men. or to leave them for tome other condition, euch a that uf merchants or bourgeois, for example, Gen. Muravieff attempted to persuade Alexander thai thi ukase might be postponed without injury, tbe lot uf these peasant being so happy under bi administration that not une of thorn would take the liberty granted by the ukase. The answer of tbe Emperor is worthy of preservation.

"So much the better, said be if Ibey remain, but we hell nevertheless bave dune our duty if we treat thete men with humanity." But coarcely bad the ukatt appeared When ttre wa a general movement among the pea tan I uf tbe appaoage the weal. hies! a well at tbe poo est all ran to inscribe ibeineelve a williog la change tbeir condition. Muravieff became aaxtout at tbit and made ft tour through the appanage, and within two or three week past it ia nid tbat be bat tent out at many a aixty employeee upon different pretettt, to endeavor to calm tbe excitement and to prevent tbe rush in order to gain time. Tbe truth came Ut the ear of the Emperor, and be ie reported bave reprove! tbe Minister aharply for having concealed it. Whence tbe rumor tbat Gen.

Jlicbml Muravieff it about to lota hit portfolio, at etpecial ly fur the two year that be bat beld it tbe Cta hae been continually demanding amelioration in the condition of the feasant of bit family, ao4 nothing bat been done. It wat Paul wbo united the appanage. The condition of the peasantry on tbent wat endurable; under Alexander I. They themielvee ou a tbeir own administration under the coniuiuual re gime, exoept tbat, instead of paying into the gtqi eial treatury the tribute wbioU tbey pportionedf tbey paid il Into the treatury of tbf appanagee. under tne next reign, tuo auminnirat tion wa radioally Changed! tbe peasantry pawed into the oondition of erf, no' were aatimiteted in every rttpeot with the tarft ot tb noblna.1Jhe corvee wat impoted upon than, nod with theenrtee multitude of Utile requirement, wbloq dr44.