National Republican from Washington, District of Columbia • Page 2

of tbe povernment, in not lets han twenty State, mote, the inhabitants of 5hkh have not in moment been deprived of tat peculiar practical wisdom in the management or their affairs, which Is the secret of their bast success. Several new 8tatcs will before long be ready to take their places with us, and jnake good, In part, the loss of the old ones. The mission of furnishing a great example of free Government to the nations of the earth, Mil Mill be in our hands, impaired, I admit, tot not destroyed and I doubt not our power to accomplish it yet, in spile of the temporary drawback. Even the problem of coercion will go on to solre itself without our aid. For if the sentiment of disunion become so far universal and permanent in the dissatisGcd States as to show no prospect of good from resistance, and there be no acts of aggression attempted on their part, I will not say that I may not fa-Tor the idea of some arrangement of peaceful character, though I do not now seo the authority nnder which it can be originated.

The new Confederacy can scarcely be other thnn a secondary power. It can never bo a maritime State. It will begin with the necessity of keeping eight millions of its population watch four millions, and with the duty of guarding, against the egress of the latter, several thousand miles of an exposed border, beyond which there will be no right of reclamation. Of the ultimate result of a similar experiment, I cannot, in my own mind, have a moment's doubt. At the last session I ventured to place on record, in this House, a prediction by which I must abide, let the effect of the future on my sagacity be what it may.

I have not yet seen any reason to doubt its accuracy. I now repeat it. TnE EXPERIMENT WILL IOXOM1NIOCSLY FAIL. But there are exceptions to the adoption of this peaceful policy which it will not bo wise to overlook. If there be violent and wanton attacks upon the persons or the property of tho citizens of the United States, or of their Government, I see not how demands for immediate redress can be avoided.

If any interruptions should be attempted of the regular channels of trade on the great water-courses or on the ocean, they cannot long be permitted. And if any considerable minorities o( citizens should be persecuted or proscribed on account of their attachment to the Union, and should call for protection, I cannot deny the obligation of this Government to afford it. There are persons in many of the States whose patriotic declarn tions and honorable pledges of support of the Union may bring down upon them more than the ill will of- their infatuated fellow citizens. It wonld be impossible for the people of the United States to look upon any proscription of them with indifference. These are times which should bring together all men, by whatever party name they may haebeen heretofore distinguished, upon common ground.

When I heard the gentlemen fiom Virginia the other day so bravely and so forcibly urging their manly arguments in support ot the Uniox, the CONSTITUTION, AND THE KXIORCLMENT OF THE laws, my heart involuntarily bounded towards them as brethren sacredly engaged in a common cause. Let them, said I to myself, accept the offered settlement of the differences that between us, on some fair basis like that proposed by the committee, and then, what is to prevent us all, who yet believe that the Union must be presetted, from joining heart and hand our common forces to effect it? When the cry goes out that the ship is in danger of sinking, the first duty of every man on beard, no matter "what his particular vocation, is to lend all the strength he has to the work of keeping her afloat. What I shall it be said that we waver in the view of those who begin by trying to expunge the sacred memory of the 4th ot July? Shall we help them to obliterate the associations that cluster around the glorious struggle for Independence, or stultify the labors of the patriots wbo erected this magnificent political edifice upon the adamantine base of human liberty Shall we surrender the fame of Washington and Laurens, of Gadsden and the Lees, of Jefferson and Madison, and of the myriads of heroes whose names are imperishably connected with the memory of a united people? Never, Never. For myself I can only interpose against what seems to me like the madness of the moon, the barrier of a single feeble remonstrance. But in any event it shall never be said of my share in the action of this hour of danger, that It has been guided by vindictive passions, or narrow considerations of personal or party advantage.

I well know what I hazard Amoog many whose good opinion has ever been part of the sunlight of my existence, in following what I hold to be a higher duty. Whilst at any and at all times I shall labor to uphold the great principles of liberty, without which this grand system of our fathers would seem to be a mockery and a show, I shall equally strive to give no just ground to enemies and traitors to expand the circle of mischief they may do. Although not very frequently indulging in the profession of a devotion to the Union, which has heretofore been too often associated with a public policy I deemed mos dangerous to its safety, 1 will venture to add, that no man over the boundless extent of our dominion has more reasons for inextinguishable attachment to it than myself. It is inwoven in my affections with the faithful labors in its support of two generations of my race. It is blended with a not inconsiderable personal stake in its continuity.

It is mingled with my earnest prayers for the welfare of those who are treading after me. And, more than all these, it colors all my visions of the benelicient spread of Republican institutions as well in America as over the rest of the civilized world. If, then, so great a calamity as a division be about to befall us, it shall be hastened by no act of mine. It shall come from the wilful passions of infatuated men, who demand it of us to destroy the great principles for which our lathers struggled in life and in death, to stain our standard with the symbol of human oppression, and to degrade us, in the very hour ot our victory, before our countrymen, before all the nations of the civilized world, and before God. Itather than this, let the Heavens fall.

My duty is performed. Good Aoain. The Albany Journal, in a leader reurging the necessity of compromise, Wednesday, says Let the people, irrespective of party, speak." In another article the editor thus pointedly retorts on the Tribune's insinuations that Cassias M. Clay was growing less firm and cour-ngeous, because no was (rowing in favor of reconciliation and peace "We were unprepared to find the courage or firmness or fidelity of Cassius M. Clay questioned.

If a man who has perilled lifo and fortune, looking bowie knives and revolvers in theifa'ce, wherever and whenever he has spoken for freedom, in slave Stales, cannot be trusted, we are jn a bad way. We have not felt it much of asa'crifice, or felt that we were entitled to much credit for upholding freedom in a free State tfbut men like Cassius M. Clay, who first free their slaves, and then devote themselves time, talents, ana lortune to me cause ot eedom, art, in our estimation, to be trusted." i United States fortresses at Key West near being seized by the Alabamlans, C-lna A.m JUtlU iUCIO, UlllUTU DlUtUO ftiwi, lead engineer at the Capitol,) bad been Sd-hv the United States troops from and was so strong that they only looked ind steamed duck again. 9T3ar publication office is on Seventh street, adjoining Adamson'a Periodical Depot, and opposite the General Post Office, NATIONAL REPUBLICANT Saturday, February 3, 1861. A WORD TOBUSINE8S MEN.

This paper has now a circulation in this city larger than all the city papers combined, with the exception of one, and thercforo affords a most excellent advertising medium. Mr. Adams's Speech. Mr. Adams's speech, made in tho Houso on Thursday, is published in this paper.

It needs no other recommendation than its own merits but as we prefer to praise it in the language of ono of his political opponents, we cut the following from tho Star of yesterday The conservative speech of Mr. Charles Francis Adams was feature of tho proceedings of the House. It was certainly an oratorical effort worthy of the statesman's blood that courses in its author's veins. Its vigor, tone, and temper, were in excellent keeping with the vigor, tone, and temper, that characterized the eloquence of his grandfather, wheu struggling hand in hand with George Washington and Thomas Jefferson, to work out the liberties and construct the Government, the continued existence of which he the grandson is now so patriotically, ably, and eloquently defending." Caj- San Francisco dates to January 11, state that the Legislature had transacted no business, the House being unable to organize. Seventy-two ineffectual ballotings for Speaker had occurred.

The New York Democratic State Convention assembled on Thursday. The Committee on Resolutions have agreed on a series opposing coercion, favoring tbe Crittenden compromise, and exhorting all men to unite with them on submitting that compromise to a vote of the people of the State. J. D. Aiken, said to be the relative and man Bger of the money affairs of Ex-Gov.

Aiken denies that the latter has been compelled to contribute for tbe use of the State but admits thnt he has cheerfully paid various sums, to equip and Bupply military companies. From Charleston. The Charleston correspondent of the Baltimore American says of matters there Mftj. Anderson, it is believed here, is adding greatly to the strength of his position. He has dug a mine under tbe causeway leading to the gate of his and will blow up the first company that attempts an escalade.

This he can easily do without injuring himself or his fortifiation. At the however, that bear upon Sumter, South Carolina still continues to concentrate her forces, and when the struggle does come it will bo terrible." TnE Norfolk Case. We referred the other day to the driving out of Norfolk of a Mr. Dawson, a Philadelphia, for tho offence of having voted for Mr. Lincoln.

The Philadelphia Press says: He is one of our most estimable citizens, a native of Maryland, and was for years a resident of- Norfolk, to whoso merchants be has been long and favorably known. He visited that city solely on business, and abstained from introducing any conversation on politics, upon which his views are moderate, though decided. He was known to some of his assailants, too, as a member of a prominent firm on Market street, Morris L. Hallowell the senior member of which materially assisted in raising nearly fifty thousand dollars for the relief of the sufferers by yellow fever in Norfolk and vicinity-" A MODEL MEETING. Certain people in the adjoining county of Prince George, in Maryland, which county has in it, all told, some eleven thousand whites and as many slaves, held a meeting at Upper Marlboro', on Tuesday, and adopted a set of resolutions, of which the points are thus given in the Baltimore Sun 1.

Approving of the Crittenden compro mise. 2. That said compromise is tbe least the South can-take, and, nnless conceded by the North, the slaveholding States ought not to remain in the Union. 3. That inaction in this State, now, is equivalent to banding bcr over to the North.

4. That Maryland will assert her right to jurisdiction over the District of Columbia, in case of a dissolution of the Union. 5. Denouncing Gov. Hicks' representations that the people of the State intended to seize the District by force.

C. Declariug that Maryland and Virginia must remain in the same confederacy. 7. Denouncing the armament of forts in Maryland and Virginia, and the concentration of troops in the District of Columbia, as dangerous to the liberties of the people. 8.

Repudiating Gov. Hicks' appointment of commissioners to represent this State, as an usurpation of power, and appointing a committee to request the Virginia commissioners not to receiv9 them officially. 9. Declaring that tho destiny of Maryland is with tho South under all circumstances, and that any attempt to throw ber into a Northern confederacy should be resisted to the last extremity." This is a fair sample of the incoherent nonsense of all the disunionists in Maryland, from Senator Kennedy down. These people mean to go out unless the Crittenden resolutions are adopted, but whether they are adopted or not, they mean to go with the South, and to follow Virginia out.

In short, they evidently want to go out, as the phrase is, anyhow. In one resolution they declare their purpose, if they can carry a majority of tho people of Maryland with them, to seize this District, and iu another resolution, they denounce Gov. Hicks for presuming to think that anybody intends any such thing 'as the seizure of this District. They consider it most dangerous to the liberty of the people that troops, should be concentrated in this District, meaning, wo suppose that it is an obstruction to the liberty of seizing upon it, in which certain people havo been pro posing to indulge, whenever it suited their purposes. A Military Company of actors in New Orleans John E.

Owens, Captain Georgo Jordan, 1st Lieutenant; Mark S. Smith, 2d Lieutenant! E. Fenelon, 1st faergeant A. II. Davenport, 2d Sergeant! T.

B. McDonough, II. Lelling-well, W. A. Steelman, Corporals Dr.

G. Collins, Surgeon; W. H. Leighton, Quartermaster; Markers, Messrs. Sharp and Schoolcraft, THE PLATFORM OF NON-INTERVEN-TION.

The Philadelphia platform (1856) of the Republican party affirms the right and duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in the Territories. The Chicago platform (1860) of the Republican party affirms the same thing as to tho right of Congress, bat not tho same thing as to the duty of Congress. Instead of prescribing the duty of legislation against slavery in the Territories, without qualification, it prescribes that duty only whenever legislation is necessary." This change of language, of course carefully studied, grew out of the changes in circumstances between 1856 and 1860. Within that eventful period, not only was tho condition of that portion of our Territories (Kansas) likely to be contested by slavery, set tied against slavery as a matter of fact, but so signal an illustration had been given of the power of free labor to occupy tho Territories, that tho necessity of Congressional Intervention in its favor was felt to be vastly diminished. The event of the struggle in Kansas, produced a corresponding effect upon the control-ing politicians of the South, so that, whereas they had been contending from 1850 down for national non-intervention, they now saw that positive intervention in their favor was neces sary to plant slavery in the Territories, and with their accustomed facility in abandoning doctrines which do not suit their purposes, for doctrines which do, they now set up a claim for intervention in favor of slavery, and for in-terveution too, by amendments of the Constitution of the United States.

Tho summersault on their part, is, however, too palpable, one would think, to leave them in a condition to carry the people of the South, when reason shall have taken tbe place of ex citcment. At any rate, while the Republicans can, consistently with their platform, act upon the principles of non intervention in respect to the re maining Territories, there is good hope that the men at the South, really in favor of the Union, will be able to sustain themselves, upon the same principles. But there is a North, as well as a South, and Republicans take narrow view of the subject, who do not consider the effect in the free States of such a measure as that for the admission of New Mexico, proposed by tho. committee thirty-three. The great body of the opponents of Republicanism at the North, have adopted the doctrine of popular sovereignty, as it is called, in the Territories, and of tho admission of States, with, or without slavery, at the option of their inhabitants.

Now, it will forever close their mouths, if this, their own doctrine, is applied to New Mexico. They will receive it as a fair settlement, and we shall have the North united, against all the arts of those who would weaken it by disaffection at this crisis. Of course, Judge Douglas himself, who claims the special championship of popular sovereignty, will resist aud denounce its actual application, but he will be shorn of all power to do mtechief, by his manifest hypocrisy and inconsistency. So to unite the North, and to leave nobody there who can say, with any effect, that the Republicans have refused an honorable adjustment, is a great object of policy, and in a higher sense, than that of mere p'itrty policy. The North is to be called upon to iter upon grave events and grave duties.

Treason is to be put down, to the extent of enforcing the revenue laws, by tho display of force, and possibly, by bloodshed. This is a new and a most serious posture of public affairs. Hew essential it is, that the greatest attainable degree of union in public sentiment, should be brought about. It is undeniable that the demand from the North for some measure of adjustment is large and pressing. If even it be true, that the majority of the people of the free States are just now so incensed by tbe outrages of South Carolina and its abettors, that they are more inclined to shoulder their muskets, than to entertain measures of pacification, it Is at the same time true, that tho number of those is large, who, from peculiarities of temperament, old party tics, or special exposure to pecuniary lo3s from civil convulsion, desire peace, if peace is possible.

And to this number, is to be added those, numerous, we trust, who have preserved their minds in that condition of freedom from passion, which enables them to comprehend the value of the Union, the charitable allow ances to be made for the excitement Wpich has pecipitated into revolution apparent majorities in six States, the duty we owe to the minorities in those States, and tho still more pressing duty of saving other States from plunging, into the same vortex of ruin. In our judgment, that man is a most unwise politician, who does not see that there would be great danger of a seriously divided North, if the Republicans were not ready, si we believe they always have been, to do smythiug, not repugnant to their principles, to remove all stumbling blocks in tho way of a restoration of harmony. This territorial question, of which the Southern demagogues make so successful and dangerous a use, is the sheerest delusion. is nothing practical in dispute. And it! will be most extraordinary, if in some way, it cannot be got rid of.

It would have been got rid of long before tbis, we firmly believe, but for the extraordinary conduct of Mr. Crittenden. His surrender to the arts of the Vice President has worked incredible mischief, but, let as hope, not a mischief which is irreparable. Qlammnr'a unit. nnvinnnMn Inlan prisoner by the secession forces opposite Fort Pi.1ran.

to in rpf-mvn a testimonial of annrnval from the Union ladies of Washington city, on account of her devotion to her couutrv and tho gallant officer who is her husband. The arrest of a woman and tbe seizure of an hospital, are not exactly tho acts the world will admire. On Sunday night last, tbe sexton of the Baptist church, Lewiston, Mc, while walking among the rafters above the audience, missed a rafter, and crashed through the lath and plaster ceiling immediately over the head ot the preacher. Fortunately, he caught with his hands iu time to save himself from a fall of thirty foot. THmTY-sixTILbONaRESS, SECOND SESSION.

Friday, February 1, 1861. SENATE. Mr. Ten Eyck Presented certain" resolutions of the State of New Jersey favoring the adoption of the Crittenden propositions. The resolutions were 'laid on the table and, ordered to be printed.

Mr. Green moved that the deficiency bill be made a special order for to-morrow at one o'clock, which was lost yeas 31, nays 7. Mr. Pearce moved to make tho bill a special order for one o'clock to-day which was agreed to. Mr.

Ten Eyck, of New Jersey, took occasion to express his dissent from the resolutions of his State Legislature, and argued in opposition to the right of instruction taking the Uamil-Ionian ground as to the construction of the Federal Government. The Senate then took up the President's message, i Mr. Latham, of California, addressed tho Senate. Mr. Latham declared that the present troubles had grown out of the Interference of Northern fanatics with the institutions of the South.

He denied secession as a constitutional remedy, and dcclaredthat revolution was not to be judged as to its justice by present courts and Legislatures, but by posterity. The present courts had no resourco but to sustain the law. He did not believe the South could be subdued, and deprecated au attempt at coercion, arguing that blood once shed reconciliation would be impossible. He and his State would maintain the Union, but if their Southern brethren must go, they would say go in peace. The peopleofCaiilornia would vote fortheUnioo, pay tor the Union, and forget for the Union, if they could believe that by that means the liberty, equality, and fraternity with their Southern brethren could thus be maintained with the Union.

The further consideration of the subject was postponed until Monday next, at ono o'clock. The Indian appropriation bill was reported, and sundry amendments being agreed to, was made the special order for to-morrow, at one o'clock. Mr. Simmons reported back the Morrill tariff bill, with amendments, which was made the order of the day for Wednesday next, at ono o'clock. Mr.

Cameron presented the credentials of Hon. Edward Cowan, Senator elect from the State of Pennsylvania, from the 4th day of March next. The Senate then having rejected a motion to take up tho private calendar, took up the civil and legislative, executive and judicial appropriation bill. A number of amendments were considered and agreed to. Aud the bill was passed.

The Senate then went into executive session and afterwards adjourned. HOUSE. Mr. Conway, rising to a question of privilege, read the resolution adopted yesterday, at tbe instance of Mr. Uindman, instructing the Com.

mittee on the Judiciary to inquire and report whether Hon. M. F. Conway was constitutionally and legally elected a member of the House As this was the first time his right to a seat-had been questioned, he thought it due the gentleman should state the grounds for his extraordinary position. Mr.

Uindman said he introduced the resolution without any intention particularly to assail the gentleman but be wanted tbe question decided, whether a member can be admitted here. after the State is admitted, by virtue of an elec-, lion under the territorial coudition. Mr. Grow pointed to tbe fact that the gentleman's own State (Arkansas) was admitted nnder similar circumstances, and referred to the opinion of Attorney General Butler, under Jackson's Administration, to thdw this was the usage from the beginning of tho Government. Mr.

Uindman was aware of that, and that California, Minnesota, Oregon, and other States, had their members, both Senators and Representatives, admitted but he wanted the question settled. The precedent was a bad one, and ought not to be therefore followed. Mr. Kellogg, of Illinois, offered a substitute for the recommendations of the select committee of thirty three, proposing certain amendments to the Constitution on the subject of slavery. He thought it proper to bring it forward at this time, considering the disastrous condition of the country.

Mr. McClernand was glad that his colleague had brought it forward, considering his near personal relation to the President elect. Mr. Kellogg replied, in offering tho proposition, be wished distinctly to state that he felt it to bo his duty to present it, in the hope that it might avert calamity to the country. No human being was responsible for it but himself.

It was ordered to be printed. Mr. Edwards, of New Hampshire, presented tho memorial of tbe Constitutional Union party of that State, of a conservative character, and Kskpil that thn alaverv nuestion be lenored bv Congress. Referred to the select committee of five. Mr.

Sherman, from the Committee of Ways and Means. reDorted a bill authorizing the Pres ident to contract a loan of $25,000,000, before the 1st of July next. Tbe House for a short time considered the Chiriqui amendment tq the deficiency bill. Tho report of the select committee of thirty- three was taken up, when Mr. Hamilton, of Texas, made a strong Union speech, expressing tho opinion that there was no cause lor secession or disunion, and concluded by the expression of patriotic remarks, which elicited applause from the galleries.

Mr. Stokes, of Tennessee, took a somewhat similar course. He would rather be called a submissionist than a rebel and trailor. lie would agree to any compromise for peace. He was for the Union, the Constitution, and the enforcement of the laws, lie, too, was occasionally applauded.

He would agree any compromise for tbe sake of Union and peace. The House, at four o'clock, took a recess until soven o'clock, for the purpose of general debate. EVENINO SESSION. Mr. Killinger, of Pennsylvania, mode a speech of a conciliatory character, and was willing to compromise to keep the border States from leaving the Union.

He spoke in decided terms against tbe secession movement. Mr. Quarles, of Tennessee bad no sympathy wiih disunion he did not believe any warrant for it was found in tbe Constitution. Ue then proceeded to show tho generosity of the South to the North in the matter of territory. Ue advocated tbe Crittenden plan, predicting that if it should be passed as a Constitutional amendment, the seceded States would return, and peace be restored to the country.

Mr. Wilson, of Indiana, proceeded to show that no Injustice has been done to the South, and that secession has resulted from unfounded complaints and groundless fear. There never was so causeless a rebellion as this. Nothing can bo done which will bring peace to the country. The difficulty is not in Congress, nor in tho people.

It is the very existence of slavery! md uutil slavery will always be tho source of all or woes. The SrciniD Ports Representation! have been made to the Secretary of 8tate, by Lord Lyons, and by the-Representatives hero of other foreign Powers, upon the 'points, of the embarrassment foreign vessels entering ''Charleston with dutiable cargoes, and 'of the destruction of the buoys rind extinguishment of the lights In that harbor and its approaches. The Substance of the Secretary's reply is telegraphed as follows i Secretary Black quotes from the law to show that the jurisdiction of the Federal Government to impose duties on goods Imported into, the limits of the United States and collect duties is exclusive. Whether1 the 'state of affairs now existing at Charleston will or will not be regarded as sufficient reason for not executing the penalties incurred by British subjects, is a question, says the Secretary, which Lord Lyons will see no necessity for raising, until it practically arises. Each case will, no doubt, have its peculiarities, and Secretary Black regrets that this consideration compels him to decline giving any assurances on the points presented.

The Treasury Department, he says, will give public information as to the condition in which South Carolina has put the coast," KEW8 ITEMS. Applications continue to be receive from postmasters in the seceding States, for supplies of stamps, blanks, wrapping paper, Ac, but these are furnished on the condition that the postmasters will acknowledge and conform to the laws affecting the postal service. There are in Massachusetts 298 cotton mills, estimated to be worth $20,964,488, and 171 woollen factories, valued at $7,363,350. The increase, in the spindles in tho cotton mills since 1850 is 474,197. It has already been stated that the Hon.

Jefferson Davis has been chosen Major General of the army of Mississippi. The following Brigadier Generals have also been chosen Earl Van Dorn. late ef the U. S. Army; Charles Clark, Jas.

L. Alcorn and Christopher H. Molt At a Meeting of Kentuckians in Philadelphia, Monday, an address was adopted setting lorth the belief that if time and opportunity be afforded for action by the people of the North, that every just and fair and reconcilable con-cession will be made. Judge Morgan, of the Supreme Court, in charging tbe Grand Jury at Syracuse on Monday last, referred to the secession movement, and said that any man who gave aid and com fort to those parties in rebellion against the Government, or countenanced their acts, is guilty of treason, nud instructed the jury to ferret out all such cases. The late Miss Mary P.

Townsend, of Boston, left by will $60,000, tbe income of which is to be applied to the support of those females who, in legal phraseology, are called spinsters or single women." The money is to endow a Spinster's Home." A Charlestonian who was called upon a few days ago for a contribution to the State, offered a thousand dollar State bond. This was refused. The seceders, like sensible doctors, don't like their own medicine. The word cotton is of Arabian origin, and the use of cotton fabrics is of very ancient date. In the time of Herodotus all the Indians wore them, and centuries the birth of Christ there were manufactories of cotton tissues in Egypt and Arabia.

"Ned BunUine" was arrested in Troy, last Wednesday, on a charge of obtaining $10 on a wortnless check on a Saratoga bank. Ned arranged the matter by refunding the $10. Ccrtailino an Evil. One of the "old salts" at Cape Ann, in a public prayer meeting, implored the Supreme Being to curtail the influence of the devil." He was followed by a brother of less learning, who prayed that the evil one might not only have his influence curtailed, but that his "tail might be taken clean off." Two sedate members of the Suffolk Bar, who were present lost their gravity at this last petition. Boston Transcript.

A Forgery for effect ok the Virginia' Election. The Charleston Mercury publishes, ust in time to get it before the people of Virginia by Monday morning next, a letter purporting to have been written by Lincoln on the 2d of last month to a man named J. A. Spencer, in Wheeling, declaring that in his opinion John Brown "committed no offence against the General Government meriting such severe punishment," and all that sort of thing. Of course, this alleged correspondence is a bold forgery to aid the cause of disunion in Virginia on Monday next.

Star of yesterday. Runaway Slaves. One night recently a number of runaway'negroes from the border counties of Maryland passed through York county, on their way to freedom. The next day they were pursued and captured in Adams county, and taken back to their old quarters. No opposition was made to their return by the citizens or the village in which they were captured.

liar. Tel. MR. BOTTS ON SECESSION. Mr.

Botts says in a recent letter, January 24: I believe I constitute a fair type or specimen of what is the actual condition of every man in the Southern States, in a legal, political, and constitutional sense, and I find myselfin the full, free, and perfect exercise of every blessing, and of every right, of a personal naturo, that 1 have enjoyed Bince I came into the world. I am also in the possession and enjoyment of whatever property I may own, and nobody, as far as I know, proposes to disturb me nor dis-posses me of it, nor cau I be dispossessed by any human being without due course of law. How long this state of things may continue, Omniscience only can tell, but is there any one in these particulars, in a worse condition than myself? If there Is, if the instance can be fircsented of any one man out of the ten mil-ions of the white population of the Southern States, who is laboring under any oppresion, wrong, injustice, or grievance, that cannot be redressed in the Union, and can be redressed out of the Union, then I will pledge myself to vote for disunion whenever the question comes up but if no such person can be found, I will never consent to give up this Government, the work of men whose like we no'er shall look upon again," for any other government which the destroyers of Mis are likely to substitute in its stead. I will not destroy the house in which I live, and which protects me from the blasts and storms of Winter, when not one brick' is burnt, nor a stick of timber is cut, with which to erect another. I will not tear down the works of Washington, of Madison, of Frank-linpof.

Carroll, of Morris, and of Pickney, to take upon trust the clumsy machinery of inner and Rhett. and Pickens, and Toombs, and Davis. I will not surrender the Government until I know that a better ono is provided for me." -HOW rTO PRESERVE -THE; UNION. From thoSprlog'neld'IIl.) Journal of January 28. We have been charred hv ntir enemi witk favoring the inequality of the black and white) 1 races, wnu a utoiuu vo intenere wun slavery in the States where it lawfully exists, with opposition to the admission of any more slave States with a determination to deny to the South the benefit of a fugitive slave law with aiding aud inciting slaves to escape from their masters, with approving of the raid of John Brown, and, finally, with cherishing hatred toward our Southern brethren.

Each and every one of the above charges aro base falsehoods. It was dishonorable in our enemies to stoop so low to conquer in the recent campaign it is criminal to reiterate those charges now. The Union of the 8tates still loyal to the Constitu. tion the ultimate return to duty of those States which have so unwisely attempted to secedethe avoidance of eivil war the salvation of the Government, and the restoration of fraternal affection, all depend, in a great measure, upon a true understanding of the position of the Republican party by the people of the Southern States. To preserve interests so vast, and to bring about results so earnestly desired by all good men, may we not cherish the hope that the honest and patriotic men of the opposing parties, North and South, will take some pains to post themselves as to the real principles, alms, and objects, of the Republican organization It would be a little matter to print the Republican platform in the leading Southern papers, and to accompany it with tho questions proposed by Mr.

Douglas to Mr. Lin-coin, and his (Lincoln's) answers thereto, If this could be done, tho Southern people would at once understand that the Republican party does not favor the equality of tho black and white races does not oppose the admission of more slave States does not propose to interfere with slavery in the States where it lawfully exists does not propose to deny to the South the benefit of a fugitive slave law it not in favor of inciting slaves to escape, nor in aiding them in doing bo did not approve of John Brown's invasion of Virginia, but severely condemned it and, finally, does not cherish hatred toward the people of the South, nor seek to deprive them of any constitutional right." A CONCERT For the benefit of St. John's German Church, by the CHOIR of St. Paul's English Lutheran Church, assisted bv the celebrated PARTELLO FAMILY." the "AllPHION QUARTETTE CLUB," and other Musical Talents, will be given on uonaay, ret-ruary 4tta, 1861, in tbe lstBsp-tlst Church, 10th street, between and F. Tickets 25 cents children 10 cents.

For sale at the usual places and at the door. The Piano used on this occasion is kindly loaned by Mr. F. O. Reichenbach.

feb 2 The rich man in hell torments. Theophllus Fiske will preach at the old Trinity Church, Filth street, on Sunday evening, at 7 o'clock, In explanation of tbe only passage In the Bible which alludes to hell torments after death. "Tbe rich man also died, and was buried; and In bell he lifted up his eyes, being In torments." Seats tree. ftb 1 at MATTRESSES! MATTBES8ES! AT PANIC PRICES I Only One Dollar and Fifty Cents. Any quantity can be bad at GREEN 4 WILLIAMS, feb 1 eo3w No.

526 Seventh and its. INTEBIOB ADORNMENTS. 486. 486. PAPER HANGINGS, Or ALL ORADI5 AND PBICXS.

WARRANTED Gold Band Window Shades, Buff, Green, and Blue Holland Shades, all sizes, made to order. Alio, a handsome assortment of Picture Cord and Tassels, all sizes and colors. Purchasing for cash, and allowing no old stock to accumulate, ptfrsons needing tbe above goods will find It to their advantage to give me a call. AU work executed and superintended by practical men, wbo bare served a regular apprenticeship at their trade. Satisfaction guarantied, or no pay required.

Pleass give me a call. Remember the number. JOHN MARKRITER, No. 486 Seventh street, eight doors above nov 26 Odd Fellows' Hall. FOR RENT, ATHREE-story Brick House, containing eight rooms, in good order, with gas fixtures complete, on II street, between Fourth and Fifth.

Also, a two-story brick COTTAGE, with large yard attached, corner of street north and Fourteenth street east. To punctual and reliable tenants the terms will be moderate. Apply at 446 Twelfth street, between and H. dec 29 tf BOOKS FOB THE TIMES, AT FRENCH RICHSTEIN'S, 278 Pennsylvania avenue. Parton's Life of Andrew Jackson, 3 cloth price $5.

Cotton Is King, large 8vo, sheep, price $6. Life of Abraham Lincoln, 12 mo, cloth, price $1. Van Dyke's Great Sermon, paper, 10 cents. Hardee's Tactics, 2 price $1.50. Artillerist's Manual, $9.

Field Artillery, price $2.60. Bayonet Exercise, price $1.25. Sword Play, price 50 cents. Rifle Practice, $1.76. Cavalry Tactics, price $2.50.

Scott's Tactics, 3 price $2.60. Jominl's Art of War, price $1.25. Military Laws of the United States, price 60 cents. New Books Just llecehed. The Shadow in the House, a new novel, by John Saunders, 12mo, cloth, $1.

Marlon Graham, or Higher than Happiness, 12mo, cloth, price $1.26. Romance of an Irish Uirl, 12mo, cloth, price $1, Tbe Dutch Dominie of the CaUkllls, by the Rev. David Murdoch, D. 12mo, cloth, $1.25. Any of the above sent free by mall on receipt pf price.

The usual heavy discount on all books bought for cash from us. A large and beautiful asssortment of Valentines for 1881. The trade supplied at New York wholesale prices. FRENCH RICHSTEIN, jan 25 3w 278 Penn. av.

JOfEPH T. HOWARD. FFICK No. 360 Fiah street, between and streets. dec 4 6m.