The Algona Upper Des Moines from Algona, Iowa on February 14, 1894 · Page 4
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The Algona Upper Des Moines from Algona, Iowa · Page 4

Algona, Iowa
Issue Date:
Wednesday, February 14, 1894
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ME.NT, MIL DOLL1VERJN_THE TARIFF Speech of the Eloquent and Brainy Congressman From the Tenth Iowa District. by the united judgment of these men, tnay be attacked, may even be for a time discredited, but can "°t be .P crm ?"S"^'^" lodged from the sober judgment of the peo- nle The storm of clamor and heresy and interest may threaten it, but in the end it will find an anchorage in the public judg. ment that is sure and steadfast. Can any sane man believe that God gave to our fathers the far sighted P r « de . n ^ et ?t BB . cnn .£" min Franklin if he had Intended this coun- to bo guided by the advice of John Ran. _ _ ^ -i * _ «... Mint Howntl 1 rl If O ft the Wilson Bill Under Consideration. The Democratic Free Trade Measure Vigorously Opposed, and the Ke- publlcan Doctrine of Protection to American Industries Strongly Upheld. Mr. Bryan—How cnn you knowing the price before the --, -was enacted whether the consumer pays Mr? r Masters—Well, I was treasurer of the Farmers'Alliance and I know that dunng the latter part of the shipment of some 1 New York paid 88 ^u... — —•- ~.~~~. freight was 10 cents. They sold for about 00 cents. There wasr clearly a loss and they brouirht us In debt. If we did not pay sense is the only r«m*uic ^M.UW ... «.« u ~ — fairs: and that the chief guardian and en- liehtener of common sense is experience. We have had in the United States a good deal of experience with this matter of the tariff; and If I thought you gentlemen would listen to me I would read from the New York Tribune of January 6, 1855, from the pen ef grand old Horace Qreeley, a few lines which condense the tariff history of the United States Into a during the progress of this debate that if we on the Republican side were charged with the responsibility of defending u bill open to so ninny objections as my friend from Illinois iMr.'Springor) has just pointed out, we would not begin the Argument by a reference to the present condition of the country. Everybody knows what the state of our financial and industrial affairs was a year ago. The last report of Dun's Commercial Agency for It93 showed the highest level of business activity ever known in the history of our people, an activity n which all occupations of the people shared. Agriculture had Its part in that prosperity. In my own state which I love to think of as the great agricultural area of the earth the people in every department of business enioved a full measure of the general pros- ncritv In his message of 1802 the chief ex- ecutiVe of Iowa, the first Democratic governor in a generation and probably the last we shall ever have, began his address to the legislature with a general congratulation to our people that never before since the state wns P oreani 2 ed had everybody enjoyed BO universal and widespread prosperity. 1- rom the pinnao.l" of the temple of National fortune the American people deliberately cast themselves down, trusting thatDivino Providence would in some peculiar way give His angels charge concerning them to keep them. [Laughter.] Within one vear we find the country in a situation that has baffled the eloquence of mv friend from Michigan [Mr. Burrows] and my friend from Illinois [Mr. Springer! to describe it. The Democratic partv came forward with a remedy for the panic which followed the accession of Mr. Cleveland. After having attributed all of our misfortunes for thirty years to the protective tariff, after having gone through the campaign of 1893 without mentioning any other subject, they discovered about the first monCh of last summer that it was the silver pnlicv of 1800 that hnd wrecked the industries of the United States; and though made the 8th day 01 .juiiu.i.jr ••"""—-~"famous only to give the Democratic orators of our own times an opportunity to exploit the free trade notions upon which the ordinance of nullification in South Carolina was predicated In 1882? [Applause ] Is It credible that Horace Greeley, faithful journalist that he was, made a daily record of the free trade famine, in the midst of braskalsfigurrngouthatyet. Ho has not so far appeared in this debate, though we trust he may. I have sometimes thought, however, that he would not, for the reason that last summer he found occasion in this house to account for all the calamities that surround us and and all the misfortunes we are heir to by charging them to the de• " silver; and it is possi- of -^runBu..".. died In 1818, bequeathing to British free trade a trade that gave us an excess Import of specie, a people among whom there existed great prosperity, a large public revenue, and a rapidly diminishing public debt." British free trade died In 1824, bequeRth- to protection a trade that gave an ex- monere'd InTtltution. and merchant, the means on which they b , ay « tr i ,. ll,!S« last year or two. Stocks of J arlou " £"°5 have ceased to exist altogether. K»» roa , d •hares-have fallen to the verge of bankruptcy. and Individual paper has ceaied to Vhatseems'to be a fac simile of the con- dltlon that has prevailed this year. Herels another editlonal from the New York HtraM of January 6, 1855, showing that the depres- slon to which the newspaper referred was not confined to the city of New York: "Elsewhere will be iound some mention of large failures at Boston and New Orleans. The epidemic is traveling over the whole country. No city of any note can expect to escape. All followed the example of New York when flush times began. All must now follow her as closely in adversity. You will find In the Jferald of January 6, 1855, an address of the unemployed work- —IS'SSSSM SSSSBSSSS* SSgsSsg gsSS lions of the earth might be free, if, after all, his countrymen are to cast away his counsel and reorganize their affairs on the lines laid down in thc Confederate constitution? [Loud applause.] So that I for one am not discounted, even if this congress should enact the proposed bill Into law without sub- Btanlial modification, because I know that the people of the United States, having learned their lesson in the midst of broken fortunes and; impoverished industries, will came back speedily to the historic standards of American common sense. LAp- judgment absolutely u«kwv.~~ — and leaves him helpless and worthless In the arena of political affairs; and I want to comment upon that by a few illustrations. Noue of us wish to disparage any member of congress; in tact, we would not dare to do it. Between ourselves it will never do for us to assume that anvbody could get into this body without having shown symptoms of being a groat man. [Laughter]. So I do not wish to disparage the membership of the hol ? se - terests in congress [Mr. Ikirt]. I have not the pleasure of his personal acquaintance, but I am told that he Is an excellent man. He ran for congress on the theory that the protective tariff is a fraud, a violation of law, and ought to be immediately dis- ' by a tariff for revenue only. -•••--'•- man like the other day when my friend from West Virginia (Mr. Wilson), a few years> ago president of my old college in West Virginia—I loved him as Tarn O'Shanter loved the landlord, like a very brother, though for an entirely different reason [laughter]— opened this debate. I was interested In what he said. I admired his eloquence and wondered how a man could conjure up a scheme of argument like that to contradict the experience of mankind. I was especially interested in his discussion about woolen cloth, how the tariff had been raised to 300 per cent, and how the poor working tfirl of the United States looked longingly across the sea upon her sister on the other side who was wearing a cloak she could not have without working one day for the garment and four days more to pay the duty on it: and I asked myself whether it would not have been a substantial improvement on the intellectual equipment of my old college president If there had been left in his head room for a few practical Ideas. [Laughter on the Republican side.] My friend talked as if his countrymen were beggars waiting for the cast-off clothing 1 of Europe, and as if the more cow's hair it contained the more ardent oueht our expressions of gratitude to be. He dwelt with a solicitude, evidently sincere, upon what happens in the custom-house; but that is not the question. The question is what happens in the homes of the American people. The question is, how are tl: of UiU tt\fu J/iwv.*.**", •---— — \^11 J l_ all charge on account of public debt. British free trade died In 1843 bequeathing to protection a trade that gave an excess export of specie, a people ruined, and their government in a state of repudiation, a public treasury bankrupt and begging everywhere for loans at the highest rate of Interest, a revenue collected and disbursed In irredeemable paper money, and a very large foreign debt. Protection died In 1847 .bequeathing to British free trade a trade that gave an excess Import of specie, a highly prosperous people, their government restored to credit, a rapidly growing commerce, a large public revenue, and a declining foreign debt, British free trade has yet to make Us will, having nothing to bequeathe but a trade that drains us of our specie, a people rapidly passing toward ruin, a declining commerce, and a foreign debt requiring for the payment of its mere interest at least $20,000,000 a year." Now, my friend, the chairman of the committee on ways and means, both in his speech and In the report which was submitted to this house, tells us that the period of the Walker tariff, 1847 to 1857. was the golden age of our Industrial prosperity; and there ore in existence some statistics, always open to suspicion, that would lead even a careful student to that opinion. I have made it my business during this debate to go down into the dally record of events preserved in the newspaper files in the library of congress in order to find out after his arrival here trying to kill off the protection idea- Yet earlv In the contest clothes? PlteOuS a. lie^ >-»€*"» wfcw—. — —- enough In the city? They want clothes. Is there none made nowadays?" In the same column appears an appeal ol the Five Points Mission House for the multitudes, victims of starvation In that portion of the city. It exhibits a picture that even now would touch the heart with pity If It were not in the midst.,of surroundings substantially the same, and surroundings. In my judgment, depending in main part upon the same causes, It is well known- Says the appeal— to those who are acquainted with that locality, that hundreds of families have sold or pawned the last article of furniture or apparel to procure food, and are now left on the bare floor without bedding or fuel, and not knowing where they may get the next mouthful to eat. Persons in these circumstance (many of them sober, Industrious people) are thronging the Mission House dally. Mr. Terry—What year do those quotations refer to? Mr. Dolliver—The close of 1854 and January, 1855. . Mr. Terry—How long did that depressed condition continue? Mr. Dolliver—The next thing we hear of it is the message of James Buchanan of December 8, 1857, stating that it had become epidemic, universal, and chronic in the United States. Mr. Terry —I will ask the gentleman whether the condition of the country did not Improve afterward Mr. Dolliver—There is little evidence of HllCcUy MIIU ii* n** **u «*•**•« «i . —- ,-tariff, nearly a year elapsed before that subject was mentioned at all. I have never heard anything more perfectly illustrative of the reluctance of the Democratic, party to begin their assault on the tariff than the case of a gentleman who was riding in a sleeping car from Chicago to Rockford. He gave thc porter a dollar, charging him under no circumstances to tail to put him off, saying that even if ho resisted, the porter must at all hazards put him off the car. He woke up at Galena without the assistance of the porter and went into the smoking room, where that functionary was asleep. He found the porter's clothes torn, his face scratched, and bis entire make-up in a slate of dilapidation. ••Didn't I pay you a dollar," said the indignant traveler, "to wake me up at Hockford?" "Fo de Laivd. Masaa," said the mystified darkey, "who on earth do you suppose that man was I done put oil? ri/auirliter. I So now we find the Democratic partv here, dilapidated, torn with dissensions, wounded in the house of its friends, having disposed of the comparatively harmless question of silver, reluctantly falling into conversation with the main question that has occupied their attention for so manv years. I like to talk about the tariff ns well as anvbodv, hut I confess that I sometimes get confused in the mists and fog bnnk» of theory through which we are called to pass in conducting such a discussion. To my mind the tariff question is a question of fact So that when we find a man in the clouds, in the upper air of speculation, the first thing I try to do is to bring him down to the earth where people live and labor and do business. That I propose to do today with the kind attention of the house. The act of 1890, tried by the evidence accessible to everybody, thoroughly justled Itself even in the brief time before it was overturned. It had specific objects; and it is historically certain that even in the brief space of two'years before the election of 1802 it accomplished these objects In a measure hardly expected even by Us friends. There Is no slavery in the world which deludes a man's judgment and binds his faculties like a long devotion to the theory of free trade. It seems to destroy the most useful faculties men have. Common sense Is the most splendid possession of the human mind. It Is the only absolutely reliable human faculty. If thi& world were full of philosophers, of statesmen, of orators, of political economists, it would hardly be possible for a plain man to live in it at all. They would talk him to death; or If he escaped that, they would argue him, after the manner of Edward Atkinson's recent address to the workingmen of Boston, into the belief that by some new principle of cookery the shin bone of a beef can be so prepared as not to be distinguished from a sirloin steak, [Laughter.] Fortunately we have bad in the history of the country at least four resplendent types of American common iense—Benjamin Franklin,Andrew Jackson, Horace Qreeley and Abraham Lincoln. [Applause.] If toe young men of the United States can find a doctrine of practical politics upon which that little group of statesmen are agreed, it is a waste of time to hang around the lecture rooms of a free trade university in the hope of getting a patentable Improve, went on their wisdom. [Applause.] The doctrine pf the protective tariff, Tlndicatea anarchist for the life of the Industries that have been built up on the ruins of the constitution In the neighborhood where he resides. [Laughter and applause on the Ke- publican side.] I will read from his testimony before the ways and means committee to illustrate what I mean. Let us first read thc questions propounded to him by that serene philosopher from Maine [Mr. ReedJ. [Applause on the Republican side]. Mr. Reed—How much does that duty— That is, the 68 per cent on the crockery schedule— increase the price to the consumer? Mr. Ikirt—That is a question lean not an- B WCF Mr. Reed—It doas increase the price to the consumer, does it not? , Mr. Ikirt—I can not answer the question. Mr. Reed—You think the tariff is a tax added to the price of the article? Mr.' Ikirt—Yes, sir; undoubtedly It is. Here we have a man wedded to Democratic phrases In the act of receiving his sight, but unable as yet to sea men, even as trees, walking. And so our friend, enslaved by the language of Democratic polities, was absolutely unable to apply it to the practical phrases even of the Industry he represented. [Laughter and applause on the Republican side.] Let us tako another illustration, selected bv chance from some of the proceedings in which my amiable friend from Nebraska [Mr Brvunj participated. Now, our friend is a man solid and fixed in the conviction that the tariff Is a tax. He may lose his grip on every other question, but that cherished conviction of his soul can not be shaken It would appear that such Is his fanaticism that If he went into a store and bought an article for less than the tariff amounts to, ho would still be able to, by a perfect process of reasoning, to convince himself and possibly to convince the people of his district, that in some mysterious way, visible to the mind's eye, though to tlesh and sense unknown, he had been compelled to work one day to pay for the article and another to pay the tariff on It. [Laughter on the Republican side.] The only man that I have ever heard of who was able to make any Impression on the mind of my friend was a witness who came here by authority of Queen Victoria to plead the cause of Bermuda potatoes and to bring tears to the eyes of the ways and means committee by reciting the sad experience of Bermuda onions. [Laughter.] Now, my friend, full of his theory, was amazed at this witness. The man actually said that the tax was very burdensome to Bermuda. Ho went so far a» to observe that the farmers of Bermuda paid that tax. This aroused the interest of the gentleman from Nebraska, und he began to suspect that the witness had come to "Washington by way of Columbus, and had stopped off between trains for a little talk with MoKin- ley. [Laughter on the Republican iide.] So he roused himself and demanded to know what the price of Bermuda vegetables was prior to the McKinley bill. The witness was unable to say. He then afluefl after the McKinley bill. The witness could not tell, since the price varied from time to time. And now comes my friend from Nebraska, armed with bU theory, to undertake to make war against the i»cM in the case: well-dressed country in ter and applause on the You may be able to d this matter, but you can not . -casual traveler from abroad. Here is a little volume just printed by Daniel Owen & Co (limited), Cardiff, Wales. It contains the letters written from the United States last summer by Lascelles Carr and printed in the Wtst- ern Mail, the most Influential Tory newspaper of Wales, of which he is the editor. The book is entitled "Yankee Land and the Yankees." Ou page 33 he says: "The more I see of this wonderful country and the further my inquiries reach, the more satisfied I am that It is the paradise of the workingman and especially of the working women. Wages are high and for the workman the cost of living is comparatively low. Except in the matter of house accommodation their circumstances are in every respect better than those of their English brethren. They eat better and more varied food, they dress better, they have at least as good means of education and other sources of Intellectual and social recreation. Yesterday evening I stood at a ferry in Jersey City and saw thc work girls trooping over "in th« boat from New York. "The crowd was composed of much the same social elements as those of which the crowd passing over IJlacK Mars bridge consists. But, ah, what a difference in the appearance of these two sets of girls. These New Jersey girls were neatly and appropriately dressed and not one of them but wore decent, well fitting clothes, and in some cases quite ele pant boots and shoes. Th """' •"' spoke, and in every way selves as ladles. Mind yi_... flection on our English girls; it is --.., - - flection on the system under which the working classes are fain to accept such a rate of wagea as puts neat clothes and good boots, and the elegance and propriety of behavior which accompany well-paid labor beyond their reach." The working women of the United States, for whose safety our friend awakened pur interest, are not looking in anxious enthusiasm at the cloaks that are on the backs of their sisters In Europe; the working women of America are sending their money to Europe to enable their sisters to get out of the countries where cloaks are so very cheap. [Applause on the Republican •ide.J Neither are the men, for on page 36 of the same volume Mr. Carr says: "I have several times alluded—once mora I change the subject—to the condition of the workingman in this country. The further become that the real truth of the matter is that in this country a workingman earns nearly twice as much as he would in tug- land, and the cost of his living, except in the matter of rent and clothing, is about tiie same. Even in the matter of clothing the difference is not great, except in so far as it is brought about by the general use of much better clothing by the artisan in this country reu into the channels of American trade, the Walker tariff, going into effect in 1847, had impoverished and bankrupted this people long before the middle of 1854; and I intend to prove that statement to the satisfaction of every unprejudiced man. I had occasion In the last congress in a speech made here to cite the daily record made by the New York Tribune; and somebody who was evidently unable to appreciate a man like Horace Qreeley, said that he was a protectionist, and, therefore, like wage earners in their protests against this bill, entirely unreliable and probably Intimidated. [Laughter.] I go now into the columns of the free trade press, and will read a few lines from the New York Herald editorial of January 1, 1855, a free trade editor's farewell address to one of those years of "symmetrical" prosperity, about which the gentleman from West Virginia "Seldom indeed within our recollection has there been a year so darkly overshadowed by general calamities, National misfortune and local disasters aad suffering as the eventful and gloomy year which has just expired The great financial and commercial panic of 1837 did not bring to u», with all Us train of bankruptcies, explosion, and general ruin, so much of positive suffering to the working classes of our great cities, the combined causes which have brought about the existing lamentable lanoial and< commercial depression." I present here also the memorial of the unemployed working men of the city of New York to the mayor and common council at that time, am orlal which, taken In connection with the speech of the chairman or the committee on ways and means, is to me very interesting. We had the pleasure yesterday of hearing the eloquent observations made by the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. , who seemed to think that he had d a remedy for thn evils of our i or that if he had not, the apostle whose follower he is had discovered it; but I call his attention to the fact that the humble working people of New York in 1854, in the midst of the poverty whleh surrounded them In that city, made a logical, square, and persausive presentation of the theory which proposes to relieve the people ol their distress, by putting the burdens of the government upon the landed property of the government. ... , , I will print a portion of thli memorial, which appears in full in the New York Herald of January 4,1855s "To (h» mayor and common council of the city of New Yorkt The memorial of the under- ",'—'—•- ~ . * .1 « It. .. 4. « .. n w. aaf. his vision to take in ••»». .«.-.,.— - r — -which be delivered here the other day, and which my friend from Massachusetts [Mr. Walker] was so desirous of seeing in P?"", would nev*r appear in the CongrtuiotuH ae«. Of JVCiO JU77W J. iiv MJ****«V*» •»»• «-- -—— signed respectfully shows that at a meeting of more than 2,000 unemployed laborers and mechanics of the city of New York commenced In the park on Tuesday afternoon of the 25th day of December and adjourned from there to Hope Chapel, on Broadway, on the evening of Friday the 29th of December, for the purpose of providing not merely temporary but permanent relief to the unemployed poor of the city who are now, in addition to their inability to obtain work, threatened with famine, your memorallsts were appointed a committee in behalf of the meeting to draw up and cause to be presented to you for your immediate action this memorial." In an editorial in the New York Htrali of January 4,1855, you will fin* these words: "Th* past lour months hare witnessed a her of his party (Mr. Elaine), who shows that after that there was a revival of business. Mr. Dolliver: I hare gone to the sources of information; IJdo not care with whom I may differ, even if it be our most distinguished leader. I will read also an editorial from HunVt Merchant*' Magazine, a free trade journal of trade, and the only one that Is preserved from that period: The commercial embarrassments noticed in our last have been continued, and in many sections of the country the pressure has increased, while confidence is shaken everywhere and all Classen are made to realize the insecurity of worldly possessions. The onuses which led to this have been a long time at work. The prosperity which prevailed almost universally up to the middle of last year had made our business men so confident in their own strength that all classes had expanded their engagements far beyond the protection of their own resources, and were exposed to the storm which began to gather on every sida. Qoods which had accumulated abroad when the demand had almost ceased were crowded upon our shores at whatever advance could be obtained, thus aggravating the evil.—7/un«'« Merchants' Magazine, volume 31, tiaue 71G. December, 18M. ' This article shows that the depression to which I have been referring visibly begun in the middle of the year 1853, a thing which it will be important to students of this situation to bear in mind. It maybe worth while, also, to call the attention of the committee to the fact that during all this depression the antics of the Democratic party were very similar to their behavior In the present congress. I read from a. Washington letter to the New York Herald of January 0, 1855. It Is a ray of calcium light thrown on the back-ground of the situation: "Next Tuesday is the day fixed upon by the committee o'n ways and means to call up the bill for the reduction of the tariff. " And here is a letter from Washington to the Worth American, quoted In the New York herald oflS55: "The conspiracy of the Democratic members to break down the tariff of 1846, and to deprive the country of the little protection which it affords was considerably advanced last evening by a secret meeting or caucna held at the capitol sometime between dark and midnight." It was supposed that the present congress had furnished us with the first example in our history of a secret caucus without deliberation" publicity, or discussion, agreeing upon an industrial programme for the American people. We are glad to relieve thu members of the ways and means committee of to-day by citing the example of their predecessors. Then, as now, the secret Democratic caucus and tba public soup bouse went together. Our city reporters—Says the New York Herald editorial of January 14, 1855— note that Mr. A. T. Stewart supplies from uint to twelve hundred people daily with soup. Mr. Lindeninuller does the same in Chatham street, and charitable committees dig. charge a like duty in each of the populuoui '- ------ c ity. been read without giving the paper «»*rybody would hare

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