The Algona Upper Des Moines from Algona, Iowa on April 27, 1892 · Page 5
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The Algona Upper Des Moines from Algona, Iowa · Page 5

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Algona, Iowa
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Wednesday, April 27, 1892
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•* V -n. *sttll -more amaz- which emp' „ , obviously , Indicrotas. ; ;up tKe P* 03 ^?.*.?^ rjwibich'bindine-twineand " - .. ™ . "--••" free list is not hen -----yon arts guilty of hery, to the pablic welfare. "Site Jthink that ihe ^argument has been re. *ated»n» J lMii>drea ways. nri& Is , not -worth . the-.weaTand«ear,of voice required to reiterate St in Shis' chamber. And the fact that ' -this 'house. aliuosttraaTiiinously Democratic, ' isenlliere BO you claim, wlien you are not talking of 'the rules of the last house or of . *WScderal election WU, expressly fora •nrotoBtiarainsfthe tariff legislation of 1890. xrifli your leading candidate for thepresi- * .dency publicly advising its repeal, and a ' flozen measures pending here for that purpose, Aas not dared -to'toucn it except in the meager actS'Of child's play now under consideration, would seem to indicate that the argument I or free trade is a demagogue"^ proclamation, secretly discredited by the •eery people -who are now engaged in posting it up PD 'the Tjaiandoors of Iowa and Ne- braWka- [Laughter and applanse on the , ^Republican side.] '-Do vou not "know that yourlitile bills, .. ,'acres of Bemip.iD the "valley of the'Platfe.-holds • the 'prbniise of more benefit to ithp people' of ittoei state of Nebraska ^an all the "free ^jfade oratory this side of Belfast' [Laughter and applause onthe'Eepnbllcanslde.] • -: It is thevadvatxc?;feuard"of toatgreat army of industry' that has doubled: the population of Chicago and StOLouisvwithin", ten years and filled th6:valley of $ne Mississippi from St. Paul to New Orleans with thriving' and enterprising centers of population and v . business. JApplanse.] But my- friend says' , that be wants to save SJWOOO ta the farmers of this country. Now. if all tie fanatics of free- trade agreed that that would, be the effect of the bill, I would-even then doubt it and even if it were.-;> true, I would think it a doubtful compensation to the west for the loss of one of its Rro wing and enlarging industrial opportunities. But the most serious students of tariff reform: in the United . States do; not pretend that that would be the effect of this measure.- I have here an editorial from the New York Times of January 16. It says: '-The two remaining bills have be'en pre:n if they were-eaacted, would make no I pared without due regard^to certain facte ~ _ _• ^ •>_ ._ . *__ — «A.*.i nv .n. i?e+ «f which should not have- been overlooiceo^ One of these bills puts binding-twine on the free list and the Mother removes the 1 duty from barbed wire of all kinds and iron rods for fencing. We'have already, showii that binding-twine is practically on'-the free list now. The McKinley;-'tariff removed the duties from the fibers out of which the binding-twine is mide (manila. sisal, and certain other similar products); and at the same time reduced the duty on the twine to almost nothing—seve^tenths of a cent a pound. If the ways and - means committee desires to Deprive fhe cordage trust of the protection il enjoys'it should turn its attention from .binding-twine to" the other products of thai" combination. It is not probable that th'ei removal of the duty of seven-eights of .a; cent per .pound would cause a reduction of price that could be perceptible in the retail* market; Substantially all -that can/be' done, by tariff legislation to take'away the trust's power •to exact high prices for twine -has already been done. • •• -\ Now, when my friend goes past the Democratic platform of,1833. goes.past Governor Hill's Birmingham-speech of last week.< and and in his unconscious attorneyism;• of -for- <eign interests,' takes- flje , case-ydut; of the hands ofthe senior counsel-on that side, instead of helping Sthe westxir helping -himself, he-simply invites ;»ew. penalties upon the atrocious erime-.ojibeing ;£;• very- young man. [Laughter.'on the.RepubUcan side.] My friend .•from.lGeorgia" [Mr.* Turner] proposes to put cotton-ties on the free list, and I understand that the ways and mean? committee yesterday ."after'a delay .which 1 would like to have explained. reported a oil restoring the old duty of 1 cent a pound upon tin plate. I- ~-:- : - '• •• :••'•• •• ••'• '.-'ji'.;r/-t '•'.: : I am very.gladithey have do.ife it, because these articles enfible us to illustrate by an object lesson, the exact effect of insufficien' duties. By a singular oversight in; the ael of 1883, two simple products of; iron anc steel, tin plate aSid cotton-ties were' left scheduled at a rate below that imposed upon the materials but of: which they were made That is obviously, worse than free trade, for it not only transfers'the industry to another country, but U burdens the imported product with a revenue tai..'. The-McKihley bill corrected both these: mistakes and left both articles dutiable at a protective .rate. The immediate effect qf:that act in restoring and establishing these industries in the country has: been so:remarkable that if I thought the .house would, pardon me, I would'tak'e the :time .to .read/two letters which I have "received -ui answer to my inquiry showing tKe present condition; of the tin plate and cotton tie industry in the United States. The .one is fromi our old friend and associate .here.' an honest German manufacturer in the city of St. Louis, and is as follows: •'"•' . , .''.',. "ST. Lous. Mo.. FeT5. 24,1893.—DEAR SIB : In answer to your : inquiry:regaiding the present status of the tin-plate . industry in the city of St. Lous, n-e wish to state - that the tin-plate works of the St. Louis .Stamping Company are.nearly completed. When in full operation these works will turn out 86 tons of tin plates per day. On the basis of $100 per tou this would amount to $3.000 per day. Deducting 20 per cent for incidentals and profits : will.: following the process back to mine and forest;' leave $2.880 per day for American labor. v Our present daily output is 2i tons." ' ' " Our tin-plate ..works are the finest ever , appreciable, impression on the long list of 2,500 separate items of alleged robbery scheduled in the McKinley bill? My friend from .Nebraska [Mr. Bryan] says that a general tariff "bill would not pass the senate nor receive the signature of the president. Keitfier will this bill. Two years ago the Republican -party, in the tempest of false "witness and -prophecy, went down, carrying *he-M.cKlnley bill on its back. This year ^he McKinley bill carries the Republican party, and the great statesman who gave it his' flame, from the chief "office of his own state, looks out upon a country already re• JoicingTin the industrial revival for which • he so .faithfully labored. [Loud applause K>n*b,eJBepubliuaTi side.] 3Jo;you suppose that tha» Republican par<*y is emng Ito allow a standing commlttee_<>f " Beared and rattled politicians, armed with 'stump speeches, most of " them entitled to •consideration only on" account of their age [laughter], to^driveitfrom its position-witb • m, 'battery vit worn and dilapidated phrases? £Laupbter,and applause on the Republican *ide..]> Do you suppose that the senate of the. United States, which stood till October against the'Gatling gnns.of 1888, is likely. to • «apltulate* "now 'before the popgun pro- jgrahxme-of 1832! {Laughter,] JI,do not deny 'that there were Republican , criticisms -of "the McKinley act. and espe- 1 c\afl.y of the schedule of wool and woolens. But 1 no ( Republican, east or west, ever •Bought of,, obviating these objections, by -putting -the American farmer on the free list for "lie "benefit of <tne manufacturer of •woolen goods. [Applanse on the Republi- canTftide.] - To us -it is plainer than daylight *hat no scheme of 'tariff reform which leaves • tjle : .leading agricultural interests' of the • country in helpless competition with lati- . ^udes where neither men nor lauds are worth .any thing can "live very long, in the JJriile'd'States. ' ' 15o x you gentlemen from Connecticut and Massachusetts, know what the -Democratic • -crajprsof the;West have taught us to be- liey«; •about {yon? They have spent tieir lives in tellingliie story of vour avarice and ^gieed. They, have pictured your palaces of luxury on-the 'hilltops of New "England be> -aforefcwliicB your, employes have plead in vain in. the rags of an unnatural poverty for • simple-justice. That cannibal tree up which you :have;been chasing the publieoao^nany year -was *eet out by my • friend from Ne• trnska [Mr. Bryan] in that state at least . five •' years . before he, brought it into this idu'se 1 'Pangrhter], -while 'his .figure of the • turglar is the familiar term of endearment "by -which .Democratic eloquence has introduced the .factories of New England to the attention of ithe West; * Sou now desire, if I 'understand you. to • «eeure=cheaper material in order to divide , ,ihViie,w profits of your business with the -consumers of cloth,- and strange to say. my friend who in vented the' cannibal tree, is "'detailed to organize the farmers- of the West under ihe tanner of a, • Boston woolen i anQl.'-and anarch them forth in this glorious ~ -Srarfare against the sheep pastures of the . Tnited, States. [Laughter aiid applause on ,,~the Bepublican -side.]. On Pennsylvania Avenue yonder is a monumental fountain inscribed with the motto : "Faith, hope, charity, temperance.'" , It r i8'";a- good thing in its way, • tut . - the v pure water , »ponrs forth from the -mouth of a monster so hideous that the, average passerby. • however thirsty. without -drinking rather' than when the -iron- manufacturers abroad -went .• o other markets' for their material and the cost of-pig iron was higher than it was _a vear "or two later. During the years 1887 and 1888 the price of ties 'was so low • that we did not manufacture auy. In 1S89 the price was 00 and 92.^ cents per .bundle. In 890 the price was about SI. 10 per bundle. In 1891 the price was from $1 to SI.15 per bundle. Some ties were sold during this vear (1891) as low as 95 cents per bundle at • ihe mills. You will observe that - this was. ifter the passage of-the McKinley "bill. This was largelv owing to the fact that the crop promised to be very large and there was some fear that there might be a short- ge of ties to bale same. The average .price at which ties were sold in 1891 probably would not exceed $1.10 per bundle at the mills. This year (189i) ties Wave been sold as low as §1.07 per bundle delivered in Galveston. Tex. Regretting our inability to give you further information, I remain yours truly, W. E. TA.ri.OR. Hos. J. P. DOLLIVER, W<t>?titufion, D. U. Does mv friend from Georgia desire to again transfer these industries to England? It is a very plain quest.on. Any duty that is so low as to destroy an industry, or that is levied upon an article the like of which we do not and cannot produce in a supply equal to our needs, is evidently a tax on all we import. But a protective duty levied upon an article the like of which we do and can produce in a supply equal to our needs, is not only a guaranty of the employment of our own people, but. unless all our experience with iron and steel is accidental, it is also Ihe surety of an enlarging.bome production that speedily _ emancipates the whole community from the domination of high prices. We do not fear to defend the policy which in thirty years has covered this country from one end of it to the other with furnaces and rolling mills, and which .has - invaded even the splendid little cities of, Georgia, Alabama, and Tennessee, making the southern exposure of the Appalachian range the coming iron and steel supply of the world. Suppose'that we had treated'tin plate and cotton-ties in 1883 as we treated steel nails made out of wire, does anybody doubt that we would have repeated with-them. ong before this time, the exact experience that in nine years has so multiplied .the output of the American nail mills .that "we saw wire nails selling for 2 cents a pound at the factory when the tariff was 4. and now see them sold at a 1 7-10.cents when the tariff is 2 ? Yet I have heard speeches 9n this floor which were evidently put together in the prayerful conviction that every time afarmer goes into a store to buy a pound of nails he is robbed in the full amount of the tariff, overlooking altogether the fact that the :average purchaser goes into a store to' buy nails and not tariff. [Laughter on the Ke-, publican side.] Why not give cotton-ties and tin plate a chance in. the system which has before the. eyes of all men wrought these results in every other product of: iron or steel? I am not without sympathy-with the 1 present sit nation of the planters of the south, who have been for .generations shut up to the single "employment" in which the slave could labor. I think I appreciate the force of the argument that converted John C. Calhoun. from the faith of protection, in which our fathers were agreed. His idea was thatthe, cotton- grower could get more for his product in the English market if the English, manufacturer paid less for the food of his operatives. The slave empire, therefore, was taught to look to the English . market for a supply of cheap merchandise and to the upper Mississippi valley for'a supply of cheap food. not'onl3' for the English .factory but for the slave population itself, and so Ihax r e never wondered that the genius of slavery accepted the whole gospel of free trade. To-day the south by the 'oversupply of . cotton suffers one * of. the common penalties of undeveloped and undi- versified industrial system. In their distress the people turn to their great statesmen, who have nothing to say. except to cut the platform of the plantation politics of the olden' time out of the Confederate constitution anil to propose a plan of legislation to close their factories and effectually exclude their industrial cities from participation in the general prosperity,of the country. Without your consent we have forced upon you the cotton mill and the rolling mill. We have not desired to rob you. We^ have thought only to develop your infinite resources and to establish a steady and profitable employment for y_our people near their home. The whole north is filled, not with hatred ~ 3 ? and applause.] It'-putf me also into accord with the common sense of every country in the world, whatever its language, that has dealings with Great Britain. For Mr. Gladstone, only a few months ago. deploring the fact that the last remaining English colony nad deserted .the standard of- free trade, mournfully acknowledged that England is the sole surviving 'witness of freedom in commerce in the whole earth. . . , I regret that I cannot - follow my friend from Nebraska as he starts out in his first term in congress to do more for England than 'even her own colonies are , willing to do. [Laughter and applause on the Republican side.] And I am glad to say that this prejudice in favor of the United States is very generally shared by the community in which we both live. [Laughter.] I am a believer in the rights of my own home: first my own town, then my own county, then my own state, then my own country .'and when I am looking around for some country^to boycott I always select some foreign country. [Laughter and applause.] ' The prevailing public spirit of the west is illustrated by this clipping from an independent Iowa newspaper: ••Let Cedar Rapids people stand by Cedar Rapids people and Cedar Rapids industries; wheel your baby in a Cedar Rapids carriage; pump your water with a Cedar Rapids pump: hitch your horses with Cedar Rapids harness; build with Cedar Rapids brick; employ Cedar Rapids contractors and builders; use Cedar Rapids engines; milk in.Cedar Rapids pail, and strain away' the milk in a Cedar Rapids cooler; sit ou a Cedar Rapids -cushion; eat Cedar Rapids pork, beef and crackers; use Cedar Rapids flour and oatmeal; marry a Cedar Rapids girl, and when you die have a Cedar Rapids monument erected to commemorate your loyalty-to your home city." [Applause and great laughter.] Lhave no doubt that this is also the prevailing business of every wideawake community of-Nebraska. Not long ago we had a splendid stock :farmer running for governor of Iowa, and the Democrats started a, story to the- effect that he bought every thing in Chicago instead of the village near which ; he resided, and we had to fill the newspapers with" affidavits denying the charge, .so universal is the popular contempt for the man who goes back on the neighborhood in which: he lives. And that feeling is well founded, for while one man or one,set :of • men might possibly make a little something if they s went away from home with their trade, yet. if everybody did so, the. whole community-would be involved in a common bankruptcy, and the beautiful and thriving little cities of: Iowa and Nebraska would return to '"the open prairie from which they came,' My friend from Nebraska thinks that the west is at last coming round to the notion of going abroad* for the goods we need. If that is true of Nebraska it is evident that tha state is losing its.senses faster thin he says it is losing its sheep. I cannot agree with him. On every hand I see the evidence of a.better understanding by all 1 the people of the absolute necessity, according- to the the advice of Jefferson, of building, the factory, next to the farm. Every city in my district is ready with cash contributions and .exemption from taxes for any man who agrees to establish any industrial enterprise. .,•... No people 4n the United States can see more clearly .the ' relation of the farm to its customers than the people of Iowa. and Nebraska. Last summer the contract of building a little torpedo cruiser was awarded to the Du- buq'ue Iron Works'.:: We were agreeably surprised to find a shipyard in Iowa equipped for ; such a contract. .The Dubuque newspapers were filled .witH rejoicing over" the building, of that one little cruiser costing 8112.000. The Democratic newspapers opened its account - .with the head line in flaming-capitals: "Hallelujah!"—The first time that old Hebrew expression ever found Its .way in a Democratic newspaper in that section of. the. country. : [Laughter.] It pointed out how every citizen of the town and the . whole, adjacent community would share in the bounty of that expenditure of money. ."-'.Turning over to the editorial page the reader found an argument very like that delivered a week . ago by my friend from Nebraska, in effect advising us, whenever we-wanted anything else, to gotoEnglrnd for it. and I said to myself that if the Democracy of the west would only take into their politics.a .little, of the common sensd that they apply to their;business. instead of winning new victories on the free trade platform, as predicted by my- friend from retarded and thousands of useful. laborers thrown out of employment and reduced to want. • . ' •-.. •"•'.-'-• Here is the end of an experiment which filled the newspapers of that-:decade with the afflictions of a whole people, plundered, not by a protective tariff, bnt by- the fatal exposure of their occupations to an invasion of imported merchandise. > The' people of the west and the lowly millions of the world, never had a truer or a wiser friend than old Horace Greeley. I would not even put my friend from Nebraska in the same class with him. The only thing I ever heard against Mr Greeley was that at one time bje .-accepted the Democratic nomination for the presidency of the United States. [Laughter.] I ask you to open the yellow pages of the old Tribune of the people to December 18," 1S55, and read an extract showing how the face of free trade looked to the last generation between Thanksgiving and Christmas. On July 29, IS46. Mr. Greeley had made this prediction in the. Tribune: - - - . ' "We believe the change just made entirely wrong—flagrantly, grievously wrong—yet we shall studiously avoid "panic-making." When the crisis has been met with manful resolution, we apprehend that there will be quite disaster enough, suffering enough, because of this great national mistake. We fear that thousands upon thousands who would have been steadily employed and comfortably situated, if this bill had not passed, will now be destitute of emplovment and dependent upon charity for bread."" ' I ask you to turn to the files of that journal and read from day to day aud'from year to year the fulfillment of this prediction. On December 18 the news columns contained a tabulated statement showing that the chief industries essential to the independence and life of the country -were wholly prostrated, and that one-half, and in many cases two-thirds, of all the employes in all the industries were out of employment. The faithful editor recorded his own feelings over the showing in these, words: "What a picture is here presented.'. We have supported European manufacturers and artists and middlemen to the neglect, loss, and destruction of our men- of industry and talent of whatever kind, and that is the sole reason of our difficulty." On January 15. 1855. the Tribune printed this picture of life f in the commercial metropolis of the countrv: • ' "Who is hungry ? Go and see. You that are full fed and know not whatiit is to be hungry—perhaps neversaw a hungry mango and see. Go and see thousands, men and women, boys and girls, old and young, black'and white, of all nations, crowding and jostling each other, almost fighting for a first chance, acting more like'"hungry wolves than human beings, in, a land of plenty, waiting till the food is ready for distribution. Such a scene may be : scene every day between 11 and 2 o'clock around the corner of Orange and Chatham streets, where charity gives a dinner to th r e poor, and soup and bread to others to carry to their miserable families. '•• ' • "On Saturday we spent an hour there at the hour of high tide. We have -never seen anything .like Jt before. *Op-' ward of " 1.000 people were fed- with a plate of soup, a piece of bread and a piece of meat on the premises, and in : all more than 1,600. On the same day 1,130 portions of soup were dealt out from Stewart's -soup kitchen." corner of Reade street and Broadway. At the rooms on Duane street for the relief of the poor, on the same day. they gave food to 2.256. In the Sixth ward alone over 6 000 persons were fed by charity on Saturday. January 13. And this is only one day in one ward. Meunwhile, scenes of a like nature are being enacted all over the city." - ' v A few days later, commenting on the condition of affairs, he wrote these words, every sentence full of practical wisdom: ••The cry of hard times reaches us from every part of the country. The making of roads is stopped, factories are closed a_nd liouses and ships are to longer being built. ^Factory hands, road-makers, carpenters, bricklayers, and laborers are idle, and paralysis is rapidly embracing every pursuit in the country. The cause of all this stoppage of circulation is to be found in the steady outflow of gold to pay foreign laborers for the cloth, the shoes, the iron and the other things that could be produced by American labor, but which can not be so produced under our present revenue system. The convulsion would have come upon us sooner but for the extraordinary demand in Europe for breadstufls. growing oat of huge famines and big- wars, and but .a-a^asfe^tsSsct •*•£*& a,«h~ ?* k* > -a £ tear the .itcKinley: oill fom the., clerk's Hands as he read the horrible items of its abomination. [Laughter^] 'To-day your actions, speaking louder and more eloquently than your words, imply a frame of such pyfoand respect for that great enactment that you stand around it talking and gesturing, like children" in.the old-time menagerie, prodding the elephant here and there,with sticks and running uway if the aninial turns to notice the ' annoyance. [Laughter and app'ause on the Republican side.] Do you not know that your advertised opinions about the McKinley bill have been' effectually put to confusion by the lapse of two years' time? You recollect that yon thought that it would destroy or would at least impede commerce. You now know that you were mistaken, and that commerce is "daily gaining in all the published records of trade. This you attribute to Providence, "iouputitto the credit of the Russian relief fund as your only official contribution to that charity. [Laughter.] Is it not a little strange that Providence seems always to smile r upon everything except the predictions of .free trade? This is not the first time that the statistics of foreign commerce have set your exeectations at naught. In 1851, six years after your chosen system was adopted, the president, in sending to congress his annual message, put on record some things that yon ought occasionally to ponder. I will give you one of them: "The value of our exports of breadstuffs and provisions, which it was supposed the incentive of a low tariff and large importations from abroad would have greatly augmented, has fallen from S63.000.000 in I*t7 to §21,000.00 in IS51, with almost a certainty of a still further reduction in IS52. The policy which dictated a low rate of duties on foreign merchandise,! it was thought by those who established it, would tend to benefit the farming population of this country by increasing the demand and raising th'e price of our agricultural products in foreign markets.. The foregoing facts, however, seem to show incontestibly that no such result has followed the adoption of this policy." Now, if Providence is thus from feme to time carelessly refuting Democratic theories, always coming in at an awkward moment, I leave you to have it out with Providence. Mr. Bynum—I believe on your side of the house there were great predictions that there would be a large increase ur wages when the McKinley bill was passed. Can you point to a single instance in which the result has followed? Mr. Dolliver —The last report of the bureau of labor statistics of the state of New York just issued, shows that the hours of labor have been, decreased in more than 3,000 factories in _ that state in one year, and that wages of laoor have been advanced in more than 1.900 cases against 441 in which they have been reduced. Mr. Bynum—Can you name a single manufacturing industry hi which wages have, been increased where the hours remained the same since the passage of the McKinley bill? Mr. Dolliver—Ah examination of the statistics will answer that question. Mr. Bynum—Did yon not raise the duty 00 pottery in the MeKinley bill, and did they not immediately cut down the wages in the potteries of New Jersey 10 per cent? Mr. Buchanan, of New Jersey—They have not. and they do not increase the duty in the McKinley bill. Mr. Bynum—I wish to say that they did just that, and that they decreased the wages. 1 want to say that they decreased them right in Mr. McKInley's district in those verv industries. -Mr. Ezra B. Taylor—The gentleman is mistaken. I wish to correct that statement. Mr. Bynum—The gentleman is n,ot mistaken. Mr. Ezra B. Taylor—In all-the furnaces their wages were increased three months ago 10 percent. [Applause on the Republican side.] Mr. Dolliver—I will follow my triendfrom Indiana (Mr. Bynum) one step further. If he will take down the bulletin of the census he will find that in the woolen industries of the United States the wages of the employes have advanced in ten years 17 per cent. Mr. Bynum—I am not. talking about the census. I am talking about since the McKinley bill was passed in the manufacture of articles where the protection has been increased. I want you to state one single establishment where wages were increased. You can not do it. Mr. Dolliver—I will say to my friend from Indiana thai I have cited from the official •E^^UrTS&^^g^ ^f §v_: came. These are "the- professional wholesale dealers in misfortune"- - into wtfose hands the professor at the breakfast table says "it is an awful ihing to fall." [Laujrh- ter.T These are the statesmen that put th* worldly prospects of whole states like Kansas and Nebraska into the rag-b g- and present the bagr for our inspection and applause- in this house. [Laughtar.J My friend from Nebraska (Mr. Bryan) seems to be the chief mourner now over the desolation of our common Israel [laughter], and his metaphors take on a. color almost oriental, and suggest th&rusrged determination to get elected again to congress even if he has to set out cannibal trees in 'every township in the state of Nebraska. [Laughter.] That complicated Australian shrub, first brought to the public attention by Thomas Pepper, by which my friend has illustrated the mantrap of the protective tariff, though it does not rise to the dignity of a myth even among" the bnshmen of the Australian desert, is useful in a discussion like this to exhibit the languid credulty which enables so bright a man as my friend to swallow the folklore of fre« trade and the ghost dances of imaginary savages with equal enthusiasm. [Laughter and applause on the Republican side.] The apostle exhorts us to prove all things and hold fast to that which is good. Now. the only possible way to prove tha McKinley bill is by the open test of experiment. We gave the people a free list equal to one-half of all we import, but including; only those articles the like of which we do not and can not produce in quantities suitable" to ou r demand. We lowered every duty that could be lowered without inviting * flood of foreign merchandise. Undeterred bv clamor we raised those duties that were evidently too low to keep alive the Ameri- ican industry. We did not actwithou. information. We had the evidence, visible to all. that wool and woolen goods produced in countries greatly beneath u» in their industrial level were gradually driving our people to the wall. We undertook, applying ihe Chicago platform of 1888, to check these damaging 'importations without increasing the price of clothes. Had we been dealing- with an exact science we could not have succeeded more perfectly. To-day every effective woolen mill in- the United States is at work. Wages are IT per cent more by the census than in 1880. A million and a half of sbeepx have been added to our pastures and ten» • of thousands new operatives in over a hun.- dred new departments of industry paid io good Republican money, every dollar equal to every other, have become customers, or the American farm, five times, more profitable than if their skill were exercised in any foreign country. • I heard my friend from Illinois? [Mr. Scott] say the'other day that it was a. very alarming and surprising thing to him that the MeKinley bill not only undertook to take care of existing industries but actually had the villainy to try i» establish new employments for our people. That is true. I recollect that the campaign in Iowa was colored by the denunciation of the Democratic party because we had'put up the duty on imported plush. They said it was an odious extortion upon every poor girl who desired out of her meagre earning* to buy a cloak. , Now. we did. raise the^ duty on plush, but we had no such; evil Intentions as these gentlemen seem to think. The fact is that our folks ivear as many clothes and in a. general way are about as much interested in not being robbed as anybody else is. ("Laughter.] And we raised that duty not ^ for the purpose of increasing the price, bnk for the purpose of establishing the industry, relying on our experience in everything to escape at once from foreign dependence and to escape shortly from high prices. And every Democrat in the United States inmped up and swore by the memory of Richard Cobden that the thing could not be done. Jefferson used to exhort his country to purchase -nothing foreign where an equivalent domestic fabric can be obtained without regard to any difference of price." We have done better. We have in less than two years given the people a home product equivalent in value at a reduced price. -1 desire to read a few words from the Di~y- gouds ('Jtroit c?e. a. noupartisan trades journal, of August 29 last: '•The firm of F. Victor & Achelis. Leonard street, are showingsomebeautifnl silk-plush goods manufactured at the new mills, lately e-itablished at Bridgeport. Conn., by Sir Titus Salt. Bart.. Sons & Co. Thi* latter firm have been long established in England and have the widest experience in the man-

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