The Oregon Daily Journal from Portland, Oregon • Page 6

6 THE OREGON DAILY JOURNAL, PORTLAND; WEDNESDAY, JUNE- 1V1918. Glynn Delivers Keynote Speech at Democratic Convention H. artin NEUTRALITY, AMERICA'S CO I BUtlON TO DONERS ORK FORMER GOVERNOR OF NEW Yl LAWS OF THE WORLD, MADE WASHINGTON, JEFFERSON, LINCOLN HATED, SAYS GLYNN Neutral Rights of American Citizens Never Before So Vigorously Asserted or So Successfully Maintained as by President Wilson During the Present War, MASTERLY ADDRESS AT OPENING OF GREAT CONVENTION, OUTLINING PARTY'S POLICIES United States Now Faces Third Great Crisis of Its History, Paramount Issue Being Whether It Shall Continue Its Past Course With Regard to European War, as the president of the United States Is trying to do today. When Tan Boxen Was President. When Van Buren was president a detachment of Canadian militia, during the internal troubles in Canada, boarded the United States ship Carolina In the American waters of Niagara river, killed an American member of the crew, fired the ship and Bent her adrift over Niagara Falls.

But we didn't go to war. Van Buren settled our trouhles by Negotiation Just as the president of the United States is trying to do today. When Jefferson Was President. When Jefferson was president England seized hundreds of our ships and Napoleon hundreds more. From 179.1 to 1807 historians say Enpland and France together captured 16u0 American vessels and $60,000,000 worth of American property.

England compelled over 2000 American seamen to serve against their will In the English navy, and Napolepn ordered the seizure and confiscation of American ships wherever found. Our shipping rotted at every French and British port, our crews were cast into prison and left to die of abuse and neglect. The British ship Leopard fired upon the American cruiser Chesapeake In American waters, killed and wounded several of our sailors, took three native-born American citizens off the Chesapeake and one of them in Halifax. SAYS THAT OPPONENTS' POLICIES WOULD MEAN WAR STRICT NEUTRALITY MAINTAINED BY THE PRESIDENT United States Not Intended to Be Policeman of the World, as to slight Every Wrong Would Mean That the Sword Won Id STever Be in the Scabbard While There Bemalned aa Unsatisfied Hope. Unless America's liberties, Territories or Substantial Bights Are Assaulted Zt I the Duty of This People to Keep Out of War Wit Any Nation by Every ponorable Means at Her Command.

St Louis. June 14. (I. N. Ex-Governor Martin H.

Glynn of New York burned In effigy, Jefferson called a spineless poltroon and Lincoln pictured as a craven. Today, however, the nation goes to all these men for its every conception of all that is best in American citizenship. The fate of the fathers of our country at the bands of a noisy minority is the fate of the president of the United States today. But their reward of dignities merited and honors conferred will be his. reward, when the people speak on the 8th of next November.

Where the President Stands. To win this priceless right of neutrality this nation had to 'undergo a long and painful struggle. It took Washington with Ms allies and sword eight years to Win' recognition of his country's lloerty; it took Washington and his successors 80 years of endless negotiation to win recognition of American, neutrality. And this 80 years of "Struggle wove the doctrine of neutrality closely into the warp and woof of our national life that to tear it out now would unravel the very threads of our existence. Where is the American hardy enough to challenge a policy so firmly fixed in the nation's traditions? Is there among us any man bold enough to set his wisdom above that of Washington, his patriotism above that of Hamilton and his Amerfnlsm above that of Jefferson? Is thAre any American so blind to our past, so hostile to our future, that, departing from our policy of neutrality, he would hurl us headlong into the maelstrom of the war across the se? The president of the United States stands today where stooa the men who made America and who save! America.

He stands wnere John Adam stood, when he told King George that America was the land he loved and that peace was her grandeur and her welfare. He stands where General Grant stood when he said there never was a war that could not have been settled better borne other way, and he has shown his willingness to try the ways of peace before he seeks the paths of war. He stands where George Washington stood when he frayed that this country would never unsheath the sword except in self defense so long as Justice and our essential rights could be preserved without It. For vain glory or for selfish purpose, others may cry up a policy of blood and iron, but the president of the United States has acted on the belief that the leader of a nation who plunges his people into an unnecessary war, like Pontius Pilate, vainly washes his hands of Innocent blood while the earth quakes and the heavens are darkened and thousands give up the ghost. Only by standing on this rock of Americanism, against which dashed the waves of conflict, could the president of the United States, faced by a world in arms, save this country from being drawn Into the whirlpool of disaster.

One false step in any direction and he would have carried the nation with him over the precipice. This difference, my friends, between "what is" and "what might be" is well Illustrated by two pictures which hung on the walls of the art museum here in the city of St. Louis during the Louisiana Purchase exposition. One of these pictures portrayed tho famous warriors who have stricken terror into the heart of mankind since the dawn of history. Alexander the Ex-43overnor Martin IT.

filyim of Xevr York, delivered keynote speech at opening of Democratic national convention in St. Ijouis today. chairman or the Democratic convention her today laid principal emphasis on President Wilson's maintenance of neutrality. He said: Gentlemen of the convention: The Democratic party, in this convention assembled, meets to perform a duty, not to Itself, but to the nation. 1'roud the part it has played In the na-tlcns past the iirty of Jefferson and of Jackson is gathered liere to dedicate Itself anew to the preservation of a fri-e, a united, a sovereign republic.

We are proud of the battles we have fought In the past under the emblem Of a great political party, but there la a. truth that we desire to blazon above all that we may say or do In this convention. 4 We have entered this hall a Derno-- i crats; we shall deliberate and act here a Americans. i We Who cither in this hall, stand ICr the Americanism of tlie Fathers yvho laid the foundations of this n- tion do strong and deep that no storm rucked them, no upheaval 1 fever moved them. We stand for the Americanism which under the maglo 4l til of cltlsenshlp and the mystic in-r tluence of the Htars and Htrtpes con- Verta men of every country into men one country, at'd that counti our cuiitry; men oC every flas; Into men Of one flag, and that flag our flag.

Oar Ideals and Our Aspirations. I When a hundred years look bark VIon this gathering uf today, when who now guard the ark of Ameri-. r- jpn oovenant have become nothing but a memory and a name, the principles for which we declare in tills conven-tion, the Issues for which ve fight In this campaign will live in the lives generations of Americans yet un-' torn. i If In the great crisis that now confronts the nation, the American peo- 1 falter, if they forget tiiat they are guardians of tie most sacred trust that a people ever held, their apostasy H'lll be visited upon the descendants Of their children's children. Out of the iflamlng fire of revolution, put of a strujpgle ir.

which they risked betr lives, Their fortunes and their acred honor, the Father of the Ite-) public brought a nation which they dedicated to liberty and to human prog- frosa. For the nation so consecrated, true men in every generation have labored and struggled, buffered and died, tiiat It might flourish and endure. We who stand today on the fertile toll of America, who live under the smiling- skies of a free and fruitful Ijtnd, must prove worthy of the trust that American sacrifice has Imposed on every American. For the America of today and for always remembered that neutrality is a policy which is asserted against nations at war, against nations Inflamed and disordered. It has always been wise enough to proceed with calmness and patience, and events have ever Justified JtB willingness to appeal from Philip drunk with war to Philip sobered by reason and reflection.

Sow Stands the KebordT The issue, raised by our opponents, of the vigor with which our neutrality has been enforced is a comparative Issue which can be decided only by comparative results. And what are the comparative results? How stands the record of this administration compared with other administrations? When Grant Was President. When Grant was president, during the war between Spain and the Spanish West a Spanish gunboat seized the vessel "Virginius" flying the American flag and a Spanish commandant In cold blood shot the captain of the "Virginius," 36 of the crew and 16 of the passengers. criticize the negotv- Hons of the president today. A Policy That Satisfies.

But, say our critics, this policy satisfies no one. They mean it does not satisfy those who would map out a new and untried course for this nation to pursue, but they forget It does satisfy those who believe the United States should live up to the principles It has professed for a century and more. Chief Justice White of the United States supreme court says this policy has trlven America the greatest diplomatic victory of the past generation. Maximilian Harden, Oermany's noted editor, says "that never once has this republic violated Its neutrality." and Gilbert K. Chesterton, the famous English journalist, says, "It is tlie duty of the preHldent of the United States to protect the "intercuts of the people of the United States," that "he can't dip his country into hell Just to show the world he has a keen sense of being an Individual saviour." This policy may not satisfy those who revel in destruction and find pleasure in dnspair.

It may not satisfy the fire-cater or the swashbuckler. Fut It does satisfy those who -worship at the altar of the Gd of Peace. it does satisfy the mothers of tlie land at whose hearth and fireside no Jingoistic war has placed an empty chair. It does satisfy tlie daughters of this land from whom blunter and brag has sent no loving: brother to the dissolution of the prave. It does satisfy the fathers of this land arid the sons of this land who will flRht for our flag, and die for our flag when Reason primes the rifle, when Honor draws the sword, when Justice breathes a blessing on the standards they uphold.

And whom, we ask, will the policy of our opponents satisfy, and for how long? FifrhtinR- for every deftree of Injury would mean perpetual war and this is the policy of our opponents', deny it how they will. It would no' allow the United States to keep the sword out of the scabbard as long as there remains an unrlghted wrong or an unsatisfied hope between the snowy wastes of Siberia and the Junuled hills of Borneo. It would make America as dangerous to Itself and to others, as destructive and as uncontrollable as the cannon that slipped its moorlngrs in Victor Hugo's tale of '93. It would give us a war abroad each time the fighting cock of the European weather vane shifted with the breeze. It would make America the cockpit of the world.

It would mean the reversal of our traditional pfellcy of government. It would mean the adoption of Imperialistic doctrines which we have denounced for over a century. It would make all the other nations the wards of the United States and the United States the keeper of the world. What would become of the Monroe Doctrine under such a policy? How long do our opponents suppose we would be allowed to meddle in European affairs while, denying Europe the right to meddle In American affairs. The policy of our opponents Is a dream, it never could be a possibility.

It is not even advanced in good faiths It is Winy slboiuiM simply an appeal to passion and pride, to nympathy arid prejudice to secure partisan advantage. In a word this policy of our opponents would make the United States the policeman of the world. Home tried to he policeman of the world and went down; Portugal tried to be policeman of the world and went down; Spain tried and went down, and the United States propose to profit by the experience of the ages and avoid ambitions whose reward is sorrow and whose crown Is death. xratlonal Honor. In desperation for a slogan our opponents try to create an losue out of national honor.

Now national lienor Is not the whim of an individual mind. National honor the composite sentiment, the cbmipOnlte iciihoii of a whole people feelliiK the emotions of nature and following the dictates of God. And It is far UiIh reason that "the power" to declare war in conl'tiiied by the constitution of thoNe liilted States, not on the Individual will Of the president, but on the composite reason, the reprnbentiit i ve decision of "the congress of the ulled States." Po, then, the Hotspurs of this country mean to proclaim themselves moie jealous of our national honor than the framers of the constitution, than Washington or lncoln? Win-re. whVi and from whom did they receive their commission keepers and Interpreters of the honor of thlB nation? Who gave them a monopoly of tlin workings of the brain or the emotions of the heart? What mystic faculty do they possess which nature bus denied to other men? They proceed On the theory that the noisiest man In the land in the best patriot. i Fearful within, blustering without, the coward Whistles to keep up courage, and hopes (he world will renl In hU face what is not in his heart.

The brave mhn, consc lows of uhm Is in his heart and careless of whether or not the world rends it in his Thcb, neither whistles to deceive Ills neighbors nor publishes his patriotism to win the Pharisee's crown of bclf-pralse. Those noisy fritlis forget than an appreciation of honor is as elemeiiisJ in every mail as tlie insilrt' I which calls the flush of rage to the cheek' or the blaze of anger to the eye. Wliciii the honor of, this country is outragel or the glory of its flag Is besmirched the man of the street, the toller iti the fields, the arllnan In tho shops, the man why shoulders his musket and marches1' away at his country's call will need no tell him, no one to show him where duty lies and manhood calls. The men who will do the fighting will jiot buvu to be drummed to: wurthey will summon themselves tt battle with yie valor of a Jackson aiid the ardor of a Wayne. Preparedness.

The genius Of this country Is for peace. Compared with tho Mood smeared pages of Europe our record are almost Immaculate. In the making of no other nation has conquest played so small a part. Sto'en wealth Continued on Following Pl Tom Keene gives him a poor smoe and full his money, forgetting that Prcsado the blend! that comes Tom Keene. Tom for keen Americans.

i i cigar with that Prcsado Blend States for which Washington fought and for which Lincoln died shall hold Its place among the nations. For two years the world has been afire; the civilization that we know has been torn by the mightiest struggle In its history. Sparks from Europe's conflagration have blazed In our own skies, echoes of her strife have sounded at our very doors. That fire still burns, that struggle still continues, but thus far the United States has held the flama at bay; thus far It has savec; its people from participation In the cdnfllct. What the people of the United States must determine through their suffrage Is whether the course the country has pursued through this crucial period is to be continued; whether the principles that have been asserted as our national policy shall be indorsed or withdrawn.

This is the paramount Issue. No lf-ter issue must cloud it, no unrelated problems must confuse it. In the submission of this issue to the electorate we, of this convention, hold these truths to be self-evident to every student of America's history, to every friend of America's Institutions. First: That the United States is constrained by the traditions of Us past, by the logic of Its present and by the promise of Its future to hold Itself apart from the European warfare, to save its citizens from participation in the conflict that now devastates the nations across the seas. Second: That the United States in Its relations with the European belligerents niitst continue the policy that it has pursued since the beginning of the the policy of strict neutrality in relation to eivery warring nation, the policy which Thomas Jefferson defined as "rendering to all the services and courtesies of friendship and praying for the reestablishment of peace and right!" Third: That save where the liberties, the territory or the substantial rights of the United States are Invaded and assaulted, It Is the duty of this nation to avoid war by every honorable means.

Fourth: That it Is the duty of the United Slates government to maintain the dignity and the honor of the American nation and in every situation to demand and secure from every bellig erent the recognition of the neutral rights of its citizens. Fifth: That because the president of the United States has asserted these principles and pursued these policies the American people must support him with Ardor and with enthusiasm in order that these principles arid policies may be known to all the world, not as the opinion of an individual but aa the doctrine and faith of a loyal and united nation. Tns Tolicy of Neutrality Zs as Amerl-oan as the American nag. In emphasis of these self evident propositions wS assert that the policy of neutrality is as truly American as the American flag. For 20U years neutrality was a the ory; America has made it a fact.

The first president of the United to teg was the first man to pronounce neutrality ajs a rule of international conduct. In April. 1793. Washington declared the doctrine; and within a month, John Jay, chief justice of the supreme court of the United States, in an epoch making decision from the bench. wnose realization would ensure universal and perpetual peace, wrote the principle into the law of this land.

The Declaration of Independence had foretold it by declaring "the rest of mankind enemies in war, in peace the constitution recognized it; but the first president of the United States by proclamation, the first chief Justice by interpretation. gave it vitality and power. And so neutrality la American In its initiation. Thirty years later Prime Minister Canning in the British parliament pointed to this American policy of neutrality as a model for theworld; and 80 years later, after approval by various statutes and agreements. It was written almost word for word in the treaty wherewith we settled our differences with, England over viola tions of neutrality throughout the Civil war.

And so neutrality is American in Its consummation. And today in this hall, so that all the world may hear, we proclaim that this American policy of neutrality it the policy which the present administration pursues with patriotic seal and religious devotion; while Europe's suies maze red irom fires of war. Europe's soil turns red from blood of men, Europe eyes see red from tears of mourning women and from sobs of starving cnudren. The men who say this policy Is not American appeal to passion and to prejudice and ignore the facts of history. Neutrality "Is America's contribution to the laws of the world, air Henry Maine says so.

Charles Francis Adams says so, Henry Clay says so, Daniel Webster say, so and upon the evidence of these witnesses we rest our Americanism against the sputterlngs of pepper-pot politicians or the of those with whom a false issue Is a good Issue until its falsity is shown, its maliciousness exposed. History Bepeata Itself. For enforcing this policy of neu. trail ty George Washington was hooted by a howling mob of 10,000 war fanaties who threatened to pull him from the presidential chair and start a revolution. But half a century later Charles Sumner said that "Washington upholding the peaceful ne-ttrality of this country, while he met unmoved the clamor of the people wickedly crying for war.

Is a greater man than Washington cross ing the Delaware or taking Corn, wants' sword at Yorgtown." For supporting this policy of neu. trallty in a speech In the city of New York Alexander Hamilton I stoned almost to death, John Jay But we didn't go to war. Jefferson ftlrl our roubles bv negotiation Just as the president of the United I States is trying to do today. Whan Adams Was President. When Adams was president France preyed upon our commerce.

She extended her seizure, searches and confiscations to the very waters of the United States themselves until she i had piled up in our state department charges of over L'HOO violations of I neutrality's law. American ambassadors who) soupht to adjust these wrongs were refused recognition and openly lnsultM at the French court. President Adams called Washington out of retirement to head the army, he created the navy d-partment and he built 12 battleships. But we dhln't co to war. Adams settled our troubles by negotiation Just as the president of the United States Is trying to do today.

When Washington Was President. When Washington was president and, "neutrality" first declared, war convulsed Europe, our ship's dared not to put out to sea, commerce was paralyzed and business depressed. American passengers and American crews were thrown Into prlapn and deprived of legal rights. Gafiet. the minister from France, fitted out privateers in our harbors, flouted our officials, and tried to rally this country to the support of France in return for the help France gave us In the Revolutionary war.

England and France seized 400 of our ships and confiscated millions of dollars' worth of our rropert and up In Quebec I Lord Dorchester promised Canadian Indians the pleasure of burring American homes and sehlping American citizens. But we didn't go to war. Washing- ton settled our troubles by negotiation Just as the president of the United States is trying to do todsy. Are Republicans Willing to Bead Harrison and Blaine, Lincoln and Grant Out of Their Party? In the face of this record do Republicans realize that when they arraign the policy of the president of i the United States today they arraign the policy of Harrison, of Blaine, of IJncoln and of Grant? For the pleasure of criticizing a Democratic president, are they willing to read out of the Republican party the greatest men the Republican party ever had? Are they willing to say that the Republican party of today condemns what Hamilton did In revolutionary days, what Lincoln did in Civil war days and what Grant and Blaine and Harrison did but, yesterday'' In his policy of peaceful 'negotiations today the president pf the United States follows the example set him by the greatest presidents the Democratic party and the greatest presidents the Republican party ever gave this nation. Do the critics of the present administration believe that Lincoln Bhould have risked national disaster by using the sword rather than the pen in pressing the Alabama claims? Are they willing to brand Grant as a coward because he kept us at peace with Spain? In this as in all the other big questions of life the more we understand the past, the better we shall Judge the present.

Where it took ten years to secure inadequate compensation for the Alabama claim, the present administration has already secured In the case of a single claimant, reparation greater than all the Alabama claims combined. Where. In other administrations during great foreign wars, the American flag was merely an invitation to plunder today that flag Is the best protection of all who desire to be safe upon the seas. Where Washington vainly pleaded for reeomition of our neutral rights, where Jefferson sought in vain to protect our shipping, where Lincoln failed to gain us the freedom of the soan, the man who now sits in the presidential chair has secured from every warring power, from every empire under the sun, the formal and definite assurance that the neutral rights of America shall be respected and observed. We challenge our critics to deny a single fact ln the record.

We defy them to show a single point at which the helmsman who has safely pllotfd us through Europe's storm has departed from the course laid dwn hy tHose who established America's foreign policy. The Declaration of Independence Confirms the Policy of Hegotlatlon. "To maintain our national honor by peace If we can, by war if we must." is the motto of th president of the United States. But before submitting to the chance and misery of war, true statesman that he Is, he proposes to put the reason and Justice of negotiation to the test. If they are as patriotic as they pretend those who censure this policy of negotiation may blush from shame to learn that they censure the policy pursued by the signers of the Declaration of Independence'.

In the document whhh made lis free John Hancock and Benjamin Franklin and Charles Carroll and all the other signers declare (I Quote their exact words), they declare they "appealed," they declare they "conjured," thjy declare they "warned," they declare they "reminded" England of our wrongs before we went to war. Any one can disparage diplomatic procedure, but only men of patience and principle can successfully conduct It. Just as Rufus Kin eriticlzed Washington's negotiations with France in the Genet affair, just as the members of John Adams' own cabinet criticised his negotiations which averted war with France, Just as Horace Greeley criticized Linc'oln; so for personal and political purposes men whose ambitions outrun their fens of justice dyed-m-dhe-wdl Republican kept us at peace while Europe has been driving the nails of war through the hands and feet of a crucified humanity. I It has banished" conquest from our I program of national greatness and has made us find our destiny at home. It has forced us to build on the brawn of our sons and the energy of our daughters rather than upon the tears of conquered women and the blood of conquered men.

It has made us seek treasure In our harvests, wealth in our fields by staying our hands from war's bloodstained pot of gold. It has been the flaming sword which forbade us to devastate the Eden of others and compelled us to make an Eden of our own. It has freed us from the paralyzing touch of Europe's balance' of power, leaving to Europe the things that are Europe's and preserving for America the Independence, the peace and the happiness that now are hers. As a result of this policy America stands serene and confident, mighty and proud, a temple of peace and liberty in a world aflame, a sanctuary where the lamp of civilization burns clear and strong, a living, breathing monument to the statesmanship of the great Americans who kept it free from the menace of European war. Wealth has come to us, power has come to us, but better than wealth or power we have maintained for ourselves and for our children a nation dedicated to the ideals of peace rather than to the gospel of selfishness and Slaughter.

The praises of this policy are not written in the ruins of American homes, not in the wreck of American industries, not in the mourning of American families; they are found in the myriad evidences of prosperity and plenty that make this a contented land. From every whirling spindle in America, from every factory wheel that turns, from every growing thing that breathes its prayer of plenty to the skies, from every 'quiet school, from every crowded mart, from every peaceful home goes up a song of praise, a paean of thanksgiving to hymn a nation's tribute, to the statesmanship that has brought these things to pass. XTeutral Rights Asserted and Maintained as Haver Before. No American who knows the facts can honestly oppose or criticise the policy of neutrality which the present Democratic administration has pursued. Driven from this position, by the logic of our history and the lesson of our prosperity, carpers and de-famers rush to the opposite extreme and assert that this policy has not been enforced with sufficient vigor by the present administration.

Standing here with the eyes of the nation upon this convention, with the cold light of reason, the piercing shafts of logic streaming upon all that we may say or do, I declare, with history as my witness and with fact as my proof that the neutral rights of American citizens have never been so vigorously asserted or So successfully maintained as they have been asserted and maintained by the president of the United States during the present war. America's doctrine of neutrality never meant that this nation must rush headlong into war at the first invasion of Its neutral rights. Neutrality Is not a hair-triggered policy that explodes in violence at the first assault. It is a policy that has proved successful because it has always been asserted through negotiation rather than through force, through diplomacy rather than by an appeal to arms. This does not mean that America will not resort to war when al other means of protecting its neutral rights have failed, but it does mean that America will exhaust every peaceful means of protecting those rights before it takes the step from which there is no appeal.

Just as in domestic affairs the penal statutes cannot wholly suppress crime, so in foreign affairs the law of neutrality cannot entirely prevent the breach of neutral rights. There has scarcely been a war since the principle of neutrality embodied In international law, in which some neutral citizens have not been killed, in which some neutral trade has not been Interfered with. A Judicial review of relative values, a distinction between honor land sen sitiveness, a consideration of life as well as property, a propcrsuatlon of conditions and circumstances are elements of neutrality's law. One hundred and twenty years ago when Europe went mad with war as it has gone mad today Jefferson pointed to the north star of our policy of neutrality when he said "in the present maniac state of Europe we should not estimate the point of honor by the ordinary scale." The reasoning which made this a sound rule in "the maniac state of Europe" in Jefferson's day makes it an equally strong role In "the manias state of Europe" today. This nation us never forget, has Tom Keene? sum! Great was there, Caesar was there ziannioai was there, Napoleon was there, and on either side of this sinister group lay in endless rows the sheeted dead of war.

The other picture represented hands, myriads of hands, humanity's hands stretching upwards towards the sky gnarled hands of labor and wrinkled hands of age, smooth hands of youth and tiny hands of babyhood, strong hands of men and delicate hands of women hands of aspiration stretching upward from divine inspiration toward betterment and peace. These two pictures symbolize the banners of this campaign. Others may follow the lords of war who ride among the corpses of mankind. We follow the president of the United States and seek inspiration of humanity that aspires to higher things. If Washington and Uncola Were Bight, the President Is Sight.

By opposing what we stand for today, the Republican party opposes what Hamilton stood for a century ago. The founder of the Republican party and the founder of the Democratic party, placing their country's happiness above every other consideration, forgot partisanship and made American neutrality a national creed. We who follow Jefferson stand where Jefferson stood, but we look in vain for a sigfk from the present leaders of the RepSJUican party to show that they follow where Hamilton led. Where Hamilton counseled moderation they denounce it. Where Hamilton thought only of country they think only of self.

Where Hamilton placed patriotism above partisanship they placed partisanship above patriotism. How then do they dare to speak for the great body of American citizens who form the rank and file of the Republican party? Do these leaders believe that their Republicanism is a better Republicanism than Hamilton's; their Americanism a purer Americanism than that of Washington? liiless statesmanship has fallen Into disrepute among Republicans, the men who controlled the Chicago convention cannot read Alexander Hamilton out of the Republican party. Unless I mistake the temper of the American, people the Republican bosses can no more lead their adherents away from the neutrality for which Wash ington and Hamilton struggled than tney can lead them away from the flag for which Washington and Hamilton fought. If Washington was right, if Jefferson was right, if Hamilton was right, if Lincoln was right, then the president of the United States is right today; If the Republican leaders are right then Lincoln was wrong and Jefferson was wrong and Hamilton was wrong and Washington was wrong. Too Justification of History.

In all the history of the world there Is no other national policy that has Justified Itself so completely and entirely a-the American policy of neutrality and isolation from the quarrels of European powers. Before we declared our neutrality we were embroiled In all the troubles of Great Britain. France and Spain; since then we have had less than three years of war with Europe and IK years of amity ana peace. Before this declaration every war was a world war; sine this declaration nearly every war has been a loeal war. Before this declaration war was a whirlpool, ever-Increasing in area and in Us whirl dragging down the nations of the earth; since this declaration war has become a sea of trouble upon which nations embark only from self-will, from self-interest or the necessity of geographical position, of financial obligation or political alliance.

Neutrality is the policy which has But we didn't go to war. Grant settled our troubles by negotiation ju.t aa the president of the United States is trying to do today. When Harrison Was President. When Benjamin Harrison was president the people of Chill conceived a violent dislike to the United States for our Insistence upon neutrality during the Chilean revolution. When this feeling was at its height one junior officer from the United States warship Baltimore was killed outright in the streets of Valparaiso and 16 of our sailors wounded, of whom one afterwards died.

In a message to congress on January 25. 1S92, supported by Secretary of State James G. BAeffie, and on evidence submitted by ''Fighting Bob'- Evans and Winfield Scott Schley, President Harrison said this assault on our honor "had Its origin in the bpstllity to these men as sailors of the United States wearing the uniform of the government and not in any individual act of personal animosity" and that this nation "must take notice of the event as an infraction of its rights and dignity" and as an invasion ofits "international rights." But we didn't go to frr. Harrison settled our troubles Vy negotiation Just as the president of the United States is trying to do today. When Zdncoln Was President.

When Lincoln was president this countrys rights were violated on every side. England, Russia, France and Spain were guilty of such flagrant Violations ttat Secretary of State Seward advanced a plan to go to war with all of them at one and the same time. FTance used every possible Influence short of open war to Injure us. She not only permitted the building of Confederate vessels in private shipyards but she allowed at least two to be built in the national navy yard of France and she supplied with supplies from her government, arsenal. And England did more, Through his secretary of state Lincoln called England to account for the seizure of the United States Bhlp Chesapeake on the high eeas bound from New York to Portland, for the burning of the United States ship Roanoke off Bermuda, for the seizure on Erie of the ship Phllo Parsons tiitd the scuttling of the Island Queen, the shooting of us engineer ajid te wounding of Its passengers: and he protested to England against the In vasion of the territory of the United States by a band of southern sympathisers from Canada who rode across the border into Vermont, burned a Dortion of St.

Albans, looted its homes, robbed Its bank of $211,000, killed one of its citizens and wounded several more. In stinging language he told England that she violated neutrality by nermittlng "the use of British ports and British borders as a base for felo nious depredations against the citizens of the United States." and he" wrote Into history his diplomatic battle against England for letting loose the Ak')ama to prey upon our commerce, to destroy $100,000,000 worth of prop erty, to capture 84 of our vessels ana drive our flag from off the seas. No natl-a ever inflicted upoa another na tion a more damnable or mar maddening wrong than England Inflicted upon the United States in tb Alabama outrage. But we didn't go- to war. EJncoln settled our troubles by negotiation just as the president is trying to do today.

When PUrce Was President. When Pierce was president the British minister in this country and three of his consuls violated our neutrality during the Crimean war. We gave these representatives of Great Britain their passports and sent them home. But we didn't go to Pierce settled our troubles by negotiation just the America of tomorrow, for the civilisation of the present and for tne civilisation of the future, we must hold to the course that has made our nation great, we must steer by the stars that guided our ship of state through the Vicissitudes of a century. For myself I have confidence enough ir.

my country, faith enough in my countrymen to believe that the people Of America will rise to their responsibilities with a single mind and a single voice. Disregarding the divisions that make one man a Tory and another a Whig, one man a Republican and another a Democrat, Americans will cast aside the tinsel of party labels and the Biummery of party emblems. From the great pulsing heart of the nation will come a patriot command to crush partisanship, and rebuke Whatever is mean or blind. command will be heard by the pi op gh mart in his field, and by the laborer at his bench. It will reach the merchant in hia office and the lawyer at his desk.

Responding to this command a nation true to its traditions, proud of Its greatness, glorying in its progress and believing in Its future will prove that 'the spirit of Americanism burns aa brightly in the heart of America today ks it did in the splendid days of old. And when, a century from now, America's children come to read our history, when at last they learn wheth-er the men of 19 iff- were aa true to America, aa the men of 1776, we pray Ood that the history we are about to tnake may prove an Inspiration to their loyalty, that the pages we are about to Write may be a spur to their patriotism and that our labors here and in the months to come may have preserved i for them a nation free and proud, an jdeal sublime and true, a flag whoae tara reflect the changeless majesty the celestial galaxy Itself. In the attainment of this hope, the Iterance of thU prayer we who gather here today have a responsibility that Sobers our emotions as it strengthens Our resolutions. We would be false to ourselves, and recreant to those who eend ua here if we permitted any 1 1)0 tight of partisan profit, any consld eratlon of political advantage, to ob acure our vision of the tremendous Issues now before the people of the United States. We must cast aside all that la selfish, we must hold our selves worthy of a nation's confidence by offering only the best of our Intel llgence, the flower of our patriotis toward the solution of what all men perceive to be a crisis In the nation's affairs.

Ball Wo BeJect ins Doetrlnee of Out V't Tattars? On hundred and forty years ago the n.gnhood of America wag called upon t-j decide whether this should be a nation. Half a century ago Americana were forced to determine whether this should continue to be a nation. Today the republic faces a third crisis no less momentous than that of 177e or that of Today Americans must again de tannine whether this country shall pre- Because protection from vahitfor Not blend only in Keene tbe R. SMITH COMPANY, DISTRIBUTORS servo Its national ideals, whether it i shall have a national souL whether it Portland, Oregon 1 shall stand forth as a mighty and uadlvlded force, whether the United.