The Algona Upper Des Moines from Algona, Iowa on April 27, 1892 · Page 3
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The Algona Upper Des Moines from Algona, Iowa · Page 3

Algona, Iowa
Issue Date:
Wednesday, April 27, 1892
Page 3
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<3r«at Speech of the Eloquent Young lowan in ^ Congress. ^eputolican Answer to the ^Democratic Argument made** '' .by Bryan of Nebraska. Full of Facts ana Figures aad Catting Satire on Bourbon •• ' • Demagogism. How the.TffftKinley Lay? with ItsHeci- .'.pisoeity Clause Has Inured to the • • Benefit ofthe Attempts of Opponents to Distract and Jtouplns the Speaker Prove J)is"' • astrous iii Every Case. HlstoHcal CBBGS Broaelit Forward to -Sfap-w the Demoralizing Effects of •* Ihce* T«tfle Forty Years Ago. The Pnrafloxlcal Problem of Reducing Tilces of Articles by lilrecUy Op••' " posite Means Easily. £ac~ ' -plalnedt • A 3JtASTERI/r P«OIHTCTI<m. jhonse .being in committee of the •whole, and bavin? under consideration the bm^a,.T»i5,Q07) to place wool on the free 31st And to reduce the duties on woolen ' Msr, Dolliver <said: Jfr. Chairman: If Emerspn is right in thinking that our education comes not so much "from our teachers or'f romvourljoolcs as from the air we breathe a^few, months' service in this house may be taken as >an acceptable qualification to enter A SarfflWlebate-; for I have never heard any subject discussed here for any length v of time that 4id 'not in-some strange way land at last at the gateway of the tariff question. -It is an interesting thing im : pressed upon ns at this time with more than common emphasis, that while our tariff de- lates abound in new figures of arithmetic and of speech, hardly a new idea has been added /to .lie controversy In the. space of sixty years. "The *«ld debates cover the whole ground -of iahe t dlscussion with a candor and knowledge' worthy of all imitation. In these days •the ^enemies ,-of the protective tariff are prone ito adopt a shiftless and ambiguous policy! < $n .1888. for example, the proposed act commonly-called the Mills bill, though named after the most famous apostle of free -trade »nd fatally objectionable in many •ways. Was nevertheless in some tespects a nigh protective tariff. By your own system-of computation, a system that handles - •*he*a*es'by«average3anu' percentages with • Hie/skill of jugglery .itself, after exploiting , for Imqnths the , advantages of free trade, you proposed io reduce the tariff from 47 , percent to 42. . *,By.yonrown slowing 1 yon consorted with cannibals, entered into partnership with 'th'ieves^ compounded the" felony of bnrg- ' lars.iaceepted the apology of pickpockets, sndsacquiesced in the new slavery that puts • itsjfatters ttnon sixty-five millions of peo- ple.j^liorthe paltry concession of 5 per -, cent, JApplause on the Republican" side.] ' The distance "between yowr profession and '* -j'ouiCperformance almost^Teminds a man: fii. that imperceptible decline of human • -.ambition which" enabled the colored politic' ian4n the current Texas comedy to apply for-tneioffice of "Minister toDahomey."and j after a.,Snmmer,in .the parks of this capital to"accep,'t the'-'position of ^'Superintendent * 'Bwt. =atnar.)Tig.iaa was the process by which ...._.. . -j c hunger fc> r -jjee trade was ' take his chances in such queer surronnd- ings. I doubt if even the artist who designed the scaly folds of the monster could induce the multitude to drink. And I sometimes fear that iny good- friend from Nebraska, whose skill in depicting the atrocities of a protected woolen mill is equalled only by his zeal in sacrificing the'American form for its benefit, will have some difficulty , in pursuading the farmers of our Western country to loot without ; suspicion upon blessings, thus about to be dispensed by the free wool, factories of Massachusetts/ [Laughter and applause on the Republican side.] \ : Speaking for my own -''state, where, if we do not appreciate the importance of sheep husbandry as they, do in states like Dakota and Oregon, we at least have, seen enough to perceive that the destruction of .any branch of the live stock, business anywhere in the United States puts ever other into 'closer quarters everywhere, I take the liberty of saying to- the largest individual woolen mill owner: in the United States, who spoke here the .other day. aud to his colleague from Nebraska, just now so thoroughly mixed up in the bedclothes .with one of his favorite burglarsT that when wool goes on 1he free list, cloth must go on the free list to keep it company; for it will mean that the experiment of protection is at an end and that ^the ; American people are at lest ready to repeat the half-forgotten folly of 1846. : ;. .:. A variety of excuses can "be invented for the Invertebrate and aimless proteedings in which we are now' '•'. involved.' proceedings . which mv friend from Georgia (Mr. Turner) says he did not indorse until his judgment was overborne by the count - of . heads and clack of- tonjfues. • The most reasonable explanation /• .is the prevailing wdnt of information"' that belongs to an inexperienced leadership. "My -people." mournfully exclaims the • old prophet, ''ore destroyed '.for lack of knowledge." I confess there seems to be something in this exclamation. The Demo- mocratic party acts like a, man grown gradually weary under a heavy load. Tour years ago the gentleman from Texas, the most courageous anil-open opponent of the protective tariff, whose resignation from this house." announced' ttf-day by the speaker, is received with genuine: regret on both sides, brought- forth from the secrecy of this committee room, the tariff bill that bears his name. Prior-to that' time no J>eiBoerat5c committee ever gave the subject thf> passing cotnpliment.^f, an intelligent attention. The committee, .under Morrison, by the easiest and least laborious, intellectual process known ;to" the science of government, suggested a nbrizqntal reduction of 20 per cent, f '".*•'. '- - ! ''-: The plan was-within reach of .the blind and ignorant, if not entirely ^satisfactory to careful and diligent students'of-'our industrial situation. Some of the duties to be reformed were too high; others too-low, and others about right- But the Morrison reform, with impartial stupidity, fell alike on the just and unjust. This day that' comedy is reenacted before pur eyes, but on a scale so small as to make-Mr. Morrison seem like a very great man.- ' i The gentleman from Nebraska is put forward here to remove the duty, upon binding- ing twine. He knows, as everybody knows, that the act of 1890 reduced the duty on binding-twine below the. rsite proposed in the Mills bill, and.left it at the nominal figure of % of a cent a pound, after giving free stock to the cordage factories'-of, all materials not produced here. He ought to understand, that the only "feffect • af his measure would be to destroy the independent cordage factories of-. the country, a'nd Especially the new investments in.the West, notably in his own" ;state, which already give < promis v e of saving the waste of oar flax fields' and of increasing the acreage of. our hemp. Nobody denies that unless the duties'are removed from flax~'and hemp,' a-proposition which is not even -made here, that the effect would be to 'destrdy the binding-twine factories which use these materials. So that. if he means anything, he means that no binding-twine shall be made In the United States unless possibly; the American Cordage company, ,wl£ch, he says is a'trust, is able to snrvtvethe>jexperimentof fre • trade. I think that the .worst possible/misfortune' that could befall .the consumers of binding twine would be .-to i leave tienv'altpgether dependent ' upon . the ••'-; pricev-' lists '.. of a 'foreign.: monopoly;-..; and:,,,- I : .der sireto say to b5m in^all .kindness 'that the •"**•- *--- ; "-~ . bnilt anywhere, and . will turn . out' _ as fine a product as ever offered on the market. The., works proper will cost abont $200.000. Including the forge where the pig iron is converted into wrought, and the bar mills, all of which naturally belong to the'business,- the investment will foot up §400.000. This also includes the grounds. When we find other uses for the biirs of" our own make, we buy steel made of Missouri pig iron by the Belleville Steel Oom- panv. of Belleville, III., fifteen miles east of St. Louis, and steel from the Southern Iron Company, of Chattanooga, Tenn. The latter steel is an excellent article for the , manufacture of tin plates. We should not be surprised if, in time, Tennessee becomes one of the great centers for this industry. • St. Louis is one of the best locations for the" manufacture of tin plates in this country, the nearness and abundance of natural resources which enter into the manufacture of tin plates. Missouri has an" abundance of suitable ore. and the bluffs opposite the city contain , an inexhaustible supply of the • finest coal (a 7-foot seam only • 100 feet below the surface) only ten miles from our works. This coal can be laid down aV_works on the east side of the river, where'the finest manufacturing- sites in the world are located, closely connected with the entire railroad system of the United States, at only 90 cents per ton, or about one-third, what is paid for coal in Wales, if our information regarding that price is correct. The price for labor in our tin-plate works is 150 percent advance over the Welsh price, or two and one-half times the wages paid there. The manufacture of tin-plate in the 'United States is an assured fact. The American manufacturer will, at all times. be willing to turn over to the operatives the full percentage of duty or representatives shall consider our own labor entitled to above that of other countries. -The manufactories will not ask any part of it. On the contrary, they will add thereto at any time 25 per cent, which would absorb the natural advantages above alluded to. Should congress at any time decide that the working people of the United States must labor at the same rate as paid in England or Germany, we do not think that the manufacturers, as much, will remonstrate. Neither of the two leading political parties. however, can afford to take such a position without endangering their existence. . There are about twenty other concerns in this country making and getting ready to make tin plates, j»U the . result of one year's time. It should not be long before the American demand for tia plates can be supplied by our own people. Tin plates for American" consumption will henceforth be made in America, and the sooner the Welsh makers recognize the fact the better for them. If they, as well as their own operatives, are depressed at Borne, let them consider that there is room for them over here. F. G. NIEDIUXOUAOS. Hos. J. P. DOLLIVEK, House qf Uyrreneittor K?es,-: Waihiitgliin, D.C.. I beg also to present the following letter from an officer of a rolling mill in iny frieiid Gen. Enoch's district. I believe: YOOKGSTOWS. Ohio, February 29. 1893.— DEAB SIB: Your favor of the 13th to the Pomeroy Rolling Mill has been forwarded to us. as .we are operating that mill and have been for the past .two years. Our present facilities at Pomeroy and Youngstown are exceptionally good for the manufacture of cotton-ties, and we are in shape to make about-50 tons of ties per day at Youngstown. We have been manufactur- ,ers of cotton-ties at Youngstown for a number of years, and have furnished large quantities of lies when the price would enable us to do so. The McKinley bill has enabled us. together "with the other cotton-tie manufacturers of the country to furnish all Of the ties required to bind the cotton-crop. . ; .. I do not believe there were any imported ties used last year, and do not think it ^ will be possible for the foreign'ties to come in us long as the McKinley' in force.,- I understand there are a'number of'mills in the various sections of the country that are preparing to make ties, and believe that some competition will keep the price of ties almost as low to the consumer as they were, prior to the passage of the bill. In 18&4 the price of ties averaged about $1.05 per bun• die at the mills in this section of the couh-, try. In 1883 the price was from 98 cents to $1 per bundle, la 1838 the price; .was from against you. but with a growing sense of that splendid National brotherhood which turns its back upon the estrangement of the past, and looks to the future of the great Republic and its sublime i mission among the nations arid the minds of the ages. [Applause.] We read with compassion of t e ueeting of your planters to sign agreements limiting the acreage-Of cotton. We show you a better way. We 'did not invent it. We got it from a "man who once represented, my friend's (Mr. McAIillin's) district iu this bouse; from a man who, though born in south, records his vote here against the reduction the of duties on wool and_ on woolen and cotton cloth as well as against putting cotton-baggiiig.on the free list. That man. was Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee. He got the idea," I think, from Benjamin Franklin^ and we have inherited it through ; Horace Greeley-and Abraham Lincoln from both. I have here the original autograph letter written by Franklin in the last century from London to'an American friend, worn'and faded by time; a letter which is preserved in the office of the sixth ' auditor of the treasury as a memorial of early American "wisdom. In that letter he lays down the practical philosophy of our affairs, a philosophy'which I regret to say seems now despised by the Democratic party;: .'.'.•' "Every manufacture encouraged in our 'own countrv: makes a bonie market, and saves so much 'money ,to the country that must otherwise be exported; : In England it is well known that whenever a manufactory . is established which emylqys-a number of bands it raises the value of the land in the neighboring country all around it. partly by the greater demand* near at \hand for the products of the land and partly by the increase of .money drawn ; by the manufactures to that place. It seems, therefore, to the interest of all; and owners of land to encourafire'home manufactures in preference "to foreign ones imported from distant countries." ' I will read also from. Partpn's Life of Gen. Jackson^ the last half of hjs letter to Dr. Coleman." the first part of which Governor Dingley feadihere thebtherday: "I mil ask-what is the real situation of the agriculturalist? Where has the American farmer . a market for his surplus products? Except for cotton, he-has neither a foreign nor a home market. Does not this clearly prove when there is no market at home or abroad tb,at)there is too much labor employed in .agriculture? Common sense at once points oat the remedy. Draw from agriculture tlie superabundant labor, thereby creating a hoine market for your breadstuffs and distributing labor to a more profitable account, and benefits to the country will result. Take from agriculture in the United" States six hundred thousand men. women and children; arid you at once give a home' market'for more breadstuffs than all Europe now furnishes us. '•In short, sir,- we have been too subject to the policy of the British merchants. It is time we should^ become a little more Americanized, and instead of feeding the paupers and laborers of Europe feed our own. or else in a very short time by coutinuing our present policy we shall become paupers ourselves. It is.therefore my opinion that a careful and judicious tariff is much wanted to pay bur national debt and afford us the means of that defense within; ourselves on which the safety an'd liberty of our country depend; and last, though .not least, give a proper distribution to our labor which must prove beneficial to tbe hap wiiess, independence, and wealth of, the community." This is exactly what the Kepublican party has done. Wex have taken millions of men and set them in busy centers of industry, and there they are to-day, enjoying a larger prosperity than ever before and furnishing a better market for' the surplus product of the- American farm than all the harbors of the world put together. [Applause.] From that level of - patriotic common sense, the Deinocratic party has gone gradually down until last week we had the spectacle of my yourig friend - from Nebraska [Mr. Bryan] advising the farmers of this country to increase their profits by taking their breadstuffsv and meaj;.through the deserted streets of their own country to England ajod making that their market for all they have to sell and all they need, to buy. -'.'•' - I differ from him entirely, and I am glad tp,.say that that difference put&nie into the society of every practical statesman that .produced'who.'had- a na- Nebraska, there would not be enough left of them to call the caucus to order [laughter] ; for the principle to which I- '.refer is recognized by the wise ,and simple alike. Not long ag-o I was in the city of Plainfield. N. J., a city of 10.000 inhabitants and rapidly becoming a fashionable suburb of New York. I strolled into a barber shop. I always like to talk with a barber. He knows everything and has a cheerful way of letting go of it. [Laagnter.] So I asked him how things were coming on in Plainfield. He said things were bad enough in Plainfield. I asked him what was ' the matter with Plainfield. "Well." said he. "these New York roosters don't help a town much." I asked him what he meant. "Why,"' said he, i^l mean these fellows doing business in the- city of New York. They buy what they need and get shaved before they start home, arid just roost in Plainfield." [Laughter.] And as I crawled out of that Democratic barber's chair I made up my mind to do everything I could by vote and by speech to -prevent the Democratic party from converting the people of the United States into English roosters, doing business in London and merely sleeping in the United States. [Laughter and applause on the Republican side.l '"''•'. Unless a man's intellectual apparatus, is too shackly for everyday use •• he must be able to see that if we do our buying in England we hurt the occupation of our own people. But we cannot do that, nor cut" in two the wages, that is to say, the food-buying ability of our working people, without breaking down the warket in which the great bulk of the products of the,- American farm must be sold if they are sold at all. ; Said blunt ofd Horace Greeley in that wonderful editorial upon tha free trade famine of 1866: "If wares or fabrics can be produced on one side of. a piece of water'by labor cost- ings cents per honr. and no barrier is interposed to the importation and sale of those fabrics oh the other side of is just morally impossible they shall continue : to be made on this side while labor no^-more efficient costs 10 cents oroyer per'hour. And if by cheap labor in Europe and low (or no) duties on our coast, our clothes, metals, wares, silks, watches, etc.. are mainly reported it is just impossible to keep up tue prices of tabor here, even in the pursuits still left to us. For under such circumstances our manufactures and arts must die out. our imports overbalance "our exports, and our prices of land, labor, and products decline to a poinj at which large quantities of the staples we are still enabled to produce may be profitably ex- gorted. "He who tells yon he is in favor of ig-b wages and low duties is either a knave, or a dunce. He might as rationally .pretend to be in favor of having the- farmers get a dollar a bushel for their corn and the artisan at the same time be amply supplied with corn meal at half a dollar a bushel." If honest old Horace were here now he would be able to see that the Democratic party is capable of both absurdities, for do we not hear in this debate that the express object of the pending wool bilHs to give the woolen mills; cheaper material for their cloth by judiciously stimulating the price of wool. [Laughter and applause.] We'fchow in the only earthly way such a thing can be •known, the exacs'effect of going to England to the disadvantage of the. producers of our, own country. I recognize the danger of relying • on figures in an argument of this kind. I think that if my friend from Illinois, Brother Scott, will look over his speech again, he will see. the danger in trying to.use figures, and unless I have got hold of the wrong history of the United States, my friend jfrom Kentucky, Mr. McCreary, is at sea with bis facts as to the industrial conditions that prevailed from 1846 to the breaking out of the war. It is because I observe -this conflicts and mathematics and historical references on this floor that I sometimes feel very much like agreeing with Thomas Carlyle, that 'the main use of statistics is to keep others from imposing on us;",and with Prof. Bryce, that "the chief practical use of history is to deliver us from plausible analogies." But there are men enougE'yet living amongst us who can verify from person, al recollection these words of President Buchanan's annual message of -Deniber 8, 185T- "In the midst of unsurpassed-plenty in all the productions of agriculture and in all the elements of national wealth we find our "manufactures suspended, our public worisa for the dazzling- and magnificent discovery of gold mines in California, by which hard money; sufficient to buy an empire.bas been called info existence and exported to Europe. "If we could stop the import of the foreign articles, the gold would cease to flow oat to pay for them, and money would then again become more abundant, labor would then again be in demand, shoes, e.othing. and other commodities would then again be in demand, and men would then cease to starve in the streets of our towns and cities. If it be not stopped the gold must continue to go abroad, and the employment must become from day to day monj scarce, until where there are now many thousands we shall see tens of thousands of men everrtphere crying; •Give me work! Only give me work t Slake your own terms; my wife and children have nothing to eat!'" On January 18. 1855. we find this great student of our public affairs, who had in his intellectual makeup neither babyism nor bubbleism, calling out in his editorial, entitled "Workingmen on the present crisis," in these words: " necessary that' the colossal competition of Great Britain should be checked, that her monopolists in iron and cloth should able to break down onr manufactories, leaving us in a state of colonial vassalage and subject to - periodical crises which rack society to its center and degrade the industries of the country into a whining or defiant recipient of c'harity The trades have variously dismissed one-third or one- half or two-thirds of their workmen. What a condition for a country great, prosperous, and free." I wish that my friend from Georgia [Mr. Livingston], who said the other day that hia only object was to get cheap goods, might observe that these people were crying out not for cheaper goods, but for something to do. for a chance to save their families from want; and such a scene as. that described in the newspaper is exactly what Cardinal Manning had in mind when, a, few months before his death, he wrote to the Swiss statesman. M. des Gurtins. the famous letter in which he said that "it is necessary above all things to maintain the principles that govern the life of man and of human society; the question of where to buy most cheaply or to sell most dearly is a second- aryone." The Germans have a maxim which they call the eleventh commandment: "Thou shalt not suffer thyself to be befooled." [Laughter on the Republican side.] This is not the first time the importing interest has laid the delivery pipes of its svm- pathy in the direction of the American farm". Nor is' this the first time, my friends, that the Republican Ulysses, referred to the other day byjny friend from Nebraska, has heard the song of the sirens and made all reasonable preparation to escape from its invitation, although I beliyve myi friend's remarks the other day were the first intimation we have ever had that it was an undesirable thing to do. - [Laughter on the Republican side.] But the American farmer-, unless in some freak or prejudice like that which brought so many of my Democratic fellow citizens into Congress two years ago—a stampede that affected the cities as well as the farms —will not suffer himself to be again befooled. The farmer's experience in dealing with smooth-spoken persons that used to know him or know his father, in setting out fruit trees that never blossom and paying for lightning rods that do not catch lightning, gives him an. especial qualification for dealing with the fakirs of Democratic politics. [Laughter on the Republican side.] Already the skin games of ItiSO have beeng pulled by the police. [Renewed laughter.] No longer can my friend from Nebraska stand up. as he did two years ago, holding out to the eager multitudes trade circulars furnished as campaign documents by the alien jobbers of New York city. The day of reckoning- has come. The act of 1890. discredited for a time by adroit declamation, is to-day vindicated by the non-partisan and nniinpassioiied array of facts in. its behalf. And if you gentlemen exercised in politics the same polite instincts that distinguish you in private life, instead' of standing here three hours to our one inventing new comr plaints against us,, you would be on your feet apologizing for what you said last year. [Laughter and applause on the Republican side.] As it is I felicitate yon upon the. progress you have made. Two -years ago you had to report of the state of New York 3.000' cases in which wages have been increased. Mr. Bynum—Name a. single instance. Mr. Dolliver—I am a philosopher, and- da nos deal with details now. [Laughter.j- E want i to tell yon another thing-. You thought that the passage of the McKinley act would; increase the cost of American living, and'es- pecially to the poor. I say you thought 'so. I guess I had better change that, for "we have no earthly means of knowing whatycu thought, except the hysterical record of -what you said. [Laxighter.j I was am used tha other day when my friend from Tennessee [Mr. McMillin], whose ready tongue never fails while any possible shift of word* remairis. stood silent and meditative when Governor Dingley called for the name of a. single article, the retail price of which bad; been advanced by the act of 1S9X .E make/ the same challenge now. Mr. Lewis—Here is one. [Holding up a. pocket knife.] Mr. Dolliver—What is that? Mr. Lewis—A pocketkuife. Mr. Dolliver—I will turn that over to the Connecticut people. [Renewed laughter. I Mr. Capehart—Here, is another, the pearl button. ••'•'• Mr. Dolliver—I beg-your pardon, Mr. McGann—The pearl button. Mr. Dolliver—In the city of Omaha ln> my friend's (from Nebraska) district, a. pearl button factory, established since-the McKinley 'bill, is to-day turning out as good an article as , was ever made in the world* and for a lower price, and the establishment of that industry, has already, by the enlistment of American genius ht a> new^"en.- . terprise, invented processes of manufacture that promise to make the old price*! o£ pearl buttons a mere reminiscence. : Mr. Scott—Another is linen goods. - Mr. Dolliver—There are experts here upott that question. I am only advised^ by the statements of merchants in th^ese-various lines in my own state, to the effect that even, imported linens maintain a re tail'price substantially the same as that which.prevailed before the increase of the duties upon, the higher grades of linen goods. I have- heard tin plate mentioned in this debate, and; I undertake to say that if there had-been: any appreciable advance in the wholesale price of. imported tin plate, it has made no appreciable impression upon the retail price pi tinware; which is the only visible-interest, in tin plate the mass of our people have.' Mr. Dalzell—If my friend will allow me to interrupt him there, I want to say that 'imported tin plate is lower in the city of Xew York to-day than it was. i Mr. Dolliver—What chance does a, truth, like that stand in -this house? [Laughter.} Mr. Bynum—I would like to call: -tha attention" of- the gentleman to a place- wilier* wiiges were reduced: • ••''.!. YouifGSTOWx, O., March 25.—The furaac* owners of the Mahoning-and Shenango Valleys have decided, by reason of the bad pon- dition of the iron trade, to post aotice-s of a reduction of It) per cent in wages, of all employes of the blast furnaces, to take> effect on April 10 at some furnaces, and at others April 15. ' I would like to call attention to that'one case. .''•••" Mr. Ezra B. Taylor—Mr. Chairman. I. desire to say that three months ago the prices, were raised 10. per cent, and this proposition is merely to reduce it to-the 'old price, because iron, under the MeKiitley bill. is. so cheap. [Laughter on the Deiuio- craticside.] ' -'. Mr: Dolliver—Now I have made my challenge on-prices in vain. Four articles Uave> been named in a house full of representative business men from every quarter of;the United States. I do not intend to discuss these four articles here. I am going to turn, them over to other gentlemen, or better still* leave them to the ac.tual knowledge of" the- shop-going public, which will thoroughly explode what is left of the humbug and;pre-i tense that prices have increased sinea 1890. Are there there any other articles that anybody camiame. [A pause.]- •' • • ' Mr. Dolliver (Continuing). Dead; silence falls upon us. " x A Member—Maple sugar. Mr. Dolliver-r-I guess not. The- retail price of maple sugar never had> any feco- "• nomic or"-mbral'relation either in its value or its cost.' [LaughKsr.F Where are" the fellows whose tears fell fike. rain over-the gloomy pro jpects of the people about to suffer new exactions under the McEinley bill? They are here still pleading- with? stale •: pi

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