The Algona Upper Des Moines from Algona, Iowa on September 7, 1892 · Page 5
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The Algona Upper Des Moines from Algona, Iowa · Page 5

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Wednesday, September 7, 1892
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; pie «f;the United States; constitutionally «x- pressed, if only that majority can vote and "be fairly counted. The strength and power of^the Republican party lies in -the great •states of the Bast, North and West. W.e are yet too near the, dying embers of a gone by conflict to hope to -wholly overcome the prejudices of the Southern! people engendered by that conflict, although happily for them and for us; these prejudices are "now passing away, and may be BO overcome that we can carry two or three states in the South. Their true interests and their sure development through -the policies of the Republican party ought to lead them into its support. ,' • Our National platform is clear and strong 1 •upon every vital public question, proclaiming without hesitation or evasion, the policies and purposes of the party if continued in power. " I will not in my argument to-day, enter into the 'history of the party, or into a recital, of its great achievements and triumphs. These are indissolubly woven into every fiber of that history giving: us our great distinction among the nations of the world. • 'Thisiecord, so long pleasing to the Republican party, is now the pride and boast •of,all 'Our countrymen. 'The issues of the present hour and the recent conduct of parties suffice for the cnr- > rent debates. WHAT EEPCBIJOAXS HAVE DONE. In 1888. we elected Benjamin Harrison president of the "United States, and inaugurated him on the 4th of March, 1889, and we renominated him on the 7th of June this year, as our-chief standard bearer to carry our banner through the conflict. "We nave nominated with him, for the important place of Vice-President, Whitelaw Reid, editor, scholar and diplomatist, who has carved out his own success, having his 'Origin in the ranks of the plain people of . our country, thus knowing their wants and in^ympathy with them, and; if elected, be will be a worthy successor of the eminent and useful citizen'who now fills the place with absolute satisfaction to, both sides of the chamber over which he presides with -dignity and impartiality. Our party is responsible for the manage- imentof current affairs and was wholly responsible for the legislation of the country lor two years following the inauguration of President Harrison, and now the responsibility .of legislation is divided between the two parties. ,\ HABnfflOXr ASA PUBLIC SERVANT. What shall I say of our candidate Presi- dent'Harrison and of his administration? "What need be said of him as our candidate? In the presence of the American people, his character, his ability, his achievements, his patriotism, his prudence in the great place he occupies, and his integrity,. are'all recognized and appreciated. His administration-of our great affairs has been so wise, patriotic and successful as not only to merit but receive the econiums- of political enemies as well as that, of political friends. "Grandfathers hat," so conspicuous in the beginning, is lost in his own distinguished personality in the administration of our •great .affairs and io his every public utterance. Political friend and foe alike agree that under his guidance our country has not been,and will not be dishonored at home or discredited abroad. ' THE PAUTY BECORD. ' TUB -ACHIEVESIESTS OP THE HABBISOJT ADJUN- ISTBATION. If-we turn to the achievements of his administration and the Republican legislation connected therewith, we not onlv find great .activity in affairs at home and abroad, but -we -find great results accomplished. 'Xj The reciprocity clause, in the tariff revision, made it incumbent upon the president to examine our relations with our southern s) and -with other countries as well. The direct, tax during the war, had been drawn from a majority of the states and had -not been paid by a minority of the states. Justice required that these taxes should be refunded to the.states that had paid them, or collected from, the states .that had not The most convenient: solution of .the difficulty was to provide for the refunding to the states that had-paid. ; ' GKEA.T UfTBRNAL JMEEOVBMESTS. ', The rapid growth of the south, in its new estate, created a constantly increasing pressure upon congress, for enlarged appropriations for its rivers and harbors, notably for a large expenditure to establish a deep seaport on the gulf of Mexico. The Mississippi and its tributaries, with its mouth at the gulf and its tributary waters skirting the feet of the Alleghenies and the Rocky mountains, and its sources bordering[ on the British possessions, forming a system of internal waterways unknown else; where on the globe, if improved, required and requires large appropriations. The growing northwest, extending with its trade -to the Pacific, also demands easy access to the sea by the great chain of lakes lying on our northern border and now carrying more than 30 per cent of our internal commerce, needed improvement and enlargement of its canals. These and many minor matters : less important, though important, pressed upon the Fifty-first congress for solution. • Many of these had before received favorable action of the senate, but were lost in the misty mazes of a Democratic house. All these subjects, so important and the accumulation of years of conflict between a Democratic house and a Republican senate, were taken up and disposed of, and in such a way as to stand the test of all criticism, and, with the exception of. the tariff revision and possibly the silver law, stand today without criticism by our political foes. Many of these laws required large appropriations for their execution; notably the pension law, and provisions for improvement of rivers and harbors, and the law granting bounty to the producers of sugar. The appropriations for rivers and harbors and for "sugar production, received' warm approval in the south, and their cry is still for more, as children cry for Pitcher's Castoria. ... • These in outline are some of the achievements of theRepublican party during President Harrison's administration. How marked is the contrast in comparison with ; the four,years of President Cleveland, and with Democratic control in the house. They dealt with none of these pressing and complex questions, then as pressing as pressing as later, only in a way to show how not to do it. The currency question was as pressing then as later. They did nothing. BEVISIOIf OF THE BEVBNUB LAWS. Our _ revenues were excessive' then as later, in violation of their promises made in* 1884, they allowed an entire congress to pass without action. During the second congress of President Cleveland's term, with another election pressing hard, at the eud of July, 1888, about the time congress should have adjourned, they sent to the senate the Mills' bill, free trade in its tendency, left it a doubtful question, whether, under it the revenue would be diminished or increased. "Under its provisions many industries, now the text for free trade arguments, were left undisturbed, many were greatly crippled, others wholly destroyed. Its provisions dealt kindly with every Southern interest and harshly with very many Northern interests. The general effect being to tear down and not to build up. Though sent thus late to the senate, instead of adjourning, as was hoped, so pressing was the necessity for reducing revenue, the senate remained in session until October 20th, hoping to complete the bill before adjournment. The bill was reformed so as to reduce revenue and preserve our industries. Compelled to adjourn without completing the bill, it was taken up OH the second day after the con-,. ]• uOw 100 nigff anV»nnntie.-"j.iri» i piIa ISrg"eiy I to sugar planters in the*south, and. though 1 criticised, no effort was made in the houses at the session just closed, to repeal it; nor any serious suggestion to that end was made in either house. These two items, constitute $58,000,000 of Mr. Sayres' §68,000,000. So it may said that the present Democratic house, by its own record, has admitted the wisdom of these laws requiring the expenditures complained of. The truth is the cry made against the last congress, as extravagant and wasteful in its appropriations, was an unjust partisan criticism for partisan purposes. From long.experience on the senate committee on appropriations, and from an intimate knowledge of the details, from year to year, I do not hesitate td say that the appropriations of the last congress and prior congresses have been in the main, if not in their totality, wise, just and necessary. With a full treasury, public works, wise prudent, and necessary for a great Government like ours, were undertakcn*but which were not absolutely necessary for its daily current service. Rivers and" harbors were improved; a new navy was partially constructed ; needed public buildings were provided; the pension list was enlarged, and other necessary expenditure provided for. Js T O PRUNING KNIFE APPLIED. Nearly all these appropriations prior to the last°congress,were made^with one house Democratic and the other Republican. This unjust criticism aimed at the last congress in its effect, if not in its intention, was aimed at the liberal provision made, by that congress, for the old soldiers, their widows and orphan children, and now, at the close of the first session of the Fifty-second' congress, with a Democratic majority large enough to command a two-third vote, extending over a period of more than eight months, with every care taken to prune down appropriations, and every possible subterfuge resorted to to reduce them, we • find the Democratic house agreeing to ap-N propriations at the first session of this congress, aggregating 824,000,000 more than for the first se_ssiou of the last congress, without including permanent appropriations, including these, more than $44,000,000 in excess of the first session of the Fifty-first congress so much criticised. What further vindication is needed. Who now will criti- cise the last congress as compared with this, after this full vindication and indorsement of the present Democratic house? I do not draw this comparison to complain of the appropriations just made. -They are in the main properly made, and in respect to many of the departments of the government, so scantily made that a brood of deficiencies will appear next winter in number without precedent in our history, in time of peace, making it necessary next year to largely increase appropriations to carry on the necessary operations of the government. With the greatest economy and care these appropriations will increase, from year to year, notably those for pensions, as, also, for the postal service, which increases in its expenditures and in its receipts about eight per cent per annum To illustrate: When I entered the senate, in 1873, the appropriations for the postal 'service were $38,000,000 and the receipts $23,000,000. This year the appropriations are more than §80,000,000 and a deficiency of from $1,000,000 to $2,000,000 inevitable, and the postage receipts will be nearly, if not quite, §80,000,000 for this year. Thus showing in a marked degree our continued growth and prosperity in a national sense. IMPRACTICABILITY OF REDUCTIONS. I know of ho department of the government where any considerable saying can be made. I know of no law on.., our statute book now requiring appropriations that is likely to be repealed; and I know of no one in public life in any of the great parties of our country, that purposes, or suggests, the repeal of any statute now involving any considerable expenditure of public money. So that those who come after us will not be able, under any jjrobable condition of j."wuC j~*cfnouin?bie "jpu^li^yj Xil<3 o S S *** £t*iuii u fcrson, favored this policy. AGRICCTLTURALi PRODUCTS FAVORED. The revision of 1890 was on the line of this policy. The general fairness of. this revision will be seen, when it is stated'that upon a majority of the articles no change of rate mas made; upon very many of them, notably upon iron and steel products, except cutlery, guns and tin plate, the rates were reduced ; upon others, where practicable to establish new industries, and upon certain of them, already established, where rates were too low, the rate of duty was increased. This was true notably, upon all agricultural products where our farmers had experienced close and damaging competition with the farmers of the Dominion of Canada. The free list was enlarged with respect to great articles of necessary consumption, not largely produced in our country and of universal consumption, notably sugar not above No. 16 Dutch standard. The duty was greatly reduced on binding twine and other articles of necessary consumption. On all luxuries the high duties, alreudy in existence, were maintained, and in many cases increased, notably upon certain kinds of tobacco and cigars. The dutv on wool was increased, and a compensating increase was made upon higher priced woolen_fabrics. This law was, at first, dissap- S ointing in some respects, manv having een led to believe that there would be a reduction of duty upon most articles in the tariff schedules. A careful examination of the condition of .our industries , however, disclosed that in many cases rates could not be reduced, and in many cases a slight increase was necessary, unless our producers were to be crippled or destroyed. The basis of this revision and the intention , of its framers were to equalize labor and other conditions, so as to' enable our producers to compete in production with other countries. That this competition is still sharp may be seen by an examination of the tables of importation. HOW MANY VOTEKS WERE DEOEVED. The enemies of protection, and those favoring free trade, at once upon the passage of the law, seized upon the few instances where duties had been advanced, notably upon high priced woolen goods, upon linen goods, upon tin plate and kindred exceptional instances, to raise the cry that all prices had been advanced to the consumer. I met a carpenter, a friend of mine, at home on my return, in the fall of 1890, who told me he had. to pay ten cents .more for a saw because of the McKinlev bill. He was surprised when I told him that neither the Mills bill nor the McKinley bill had changed the duty. So a friend of mine, had just purchased a pair of shoes at an advance of fifteen cents from the year before, and he charged the increase to the law of 1890. He was, also, surprised when I told him that we had reduced the duty on all boots and shoes five per centum.- These illustrations show how these false charges were made the basis of the campaign of 1890, and many voters were doubtless deceived by it and voted the Democratic ticket that year. B0T ALL IS CHANGED NOW. But all this is changed this year. Two years of experience disclose that articles of necessary consumption, with the exception of agricultural products, were never so low as now, nor has there ever been a period when the general rate of wages was as high as now; "nor a period when the workmeu,in the strict sense of the word, has so fully secured to his own use and enjoyment such a steadily and progressively increasing proportion of constantly increasing produ§ts." These are not my words, but are the words of a distinguished economist and statistician, Edward Atkinson, more of a Democrat than a Republican. Senator Carlisle in his speech recently delivered in the senate, confirms this view, saying: "I think it is the unanimous opinion of economists and statisticians who have investigated the subject that for many vears in all the creat industrial and commercial s " i """ao^Sil'S^S.e-* ' S3" P. o£ SS.R uuija iterc vaiux view of covering the entire country, geographically, and including typical commer cial, manufacturing and agricultural com munities. Thelprices were secured by the trained experts of the department of labor with the greatest care and fidelity. TOOK 215 REPRESENTATIVE ARTICLES. The list of 215 articles on which month! prices were thus obtained was carefully se lected by the unanimous action of the com mittee as representative articles of genera consumption, with a'view of covering every possible expenditure "of a family in the average condition of life, that is with an income of S500 to §1,000 per annum. The results of this comprehensive and exhaustive inquiry are contained ha this report. . With accompanying statements, it covers 2.39C printed pages and contains more than 1,200,000 different quotations of prices. The inquiry was thoroughly non-partisan, and every possible care was taken to give it a character which would entitle the results secured the highest weight of authority. This investigation clearly establishes the fact that a general decline instead of an advance has taken place in the prices of the necessaries of life and the resulting cost of living since the adoption of the act of 1890. I have not time to analyze this report, but it shows a general decline except in agricultural products. These show a general advance in all cereal products, except flax seed, of about 33 per cent., and a slight increase ha the price of meat products, and, as a whole, an increase of something over IS per cent in agricultural products. This report shows that prices for agricultural products for 1891 were higher than for the year 1890. It also shows a constant decline, though not great, of all or nearly all the articles used by the farmer and necessary to be purchased by him, thus showing, in addition to the actual increase, the increased purchasing power of products of the farm. THE COST OF Lmx<J .44 LESS. It also appears as the final result, as shown by all the tables, that the costof living of a family in ordinary circumstances was .44 of one per cent, less at the end of the period included in the investigation, September 1st, 1891, than it was at the beginning in 1889. The same tests of the cost of living were made on the first of May this year at Fall River, at Chicago, and at Dubuque in this state, three cities widely differing in their employments, which shows a further decline of 2.1 per cent, as compared with September, 1891, and 3.1 per cent, as compared with June, July and August, 1889, all disclosing that the'decline in the cost of living continues, and this in the ~ face of the fact that the products of the farm have advanced as I have stated during the same period. Mr. Aldrich shows ha his speech in the senate a grand annual saving on this basis of $325,000,000. THERE HAS BEEN AN INCREASE ET WAGES. The investigation discloses that in the meantime there has been a slight advance in the wages of labor, measured in money, in thirty selected occupations, covering a wide range of productive industries and occupations. Mr. Carlisle seeks to break the force of this by stating that the advance was chiefly in those occupations not protected by the tariff, and that they are chiefly found in the wages of bricklayers, carpenters and kindred employments not embraced in the tariff schedules. He seems io forget that a given scale of wages in a country relatively high as compared with other countries: that trades like that of carpenters and bricklayers are most highly protected, not by law but by the conditions surrounding them. Frame or brick houses are not imported, so that the only competi- ;iou of carpenters, bricklayers, etc., is in ;his country or through immigration, the ast but a trifle in comparison with the whole number employed, whilst the tariff schedules as a rule cover articles that may DO imported in bales and boxes, the product of competitive labor abroad as well as at £,jLfl.;3!Sfc£ g £ §„ .„.., ffciore, 3uu i.irgttry o*r siltu anSiies "as* ate not produced in this country, aud which enter into the daily consumption of the people. Fourteenth. The duty collected per capita, of \he population in 1892 was §2.07, less than for any vear since 1863. In 1890 it was §3.62. Fifteenth. A decrease in the imports of the manufactures of wool of 821,016,553; of §13,255,618 in imports of manufactures of iron and steel, and manufactures of /silk of §7,513.480. Manufactures of fiax, hemp, etc., $2,136,062; manufactures of cotton, §1,594,330; tobacco. 81,176,411—a total decrease of §46.693,454. Thus giving increased em ployment to those engaged in these manufactures in this country and retaining many millions of dollars at home. Sixteenth. The importations of horses, sheep, cattle, barley, oats, oatmeal, rye, eggs, vegetables, hops, flaxseed and tobacco during the year 1892 were 320,041,495 less than in 1890, and that much more home market given to our farmers. Seventeenth The value of our exports of domestic and foreign merchandise exceeded the value of flie imports in 1802 bv the lar<*e sum of $202,876,457. Eighteenth. The reciprocity clause of the new tariff act has opened up new foreign markets and our exports to the countries which reciprocity relations have been established have increased in value §10,286 881. Nineteenth. Established industries have been stimulated and new industries started that are giving employment to hundreds of thousands of men, so that great prosperity exists in nearly all lines of trade, while in nearly all other countries there is more or less depression. Twentieth. A decline in prices of the necessities of life of 3.4 per cent in May, L892, as compared with that period prior to the adoption of the new tariff act of 1890. Twenty-first. Advance in wages of % of one per cent. Twenty-second. Prices for farm products ia.ve increased since the passage of the tariff act of 1890, 18.67 per cent. These last three items I have already al- .uded to in eommentin«- on the Aldrich report. IT IS ALL VERT GRATmTNG. This summary is a gratifiying exhibit of ihe situation of our country to-day and, although the great increase in exports of agricultural products cannot be attributed wholly to the revision of the tariff, much of t'can be traced directly to the reciprocity clause and to the prompt and efficient execution of the clause by the administration of President Harrison. These tests, taken together, show a most' remarkable conditition of growth and de•elopement in the last two vears, as cornered with 1890. If, because of the tariff revision of that ear, it is shown to be a beneficial measure: f from other causes it shows that no evil effects have resulted from its passage, I do not hesitate to say that in my belief this •evisiou has largely contributed to the •esult. It ts within the observation and experience of ail of us. that labor was never more onstantly employed, nor at better wages, and in nearly every section of our country here is a condition of prosperity most 'ratifying. Because of the low price of cotton in some f the Southern states, there has been com- 'laint in those states of hard times but this s exceptional and there, as elsewhere, the ;ost of living has diminished. In the presence of these facts how absurd eems the declaration in the Democratic ilatform that the revision of 1890, commonly <nown as the McKinley bill, "is the culminating atrocity of class legislation." THE TARIFF AND THE LABOR TROUBLES. It is equally absurd to attrib ute the re- ent labor troubles to the tariff. The only trike of magnitude having any possible re- ation to the tariff, is the one at Homestead, 'a. But for protection there would be no ry to our .independence as to our comfort^ and if those who quote me as of a different opinion will keep pace with me- in, purchasing nothing foreign, where an equivalent, off domestic fabric can be obtained, without regard to difference of price, it will not, be our fault if we do not soon have a supplv at home equal to our demand, and •wrest "that) weapon of distress from thehand which has wielded it." THOMAS JEFFEBSON WAS BIGHT. What was important then, in his view, la vastly more important now when we mav b« quickly overrun with the products of foreign labor, poorly paid in comparison and when we have a vast and rapidlv increas? population. If it was important in the view of Jefferson and the statesmen of his time to estblish this industrial independence when we had S.000,000 of people, how much more important is it to preserve it with 65 000.000 of people. The Republican party doesnot defend the present tariff in its details, or any that have preceded it, as the wisest an J best possible-adjustment, but it insists that all tariffs shall be constructed upon this policv of self preservation. This policy, which "diversifies occxipations and employments, stimulates invention, opens.up opportunities to the young men and women of our country to constantly improv,e their conditions, recruiting the best talent, and the most industrious for leadership in the great affairs of our country that provide for the production and distribution of the comforts that secure independence and support to 65.000,000 of people, and keeps them all actively employed in competition with each other. This competition will surely suffice to secure a fairly equal distribution of the products of labor and the results of labor. Capital here is so abundant and so cheap that no one set of men can long enjoy undue profits without inducing this unemployed capital to invest to secure its share, in turn giving employment to those who work 01 want to. GREAT EOBTUNES AND THE TARIFF: The. great fortunes that are made, with rare exceptions, are not made by those investing in manufacturing industries. Edward Atkinson, an eminent economist states that as soon as a cotton factory in. New England develops a. capacity for earn- ' ing six per cent annually on, its invested capital, another factory will be planted by its side, creating new competition and keeping down prices. The great fortunes of our country, as a rule; have been made in other avenues, nor are these fortunes peculiar to our own country. Junius S. Morgan, a New* England merchant and banker, in 1854 left Boston and went to London to reside. He died ha London, having accumulated in forty-five years a fortune of §25,000,000 in free trade England. This is one of many illustrations that individual wealth comes not from the tariff policy of any nation, but from causes wholly independent of statutes, and are as possible in England as here, except that onr growth is more rapid and greater opportunities^™ provided by our tariff policy to all to secure independence and comforts in living. THE FARMERS AND THE HOME MARKETS; But it is said that the farmers of Iowa are not interested in this prosperity and growth; that they must sell their products in the markets of the world in competition with all the world besides. This is wholly a mistake, with the exception of cotton, and at times wheat. The price of farm products is fixed at home and not abroad. "Under the most favorable conditions, and including cotton not 10 per cent of all our farm products find % market outside of our country and one consumer, in our country, is more than equal to two consumers abroad in the purchase of farm product. Why is it that Canada, with all free trade England and all Europe beside, open to her for her farm products, persists in using our market largely, even with the present high rates on farm products? It is because ours is the beat market for her products. So that

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