The Algona Upper Des Moines from Algona, Iowa on September 7, 1892 · Page 4
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The Algona Upper Des Moines from Algona, Iowa · Page 4

Algona, Iowa
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Wednesday, September 7, 1892
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^ £: . "*• xae fa"i J;L.Tis" J 'especially interested inTmain- "" taining this market for Ms product. This policy is to be overthrown by the policy proclaimed in the Democratic platform. l«et me read it: "We declare it to be a, fundamental principle of the Democratic party that the Federal government has no constitutional power to impose and collect tariff duties, except for the purpose of revenue only, and •we demand that the collection of such taxes shall be limited to the necessities of ttie jrooernment when honestly and economically administered." JJOEEOWEO FROM THE CONFEDERACY. This is free trade pure and simple not on economic grounds only .but on constitutional grounds. When did this become . a fundamental principle of the Democratic party? I have made careful examination of their platforms and I affirm that no sueh_utter- ance was ever made before in any in K"ation- al platform of the party. It is practically drawn from the constitution of the Confederate states of America -which prohibited duties for any other purpose than revenue. The nearest approach to this declaration is found in the platform of 1876, which declared: "that all custom house taxation shall be only for revenue." But now for the first time, in the history »f parties, is this constitutional impediment Birown in the way of such adjustment of the ;aiiff as our interests might require, by the Democratic par' y in its national platform. During the first forty years of our history, this impediment was not thought of seriously by the students of the constitution. The second act of congress, tinder the constitution, expressly declared in its first section: "• THE FIRST TAEIPP 1.VW. "That whereas, it is necessary for the support of the government, for the discharge of the debts of the United States, and the encouragement and protection of manufactures, that duties be laid on goods, wares and merchandises imported." TMs law was passed at the first congress and on the 4th of July, 1789. It levied varied rates of duty on articles imported, from 50 _per centum on their value down. In many "~ instances these rates were fixed confessedly to encourage their production in the United States, as shown by the debates. This law greatly discriminated in favor of certain goods imported from China or India, and also in favor of goods imported in vessels built or owned in the United States, and provided a discount of 10 per cent upon all goods imported in vessels built in-the United States and owned by its citizens. In connection with this law and supplementary to it, for the establishment and protection of a merchant marine, Itigh tonnage duties were levied upon foreign -vessels entering our ports, and a prohibitory duty on foreign vessels seeking to enter our eoastwise trade. The debates on this measure, in the senate, are not reported, but it is clearly shown by the debates in the house that the franiers of the constitution and its «arly interpreters. many of whom had been members of the convention, never for a moment doubted •the constitutional right to levy duties, and make such arrangements by law as mightbe necessary fully to encourage manufactures and commerce, and by such methods as prudence and justice might require. James Madison participated largely in these debates and recognized and approved the exercise of this power. FKEE T&ADE A3STD XTOMFICATION. \ This constitutional question, formally raised in the nullification resolutions of South Carolina, in 1833 and suppressed by the firmness and vigor of Andrew Jackson, was not revived in responsible utterances of the party until it found its way, affirmatively, into" the constitution of the confederate states, and is now revived in the Democratic platform of this year, "as a fundamental principle of the Democratic party." The country is not in love with the parentage, with the growth, nor will it mourn over the decay and death of tMs heresy now adopted for the first time by a great political party, even though it meets with a cheerful and approving response from its candidates for president and vice president. And why should these candidates not approve it? It was forced into the plat- Jorm by a large majority of tie convention over the heads of its committee on resolutions, who submitted a milder dose of free trade, sugar-coated with doubtful and double phraseology to be used as occasion might require. . In this issue thev have made their appeal to the people. Will sustained? The «x<*ciition of it requires a revolution of our industries and labor. LABOR IMPORTED Ef BAMS AKD BOXES. Can there be a doubt that if the maq;etx>f 65.000,000 of people is thrown open to the •unimpeded competition of the world and the relatively poorly paid labor of the -world, •tiiat wages must at once be levelled in "this xsoontry to that standard ? Our laborers now complain, and justly complain, of the '»*ble leJbor from. 33u- is *a,. ooaere of transit from One country to another. This universal opinion has resulted in the use of gold and silver as the primary money of the world. For reasons well known, the primary cause being its demonetization, silver on the old ratios of sixteen, and fifteen and one-half to one has steadily declined since 1S73. THE SILVER SOLT7TION OF 1800. Following Germa.ny, all Europe has ceased to coin full legal tender silver We have coined it in this country by the purchase cf silver in specified limited quantities, coining the bullion purchased on government account into full legal tender dollars, reserving in the treasury the gain derived from the purchaser of bullion at its diminished and diminishing market value: and in 1890 we provided for the purchase of silver to the extent of 4.500,000 ounces per month, and the issuance of treasury notes for it at the market price making them full legal tender, except where otherwise specified in the contract, this latter only being a declaration of the law as many times interpreted by the supreme court under the greenback law, which made the greenback, a full legal tender for all debts, public and private, except for duties on imports, and for interest on the public debt. This claiise in the act of IS'JO was drawn from the original Bland bill offered bv him and which passed the house in 1878. The law of 1890 provided for the purchase by the government of the full product of our own silver mines, thus taking care of the product of our own mines at the market value, and to the extent of our purchases influencing and strengthening a declining market, but holding the bullion in the treasury without coining, except so far as necessary for purposes of redemption, and also, providing for a constant increase of currency or representative money. This was not intended as a permanent and final solution of the question, but was a temporary compromise of conflicting views pending the establishment of a permanent National or international policy and at the same time provide a market for our own product. GOLD STANDARD WITH COXVEBTB5KE SH/VER. So that since 1879, although we have used both gold and silver as full metallic money, we have been npon the standard of gold and have kept our silver up to that standard because in government and other transactions it has been always convertible into gold But -the law of 1890, in specified terms pleg- eti the government to maintain all the silver and all the gold, and all the paper money at par in gold, and at par with each other. This was a legislative declaration of what has been done since 1880. and what ought to be in the future. This it can do for some years to come, by maintaining a supply of gold in such quantity as will insure confidence, that the exchange can always be at the will of the holder. FREE COINAGE IX MEXICO .VXD INDIA. The government loses this power at once when it opens its mints to silver, that may be brought there, by any holder of silver bullion and have it converted into coin at his pleasure which, is free coinage, because the government has lost its power to control the total quantity of silver that may be brought to the mint and coined and put in circulation. France, Germany, and others minor European states also, nave, some large, and others considerable quantities of full legal tender silver in circulation, but like the United States, they make this silver convertible into gold at the will of the holder and , they have wholly closed their mints, except as to fractional coins. Mexico and India, and some of other minor countries still have their mints open to free coinage of silver, and consequently have the silver standard, which is now more than 30 per cent below the gold stand- ai-d. In these countries gold, does not circulate except at a premium. Anomalous as it may seem, our silver dollar, or silver certificate representing it, or our greenback brings a premium of more than 30 per cent in >T'"- : "''' T 1 }; 1 '- *•* i"»^-mr.A ire do not have free coinage and are on a gold standard. , free coinage of silver would place ns with Mexico on the silver standard, and gold would at once be at a premium and hoarded more or less, and by gradual steps go out of the country. Our people favor' the full use of both gold and silver. All parties have so declared in their platforms and they only represent public opinion, but public opinion asks also tbat the parity shall be preserved, that neither as money shall be at a discount or at a premium. OTHER COTTXTBIES ALSO DISTUHBED. Other nations, like our own, are greatly disturbed by the depreciation of silver. Its convulsions seriously agitate England, Prance, Germany, Austria, Italy, and other European states. India, with its silver standard, has not only its own affairs greatly disturbed, but England is seriously affected in its trade with this portion of the British empire. These convulsions increase with, .the con1dnuecL..clcpreciatioii .of the -white metal, ciixd. tihe <o£ the -world.' is irbed "by -tlie -sitvia,tioru All comxner- uxuticms' deplore it, zuad ea.cli 5s seek' ' cent, and this would be unjust to him—like robbery, it would simply enable one to gain at the"loss of another, but such changes would involve disturbances in every business relation and result in great loss to the community. Cheap money bege'ts cheaper money, like appetite, it grows by what it feeds npon. This was tried in the French revolution with our continental money and lately in the Argentine Republic with the one result of failure. Nor do we want dear money—we -want stable money that will measure justice alike to the debtor and creditor, and that will vary as little as possible between the time of creating a debt and paying it. All industrial labor and business interests require stability in the value of money. For example, here is A. B., a farmer, who brings two barrels of potatoes to Waverly. He wants a pair of shoes. He can buy a good pair now with a barrel of potatoes. The shoemaker, C.D., wants the two barrels of potatoes, but the farmer only wants one pair of shoes, so that the shoemaker must pay the value of a pair of shoes or its equivalent in money to the farmer. The farmer wants a supply of sugar. He goes to his grocer and is astonished that he can get a quarter of a barrel of sugar for the money he received for his potatoes. The grocer has bought his sugar in Dubuque of someone of our reputable merchants there. The grocer sends the money, or its equivalent, in a bank check, which he has procured from one of your good banks here, to the Dubuque merchant to pay for the sugar sold, who in turn sends it to the wholesale dealer or refiner in New York from-whom he purchased, who in turn buys a draft on a London bank, remits it to Hamburg, where the sugar was originally purchased. Now if this money is current money, all along the road, until it reaches the best sugar factory in Germany, the farmer gets the most possible for his potatoes. If it is not current money, or its equivalent, he loses at every step. Therefore, the farmer will insist that the shoemaker shall pay him the money current everywhere, or its equivalent, that he may be saved from loss, by depreciation. This transaction illustrates the importance of having all the money of a country good, that it or its equivalent can be transported to its final destination in order that labor and service, and production shall receive their greatest reward; But how much better would it be for the farmer and the shoemaker to have the sugar factory in Waverly, which is practicable under the McKinley law, so called, where the land is better than in Germany, and thus save the cost of transportation on the sugar and the cost of exchange to a row of bankers from Waverly to Hamburg. In i country situated as ours is. a relatively small amount of metallic money will keep all classes of representative money afloat and convertible. Probably not more than 20 per cent of all the enchanges of the United States, whether paying debts, purchasing commodities, making discounts or loaning money, is transacted with currency ormetallic money, and, of this 20 per cent, not more than 6 is by the actual delivery of gold or silver, the remaining SO per cent is made up of checks drawn upon banks, bank drafts, or credits in some form, whereby the actual transportation in money is saved. EXCHANGE OX A MIXIMCJI AMOUNT OF COIN. Twenty million dollars of gold coin lay sleeping, or rather resting, in the sub-treasury in San Francisco, having been transferred from the mines to the mint, and from the mint to the treasury vaults, for more than twenty years. Yet all this time it was doing a tremendous work through its representative money of paper and the private money included" in cnccks, drafts and money credits. A few weeks ago, for convenience, the government transferred this §20.000,000 to New York. It required a train of cars and fifty -armed men to do it. Yet there was not a day when that gold was in transit that the exchanges, without the actual delivery of money, in the single city of New York, did not amount to nearly 3100,000,000. The banks and private bankers located everywhere in our country, at a slight cost, make these exchanges. So here, per- iaps, more than in any civilized country, ,he paper money and the private money, or jank and individual credits can be mahi- ained and made convertible upon a. minimum amount of coin as compared with any of the higher civilized countries of Europe. Our rapid growth, our great resources, our annual production of gold, always replenishing our stock,«dur industrial indc- >endence, the continual balance of trade in >ur favor, make it nearly impossible for us to he drained of gold, unless the standard shall be changed by the free coinage of silver without the concurrent action of some of the leading states of Europe. All business interests, all labor, all industries, all production, are alike interested in maintaining this stability in our money values and this self interest will support the government in maintaining it. The Republican party is pledged to maintain it. DEMOCHA.TIC'-WH.I> CAT STATE HANKS. The Democratic-party,-in its platform, is in Kul>sta,ntia.l a.ccorcU-ivitli the Kepnl»lica.Ti. va-n-y^on -this- question, «3ceeptr; that ; tlaey try convertible into coin of uniform value. •WANTED A PERMANENT AND FLEXIBLE SYSTEM. The day is far distant, I hope! when this project will become the policy of the country. That part of the law of 1890 providing for the purchase of silver bullion, will sooner or later be repealed so far as it relates to silver purchases, but with its repeal must come other provisions for the use of silver, and which will gradually increase our circulation without impairing its stability and convertibility. That part of it •which pledges the faith of the nation, that every dollar circulating as money_ shall be equal to every other dollar that is authorized to circulate should not be repealed or modified, and it is the business of congress to devise a permauent and flexible system which will meet this requirement. There is nothing hopeful or helpful in the projects.and plans proposed by the Democratic party or by tie People's party on this subject, but only confusion and disaster as experience has shown would follow the adoption of their plans and projects. OTHER GREAT QUESTIONS. THE IMPORTANCE OP THE HOUSE Off BEPBE- SEXTATIVES THIS TEAR. There are other questions of public importance that 1 cannot allude to now for want of time, and others that have been the subject of fierce controversy in the past, but have now become a part of the settled policy^of the country, and still others are so universally approved that, as respects them, the Democrats in their platforms have substantially approved following the resolves of the.Kepublican party at Minneapolis. ' . • . • Both parties, alike, in their platforms, oppose trusts and pledge all practical amendments to existing legislation for their repression; both favor a vigorous and consistent foreign policy; both favor restrictions upon immigration; both favor the Nicaragua canal; both favor the World's Columbian Exposition as an international enterprise; both favor protection of railway employes by proper -legislation; both favor just and liberal pensions. It must be instructive to the voter to examine the record of the Democratic party upon some of these .question, with a view to probe the sincerity of their resolves. I have faith that the people of the United States, when brought face to face with the important issues dividing the parties, will this year solve them by supporting the Republican platform and Republican candidates. I am sure the intelligent voters of this state -will make no mistake. The party has made no mistake in the selection of the best men to carry our banner. Strong in our presidential ticket, strong in our state nominations, strong in our electoral ticket, and strong in our nominees for congress, we go forth to battle in this state confident of victory. STROXO MEX NEEDED Ef THE HOUSE. As respects the great issues I have discussed, the Republican party of this state appreciates the value of able defenders and tried and true men on the floor of the house. The house of representatives has always been, and always will be, the favorite arena for the display of the most brilliant talents and for the origination of great measures of public policy affecting the public weal. So in this state, in every congressional district, as of one accord, the strongest and best men have been put forward. In the First, Fourth. Sixth and Eighth districts, all closely contested by our opponents, and all but. the Eighth now held by Democrats, Gear, Updcgraff, Laccy and Hepburn have been chosen to wage the battle, all of whom have before served in the house with conspicuous ability and usefulness, all able to take a leading part in every important debate. They all can be, and ought to be, elected for the good of the state. In the Seventh. Tenth and Eleventh, Hull, Dolliver and Perkins. Dolliver, with the longest service of the three, has shown himself to be a great worker, and by his brilliant and effective oratory has won a conspicuous position in the house and established a national reputation as a platform speaker. Perkins carried with him to the house the best of all training for public service, long experience as an editor of a great daily paper, and at once took rank as one of the best equipped members of the body. Hull, with long experience as a legislator in our state, with ready and effective power of debate, has, "with Perkins, already achieved a conspicuous place. In selecting these veterans in public service, though some of .them young in years, the aggressive and deservedly influential young element in our state has not been forgotten, and it finds in the nomination of Monroe in the Second, of Cousins in the Fifth, and Hager in the Ninth, true representatives of their thought and purpose. All of them self-made men, all of them in sympathy with our needs and wants, all well equipped, and of good ability and character. All should be elected, and can be, except in the Second, which'I fear is joined to its idols, "but here a.-vigorous sttrugule should be made, success is-puly..hopeful. : ..: ** p ' NO FEIEKD OF LABOE Incidents in the Official Life of Mr. Cleveland—A German Editor's Opinion. New Torfc TVorfcingmen Object to the "Stuffed Prophet"—Grover's Kecord. 0.3 Governor of Ne-w York, and President of the United States. Sfecidltothe Chicago Inter Ocean. WASHINGTON, B.C., Aug. 26.—A few kid-gloved German mugwumps of New York city, some of whom are connected with large corporations which had great favors to ask of the Harrison administration which have not been grantecl, are out in a proclamation advising the German Americans to vote for Mr. Cleveland. . They point to him as a friend of the poor and the friend of labor. There is another German American in this city, Mr. Louis Schade, who owns and publishes a prosperous newspaper, which is the organ of a very large body of the r ; Germans in this country, called the Washington Sentinel. He has always been a Democrat, and was a strong supporter of Democratic principles and policy when one of the signers of this Mug- wump-German circular in New York held a cabinet office in the administration of President Hayes. ' A' few days : before the meeting of the Chicago convention Mr. Schade had these objections to urge against the nomination of Mr. Cleveland. 1. The original bodies of Alliance and third party men, who are immensely strong in the South and West, have publicly and repeatedly declared hostility to Mr. Cleveland. If his nomination were possible, hundreds of thousands of Democrats in Virginia, West Virginia, North Carolina. Georgia, Tennessee and other states would bolt and go over to the Alliance or third party, believing that a crushing defeat was inevitable. The solid South would then become a sad memory and nothing more. « ' 2. The soldiers have taken a strong prejudice against Mr. Cleveland, because, in the discharge of his duty as President, he vetoed pension bills that he,believed to be unjust. They voted solidly against him in 1888, and they would surely repeat that condemnation' at the first opportunity. 3. The Knights of Labor and kindred associations are intensely hostile to Mr. Cleveland for reasons which they considered justified by his course as president. It may be said these forms of opposition are' not" warranted, and are unfair. But that comment does not in any way alter the situation, nor relieve Mr. Cleveland from the danger which at the very start would ton- front him, if made a candidate. The managers of the campaign claim with loud voices that'he is immensely "popular with the masses." So they did with equal zeal' in 1888 -when he lost New York and Indiana, and his majority in other Democratic states- was cut down to beggarly pluralities. The difference of a few hundred votes would have lost Virginia, West Virginia, Connect- icui and other close states. HIS LABOK RECORD. This German editor is too loyal a Democrat to indicate in detail the objections to Grover Cleveland from the standpoint of the American workingman. But the public is not to be left without information on that subject. There has just been received at headquarters in this city a leaf of the labor record of • Grover Cleveland, which has been supplied by A. II. Gallahue, chairman of the Workingmen's Reform League, of New York City. This statement appears to have been inspired by the hypocritical declaration of Grover Cleveland at the Madison Square meeting, when he called attention to Homestead, where he stated that scenes -were enacted "which mock the hopes of toil." How much Grover Cleveland is interested in the hopes of the . Workingmen's Reform League of New York City, which will soon be given wide circulation. It reads as follows: The free trade papers have been trying to poison the working man against Whitelaw Reid on account of some past difficulty between the Tribune and" the Typographical Union, but it is strange they never have a word to say about the worst labor record of any public man, living or dead, that of of Grover Cleveland while Governor of the state of New. York. Just read once sgain the powerful speech of . Bourke Cockran protesting 1 against the nomination of Cleye- land. •\vslrning' the 'Democratic., convention tfon-t the -workinffmeii of New York and. of tihe country • woiitd''T3ot: "voto for him.' ' ^ •••'•* '• '• to her. Let her suffer as Ireland suffered. I inclose my name, but not for publication, for I am in the employ of a worshiper of Cleveland. P. F. NEW'YOBK, Aug. 10. IRELAND AND FREE TRADE. From the New York Advertiser. One of the strangest anomalies of pox- itics in this country is that so many Irishmen are found in the "ranks of the free trade party. There is but one country on earth whose settled policy is free trade and that country is England the hereditary foe of Ireland and her oppressor for centuries. -. • One would think that the Irish-American, so hostile to the Englishman in all other respects, would think twice before becoming his disciple in economics. And whatever an Irishman's theories may be as to protection and free trade as abstract principles, it is difficult to understand how completely the Irish Democrat has forgotten the absolutely withering effect'British free trade has had upon Irish prosperity. Blessed with a rich soil, admirably adapted for the raising of cattle and of grain, the crushing weight of English competition under free trade, has driven into exile millions of the people of Ireland and reduced to extreme poverty those .who have remained at home. And the fate of Ireland is an overwhelming answer to all such as maintain that free trade is advantageous to regions essentially agricultural. Ireland was and is eminently adapted to agriculture. But, unable to establish manufactories "in the teeth of the crushing competition of her neighbor and-forced to rely on agriculture alone, she is to-day an overwhelming proof of the absolute necessity to every country of that home .market that springs from varied industries. Recent events show that the Southern states are awakening to the fallacy upon which they have been fed for years that protection is a curse to the farmer. Will not our Irish fellow-citizens, taught by the history of their own downtrodden free-trade-crushed country, profit by their example? ^ PRICES ARE LOWER. What tlie McKlnley Bill Has Done for tUe Consumer. from Poor RichartCs Almanac. Poor Richard gives below the retail prises of numerous articles in common use. The first column shows prices in 1857, near the close of the last free trade period; the second column gives prices in 1889, a year before the McKinley bill passed; the next column gives prices in 1890, while the last column gives present prices: •• Articles. Axe Bind, twine, Ib— Blankets, pair.... Blue shirting, yd. Boots . . Calico, yd. .. Carpet, yd........ Cotton gloves Cotton hosiery Cotton knit goods Cotton thread Crowbar, Ib. Drawing chains.. File Fork, 3-tlned Flannel, yd '.. Fruit cans, doz... Ginghami yd Hand saw. .... Hoe Hemp rope, Ib.... Linen, yob.. Mowing machine. Nails, wire, Ib.... Nails, Iron, Ib.... Oilcloth, yd..... Overalls Pearl buttons, doz Fins, paper...... Plow '... Hake, horse Rake, hand. Reaper, binder... Rubber hoots— Salt, bbl Shoes Sheeting 1 , yard— Shovel Spade ;.. Starch, Ib. Straw hat, (rood.. Straw hat,, com— SU£ra.r, per.praM.. Siljr**r,'per brown r:. oowl-v. .--'; S 1.49 6.83M •1T 4.76 Oct. Oct. Oct. 1857. 1889.. 1890. 1891. $ .95 •14-~ 4.23 3.27' •34J .47 .98 .091-6 .11 14 1.28 Vi .42 .99! .TO 3.00 •22? 2.43V. 2.85J4 .2~ .83 121.15 .84 1.20 20.12K 41.35 " •61 247.85 4.83}$ 2.JO 5.45 i.tty, l.-!5 .44 •,1B« :!?* $ .92 •25S •52 .05 .07! .71U •27U .58^4 1.48H .14 •4S 56.98 :<xs .0594 .38 .S3 •H! .06$, 14.37 .34 142.38 l.7a' 3.45 .08 -091 1.28 .31 -OD3£ 3.07 •22S -S .88 .11 3.70 .09VS 2.78>i .06 .06* .6514 .24 JB .379: .65 • lO 1.53 .43 -14JT .47 52.150 •35 •79 •Hi .06J-4 13.93M 21.24& .30 129.85 3.00 1.65 3.15 -o.-? .935^ .95J£ ' ••01 H *4 .3194 .5454 1.39 .33% 47.10 •3* .13?. 12.90 19.40& 115.96 1.38 3.06 .St l.'lp * iosSf the most absolutely protected of all. Thus bricklayers are absolutely protect* ed by the fact that it is impossible to'im* port completed brick houses or ten-story office buildings from London to Liverpool. Horseshoers are protected by tno impossibility of sending horses across the ocean every time that they need' to be shod. Painters are are protected because it is not practicable to send houses: to England for .a fresh coat of paint- when they become weather beaten. Railway engineers and firemen, are pro* 1 tected because the cheaply manned English locomotives cannot be run in ovet American rails. All of these classe'f^ • of "non-protected" workers receive^ a far more complete and effective pro* tection than the wool and cotton operatives and the men in the Carnegie iroif foundries can employ* , Moreover, thesf bricklayers and horseshoes and painters and railroad men are protected by-tha, fact- that the tariff guarantees our great' productive industries a large home mar* ket and keeps the operatives employed at living-wages. Destroy our manufacturing by free trade and you would" driv4 these hundreds- of thousands of operatives into other occupations. Intelli-" gent working people know what that • would mean. They know that with, an enormous surplus of unemployed labor seeking employment to save it from starvation, wages would be bound to tumble, all along the line. AMERICAN WAGES ADVANCING. \FromtheRockcster Democrat and Chronicle. What is the. actual tendency of waga scales at the present time in the United. States? It is upward, unquestionably. The Utica Herald, publishes the follow-, ing partial list of establishments whici • have increased the pay of their employes: t • Haskel & Barker Car Company, Michigan, City, Ind., 5 per cent increase. Wooster & Stoddard, Walden, N, Y.^ It per cent increase Camden Woolen Company, Camden, Me. T 10 per cent increase. Eider Engine Company, Walden, N.. Y. s 10 per cent increase. i . JJawthorne Mills Company, Glen.ville» Conn., 15 per cent increase, Alfred Dolge r DolgeviUe, N. Y., 20 per cent increase. Lake Superior Lumber Company,. SaolS Ste. Marie, Mich., 15 per cent increase. J. C. Pass, Eoxboro, N. C.,, 25 per cent increase. H. L. Chapman, White Pigeon, Mich,,, 131 per cent increase. Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company, Graftou, W. Va., 20 per cent increase. Close & Christie, Mayfield, N, Y., 15 to 25 per cent increase. Wilkins & Closs, Mayfield, N. Y., 15 to 23 per cent increase. Canastota Knife Company, Canastota, 1C Y., 10 per cent increase. New York Knife Company, Walden, Ni Y., 10 per cent increase; Thomaston Knife Company, Tnomaston^ Conn., 10 per cent increase. W. F. Epperson,. Ladoga, Ind., 10 per cent increase. Kttsburg Eeduction, Company,. Pittabur?, Pa., 10 percent increase. Sultan Buggy and Carriage Company,. White Pigeon, Mich., 10 per cent increase.. B. Howitzer, Coaseburg, Wis., 10 percent ' increase^ . • Enterprise MannfacturingrCompany, Man* heim, Pa., 30 per cent increase. Shaw Stocking Company, Lowell, Mass., 10 per cent increase. Kings County Knitting Company, Broo3a« lyn. N. Y., 5 per cent increase. Western Knitting Mills, Eochester, Mich.,.15 per cent increase. Western Knitting Mills, Detroit, Mioh., Iff per cent increase. tangley & Davis, Oriskany Falls,. Mich,, 25 to 50 cents a day increase. William Carter & Co., H Mass., 15 to 50 cents' a day increase, McCormick & Co. T Harrisburgy Pa.,, 1ft to-;' 50 cents a day increase. .No mention is made in the above list of the Pall Eiver cotton manufacturers, -who* recently made a general advance in their pay-rolls. . - .* SEASONABLE SALAD. "Extremes of fortune are true wisdom's trst, ' And he's of men most wise who bears'* Three out of five successful men couldn't do it again.— Gist. .The man. -who has no business of his own. to attend to always goes to bed. tired.— Sam's JBom. A man's political friends are notaT- ' ' " imported in oales ana Doses, labor innions here to regulate hours •work or wag-es, -when the proposed policy , imports the products of labor abroad in nn- limited quantity by swift-coming steamers ? Where will be our "toilers in the factories, in the rolling mills, in the machine shops, and in the mines ? They must all seek other «mplbyment or-work at the reduced wages paid abroad. They will not do the latter without serious disturbance, and only then influenced by distress. Their only other ; resort is to agriculture, thus becoming producers instead of consumers of agricultural products. Such a revolution in our system •would lead to widespread disaster and ruin. It cannot ba that this policy will be sanctioned by the voters of the United States. "Whatever the laboring men arid farmers may have done as voters in the past, with this purpose of the Democratic party openly proclaimed, they cannot afford this year to vote the Democratic ticket. Our present-tariff law may not be perfect in all respects, but -when revision or change comes, as it must come periodically, it -iflionld be made by the friends of American 'industry and American labor, and not by 'fte openly proclaimed enemies. Last of all can the farmers afford this change, disturbing and disorganizing if it does not destroy -the home market they now have for 90 per «ent of all their products in the year of greatest abundance. I cannot think that this will be done. To say that it will not be attempted in case of Democratic success is to say'that the Democratic party is not sincere in its promises and purposes. MONEY AND THE CTTRKENCY. JMPOBTAST QTJESTIOSS tTPON WHICH THE EB- PDBLICA2JS ABE EIGHT. The money question is an important one Sn every respect. It is as important as any other question now under discussion. It relates to all exchanges of products, to the promotion of credits, to the payment of debts, and in it are measured the wages of labor and the price of all commodities. Its consideration has added importance, from the fact that the genral government has not only undertaken to com money undregulate Its -value, but to provide directly or indirectly the currency that shall circulate as representative money. This constitutional jppwer to regulate and provide is clearly given and not now disputed by the Democrats, although & denial of that power is •with them a favorite impediment to doing -what they do not -want to do, Por many years -until now the exclusive exercise of /this power has been acquiesced in. It is a 'power that should be exercised with care, In the time allotted me, I cannot fully discuss it; lean only glance at a few truths respecting it and the laws that govern it. •WHAT MONET is AJTD SHOULD BE. Tie first step is to know -what it is. It is aiot easy to define it. It has been defined as a medium of exchange and a measure of value. This is undoubtedly its chief func- ~*"^v -<aonj-but the material of which it is composed is an element that must be considered in view of the fact that exchanges, and measures of value, under our modern civilization, are not confined to any one jcountry Ibut on some relation extend wherever commerce goes. Therefore, some part of the money of every country ought to be a commodity having an accepted value in all civilized countries. Therefore, the material of •which it is- composed should have utility outside of its money value, although that •may be its chief use. It must be easily •transferred from one country to another; that is, it must have maximum of value •with minimum of quantity. It must be durable, so that its value will not diminish. It •musthave uniform quality, sothateach unit •will be like every other unit, and it must be •subject to the least variation. These are qualities requiredas shown by the universal experience of mankind, confirmed by the closer and more intimate relations of all peoples, through the modern quick modes that the great banks of Europe are increasing- their reserves of grold, each distrusting- the others, thereby withdrawing- from activity an unusual quantity of gold which should be in circulation. The silver in use is restricted in its free play in the exchanges and is retained in the country of its coinage, because its coined value greatly exceeds^ its bullion value. INTEEHATIONAi COKCUBEENCE THE SOLTJTIOS. There is a growing sentiment in Europe for international concurrence on this subject with a view to the enlarged use of silver. Several of the European states, like ourselves, are friendly to silver, but can not stand alone. Those who study the subject have seen for years this difficulty increasing and have hoped for a solution, but each •"ntioTj. acting selfishly, has been on the defensive. •J.UB president, seeing these difficulties to the world's commerce by the destruction of silver as money, early this year took the initiative looking to a conference of nations on this subject. The nations of Europe, including Great Britain, cordially responded to this friendly suggestion and "agreed to a conference, which is soon to convene to consider the whole subject with a view to the enlarged use of silver by all the nations and to the restoration of the parity between silver and gold. This is the situation to-day. What is the remedy, you ask, so as to provide for the full use of gold and silver? I know of no other practical solution than to retrace the steps which have led to the decline of silver. This retracing will restore silver to its status before Germany and the Latin nations depreciated it by closing their mints to its free coinage, and to which depreciation we contributed our part by following in their footsteps. It is for them and for us. by concurrent action, to re-open the mints to free coinage. With this done on an agreed ratio, the parity will be restored. Without this concurrent action, this parity is impossible, as no one state can alone accomplish it. With concurrent free coinage adopted by leading European states, or any one of 'them with us, the two metals will travel side by side. If this cannot be done, we will sooner or later be at the parting of the ways, anc great disturbance and disaster are sure to follow, whichever road is taken, and these troubles will not be to us alone, but will affect all Europe as well. No country can stand such shocks as well as the TJnitec States, and none will recover from it more quickly. Both metals in full use are neces saryto the world's commerce and sooner or later will be used. QUESTION OF CHEAP MOJfET". THE COnXTBT WAXTS XEJTHEE CHEAP HOB DEAR MOSEY, BUT STABLE. There has been a cry for cheap money o: late, and various devices have been sug gested to accomplish this. No community is interested in cheap money, as money measures values'. If itis cheapotherthings will be dear and more of it will be required to make exchange. For example, if monej should fall 10 per cent, there would be a rise of 10 per cent on all commodities, so o: labor, though it would he the last to rise but the laborer would pay 10 per cent more for the things he would be oblig-ed to purchase. The farmer would get 10 per cent more ior his steer, but he would pay 10 per cent more for his plows and his coffee, with an added profit on the whole price, So we go through all daily transactions, more money would be used and nobody would be the gainer but al would lose to the money-changers and bankers, who would charge at every turn for converting cheap money into good, and most of it would be so converted. I; that change should suildenly take place, a I who had contracted debts would gain the 11 per cent, because money would be worth 1( per cent less than when the debt was con- ^_tracted, b-ut the creditor would lose 10-jier ure, as respects the necessary steps to maintain the equality and value of our money in making exchanges and paying- debts. They propose the unconditional repeal of the law of 1S90, which furnishes us a, constant addition of legal tender paper money of from fifty to sixty millions cf dollars annually and the substitution, in its place, of state bank issues by the repeal of the 10 per cent tax on state bank circulation, thus providiug forty-four different kinds of paper money under as many different state laws. This means the restoration of red-dog, wild cat, and all the other pet names given to a depreciated state currency, so familiar .to the old men, who hear me, remembering their experiences of more than thirty years ago. These state banks at best can only furnish a local currency, though that currency may be good in the immediate neighborhood of its issue, all having payments to make in distant parts of our country and away from its money centers must suffer great loss in the purchase of exchange, and in the transportation of the money to the place of issue, after it traveled some distance from home. But the temptations will be such that many of the states will not surround their laws with safeguards for redemption of notes, and the unwary will be duped into accepting .this paper money and suffer great losses as they did between 1850 and 1860. How inconsistent this all is. with the sound declaration and -warning in the seventh section of the Democratic platform, which declares that: AN rXCOXSISTEXT BEMOCEATIC TLANK. "We demand that all paper currency shall be kept at par with and redeemable in such coins (viz: in gold and silver, equal to each other.) We insist upon this policy as especially necessary for the protection of the farmers and laboring classes, the first and most defenseless victims of unstable money and a fluctuating currency." These are brave and truthful utterances found in the platform, but how abso lutely inconsistent with their proposition to re-establish the state bank system of forty-four states, varying as the colors in the kaleidoscope, each independent of all the others. By their votes and their speeches in the two houses, the leaders of the Democratic party have shown hostility to banks of issue, contending that the issue of paper money is a government function, and should not be committed to banks. This sentiment has been growing in our country for the last few years so that it has been impossible to find votes to modify the national bank act in such a way as to retard the voluntary withdrawal of a large portion of the circulating notes of national banks. But if the Democrats arc determined that banks of issue shall furnish any portion of the circulation, why enter again upon the experiment of state banks, which through all the past has resulted disastrously when tried. Why not provide a general system which shall be uniform throughout the United States, with a common center of redemption and reasonable restraint against over issues and inflation, and against sudden arid damaging contraction. If it be contended that fourty-four separate states will each provide such a system, why cannot these fourty-four states in congress assembled provide such a system uniform and safe and common to all the states? The national banks are local banks, as respects their business and their relations to communities. They are National in the sense of their issues and in their supervision and control. What new light has appeared, unless it is intended to provide a depreciated currency, which will, in the nature of things, be a fluctuating currency levying tribute as stated,.upon the farmers and laborers of the country,- "the first and most defenseless victims of a fluctuating currency." These honeyed words of promise only conceal the Trojan horse which is to destroy our present system of staple value and sound currency always and everywhere in our eoun- tlie Third, although changed in its territory, I cannot but have a peculiar affection for it. Thirty years ago, I was your candidate. My mind flows like a swift flowing river, over the scenes and incidents of the intervening years, and my hea,rt overflows with gratitude for you all, for your unswerving aid and confidence, during this nearly one- third of a century of the existence of our government. I was a youth when this confidence was freely bestowed. I am now growing gray with advancing years, but I never cease to take a deep and abiding interest in your development and growth, which has been marvelous. It was with the greatest gratification that I learned with unaminity and enthusiasm, you fenominat- ed Dave Henderson, who has, with such marked ability and fidelity served you for the last ten years. It is an honor worthily bestowed. He has faithfully and constantly defended your interests, and has by his great ability and industry, forged his way in these ten years to the very forefront of power and influence in the house. He ought to be and he will be returned to the great place he holds in the house, and by his increasing influence he will serve you with additional power and will coiitinue to reflect honor upon his district, and state and country. Whai a galaxy of names I have presented. If I could reach every corner of this state and every Republican voter in it, with my voice, I would say work with one mind and heart and with unflagging zeal until election day, to send an unbroken Republican delegation to the house, in the Fifty- third congress, and to secure to Benjamin Harrison and Whitelaw IJeid the electoral vote of Iowa. Do this now and our pathway will be easy in future contests. Southern "View of Pensions. From tlie Burlington Htewkeyc. This is the way the Durham (N. C.) Globe speaks of the Grand Army and the veterans who draw pensions: The whole business Is Theft And pillage Pure and Simple. We wish to God that there had been enough Democrats in congress to have slapped the Lousv Beorgars Of the North in their Dirty faces. This would have served them right. They received pay for their red-handed and wicked work—they should now subside. Not every Democrat talks like that, but there is no doubt that every one who talks that -way votes the Democratic ticket. e Description Tallied. From the Dundee Weekly News. A stranger, when dining- at a foreign hotel, was accosted hy a detective, who said to him: "Beg your pardon, we are in search of an escaped convict, and, as a matter of form, you will oblige us with your passport." "Do I look like a convict?" "Possibly not. In any case I shall require to see your passport." The stranger, feelinsr annoyed, presented the officer with a bill of fare, and the latter commenced to read: "Sheep's head, neck of mutton, pig's feet. Very good," he observed, "the description tallies." You will please .come along with us." The Essence of Anarchy. From the Baltimore American. Anarchy is a curious sort of a crime. Its leaders are nearly always cowards who use weak tools f 01 all the dangerous work. When the work' is done, the Readers hide. ^icveiELnd, / wjiue {governor ox JNCW -jion£, not only vetoed every bill that was any way favorable to the workingman, and signed every one that was against their interest, but he also, while president of the United States, tried by every means in his power during his administration to have a tariff bill enacted wiping out all protection and putting the working people of the country in direct competition with the wage slaves of Europe. Folloivingis Cleveland's official record on labor legislation while governor of New York: . To the workinpmen of the United States: A circular embodying the folio wing points in opposition to the candidacy of Grover Cleveland for president of the United States was issued by the representative workingmen of New York State, who sent a,,committee to the Democratic convention at Chicago in 18S4 for that purpose. Eleven reasons why workingmen will not vote for Grover Cleveland. While governor of New York he was opposed to thSfollowing labor measures: He vetoed the bill establishing a department of labor, and making the secretary of said department a cabinet officer. He vetoed the mechanics lien law bill, making the wages of workmen engaged in the construction of buildings a first mortgage on the property. He vetoed the life and limb bill, making employers responsible for accidents happening from imperfect machinery or inferior construction of buildings. He vetoed the tenement house cigar bill, forbidding the manufacture of cigars in tenement houses. He vetoed the bill compelling elevated roads of New York to charge only 5 cents fare. He vetoed the printers' bill, requiring all the state work to be done by union workmen. He vetoed the bill making ten hours a legal day's work for all street car em- ployes. He vetoed the bill abolishing convict labor in prisons, although this proposition when submitted to the popular vote of the people was carried by a majority of 60,000. He vetoed the child labor bill, providing for the inspection of factories where children were employed, and prohibiting the employment of children under 14 years of age. He signed the bill compelling the sta- ,tionary engineers of New York city to pay ""tax of S3 per year to the police pension fund or be debarred from following their vocation. He signed the bill reducing the fees of the New York harbor pilots, which bill bene- fitted only the foreign steamship monopolies. GEOKGE BLAIK, Chairman fpacking-box maker), A. F. SMITH, Sec'y (stationary engineer). New York State Labor Delegation to Chicago, 1SS4. Since the expiration of his term as governor the 5-cenl car fare is a fact. All the other measures which he vetoed have been passed and are in operation. The engineer tax bill, after being in operation for one year, has been repealed. Brothers, with this record, not of public utterances, but of official acts, are you willing to elect this man to rule over us for another four years in the interest of monopolists and foreign syndicates? A. H. GALLAHTTEt Chairman Workingmen's Municipal Reform League of New York City. » . An Irishman Sees the Voint. To the Editor of the Nra> York Advertiser: Your short article to-day addressed to Irish-American voters has made an impression on me. I have been half inclined to-vote for Cleveland, but I see now that the election of Cleveland -will be hailed with delight in England. Free trade would be England's harvest. As I was robbed and driven from Ireland by English landlords, I do not propose to vote to ojjen the markets of the country Tin : -dipper.. : :.. Tin milk pall:.... Tin milk pan.-.,.. ; Ticking, yard . Wagon.... ..,. Washboard. Wash tub. Wheelbarrow..... Wooden pail Woolen clothing.. •25 '.?&y. 130.00 ,41 1.20 2.23 .45 . 24.03 •I2»i -4SJC •i 95.00 .2454 .70 1.65 .24 16.75 -18-Ji 90.00 .24 .65 1.60 .23 14.50 •toy .17 5.00 1.40 14.25 -*WAGES HERE AND ABROAD. The Pay of Our Stellled "Workmen 10O Per Cent Higher Than In Jsnslaiid. From tftc Boston Journal. The tariff plank in the Republican National platform,declares that the Republican party believes "that on all imoorts coming into competiiion. with the products of American "'labor there should be levied duties equal to the difference between wages abroad and at home." A correspondent asks the Journal what difference there is in the wages of skilled labor in England and the United States. We have gathered from various reliable sources the data to answer in part at least our correspondent's inquiry. Here is a table of the average wages paid t'o skilled workers in several important industries in the large cities of England and in the large cities of the United States. For the country districts both here and abroad it is probable that the figures -would be somewhat lower: Occupation. United States. England Iron puddlers (per ton) § 5.50 § 2.00 Roll turners (tin plate) per week 25.00 14.40 Shipbuilders (iron) per week. 16.00 8.00 Cutlers (per day) 2.50 1.50 Machinists (per day) 2.50 1.20 Brass founders (per day) ... 2.75 1.25 Gasfitters 2.50 1.28 Painters 2.50 1.20 Upholsterers ". 2.50 1.25 Bricklayers 3.00 1.17 Horseshoers... 2.50 1.05 Bookbinders, (per week) 1400 6.77 Gardeners (per week) 15.00 5.80 Plush makers (per week).... 20.00 10.00 Tinsmiths (per das-) 2.50 1.10 Bar iron makers (per day)... 2.5(5 1.25 Carpenters (per day) 2.35 1.23 Cabinet makers (per day) 2.50 1.28 Wool sorters, men (per week) 9.43 . 5.76 Spinners,men (per week).... 9.05 5.00 (per week).... 8.53 4.SO Compositors (per 1,000 ems) .40 15 Engineers, railroad (per day) 3.23 1.46 Firemen, railroad (per day). 1.79 91 Cpnductors,railroad(perday) 2.63 97 Switchmen.railroad(perday) 1.50 So According to these figures, which embody the findings of our bureau of statistics, of eminent foreign statisticians and of commercial and labor reports, it appears that the wages of skilled workmen are substantially 100 per cent higher in protectionist America than in free trade England. What is more, wages have increased far more rapidly for the past twenty years here than they have*in Qreat ^Britain. In fact British authorities insist that'in some of their industries there has been an actual decline in the remuneration of the workers. There is one way, and one way only, in. which American wages can be maintained at their present high level, and that is by a strict adherence to the policy laid down in the Uepublican platform of levying OD all competitive imports "duties equal to the difference between wages abroad and at home." It will be observed that some of these occupations belong to industries whicn free traders describe gs "non-protected." As a matter of fact these industries are horses withy— ColwrritnvsiFost. '• Elections in ITrjiaice are always held! on Sunday, in order to suit the convenience of worldngmen and peasants. Where our duty's task is wrought,, ', , In unison wltb God's great thought, The near and future blend in one, '-.' And wliatsoe'er is willed. Is done.— WJiittltr* After a separation of over 22 years We, and Mrs, James E. Singleton, of Monde, Ind., were remarried a few days ago. They are over 70 years old, ' ' : •It is said that a factory in Michigan ia, now making underclothing from a wood- fibre which is said to equal in everyre- ^ spect that made from wool. The truest test of civilization is not the census, nor the size of cities, nor the crops; no, but the kind of men that thf country turns out.— Emerson. When you borrow money yon borrow' trouble, but at the same time you- sometimes increase the troubles of the f ellbw who lends it to you.— Someruille Journal. From hasty blame of Adam Refrain, for goodness' sake. For surely 'twas the fault of Eve That Adam took the cake. —Detroit TriS*» + A girl of 16 walks as if she owned tha earth, and after she has been married a few years she walks as if she were carrying it on her shoulders.— AtcMsan. Glebe. An old Californian says that in the last forty-two years he has felt about 250 earthquake shocks in San Francisco. " Most of them, of course, were insignificant and momentary. We have noticed that when you tell a woman her daughter is just the image of, her when she -was that age, the mother looks pleased and the daughter looks scared.— Atehfacm (Kan.) Globe. Miss Helen Gladstone, daughter of the ex-premier, is the vice-principal of Newnham College, the women's annex of Cambridge University. Miss Gladstone is 46 years old and of a very retiring disposition. oFor the last three years Bosa BonheuB has been engaged on the largest animal picture ever painted. It represents ten horses of full size trotting over a threshing floor, and the artist has already refused $30,000 for it. Last week a copy of Audubon's "Birds of America" v/as sold in London for £345. This is a work which is steadily rising in value, for it rarely comes into-' the market, and the last copy which had. changed hands realized £300. , At a meeting of the Essex county (N.' J.) council, the lunatic asylum, committee reported that the superintendent of the asylum had informed them that the chief cause of lunacy, there was the mar* riage of cousins and the nest principal cause was drink. • Oh, if I were Queen of France, Or, still better, Pope of Home, I'd have no fighting: men abroad, Nor>weeping maids at home; All the world should be at peace, Or, if kings must snow their might, I'd nave those that make the-quarrela be the only men to fight. —Old Sun f. Major and Mrs. Thomas Tuttle,. ot Stratham, N, H., have lived in the same house seventy years. They are each 93 years old. la this house, which waa built in 17C8, they have seen seven children grow up around them; thirty-one grandchildren have been born and twen- three of these are living, while but one: of fourteen are living to call them great, grandparents. The major cast hi& ilrsfc vote for James Monroe for president.

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