The Algona Upper Des Moines from Algona, Iowa on September 7, 1892 · Page 3
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The Algona Upper Des Moines from Algona, Iowa · Page 3

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Algona, Iowa
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Wednesday, September 7, 1892
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SUPPLE A. Masterly Discussion of tlie Political Questions of ] the Carapaig-n. Substantial AcMevements of the Harrison Administration Shown. A Pull and Scathing Exposure of Democratic Claims of Public Economy. The Tariff and tlie Results of the McKinley Law — Higher Wages and Lower Cost of Living. Eeciprocity the Hand-Maid of Protection—A Foreign Commerce 2fever ' • «Before Equalled. Protection and Beciproeity Contrasted • With Democratic Free Trade Borrowed From tlie Confederacy. ihe Money Question—Republicans in Favor of a Stable Currency and a Dollar Worth 100 Cents. Sphe Democratic Party Unsound on Silver and Wedded.to Wildcat Issue of State Banks. Other Issues Presented In a Forceful Manner In the Great Speech at Wav— erly, Io\va, "Wednesday, AUK. 31. An Appeal for a Republican House as •Well as a President—A Full and Clear Exposition, of Every Question at Stalte this Tear. ; .A SPEECH FOR ALL TO BEAD. , Mr. Cluarman, Ladies and Gentlemen: We, in Iowa, are on the threshold of a most important political campaign. Important in the present and for^the future. • This campaign involves the election of a president for four years, and it may be his successor for four years more; a house of representatives is to be elected for two years, and the political complexion of the senate may he shaded or changed hy a few votes. So that the legislative and executive power of the government may be wieleded for one set of policies or another, depending •upon the aggregate vote in November, as provided by the constitution. In our state we are to have another contest for local supremacy, much in the future for us as a state, depends upon the result locally. The great contest, as heretofore, is between the two old parties, but the new parties -are active and not •without hope of securing a "balance of power which they can use to promote any plans they may have after the ballots are counted. The platforms have been made and candidates nominated. . The Democrats have nominated ex-President Cleveland and Mr. Stevenson, of Illinois. * The People's party has" nominated one of our citizens, and he is, now as always, active-in the'support of any : 'xause he espouses. I cannot think that any considerable number of people favor the special plans and projects of this new party. The most it can do is to carry a few southern states and secure Mr. Cleveland's election through the house of representatives by failure-of the electoral college to find a majority for any candidate, so in essence, though not in purpose, these apparently antagonistic forces are tending to the same •end. • MOST WJLN OK ITS PRINCIPLES. The Bepublican party on the other hand, if itVins, as I believe it will, must win upon its own strength, and because its policies sand purposes are such as to secure the con- with a view to enlarging reciprocal trade This provision was immediately utilized through our great secretary of state, to opei negotiations with the countries lying soutl of us. resulting in opening new markets fo our farmers and manufacturers, whicl markets have already borne a rich harves and in the future will be of incalculable benefit to our agriculture, our industries and our commerce. The meat inspection laws of the Ffty-firs congress, which the senate had twice befor< passed but which failed in a Democratic house, enabled the president, through thi efficient administration of the state and agricultural departments, to open market: for our meat products in all European states, barred to our people for^earlv ten years. The controversy, relating to our seal pos sessions in Alaska, has been satisfactorily disposed of by a treaty with Great Britain which will forever settle that vexed ques tion and, I have no doubt, in a satisfactory way, honorable alike to both countries. SUCCESSFUL AT HOME AND ABBOAD. Our complications with Chili, at one time threatening, were disposed of in a way to reflect credit upon our country. .And just now, with our northern neighbors .in the Dominion of Canada, we have demonstrated that justice must be done, even though harsh measures be necessary to secure it In all our relations and complications with other countries a vigorous, and at the same time conservative, policy has been steadily pursued and successfully maintained. At home we have had a successful administration of our internal affairs; labor has received an adequate reward and constant employment; our agriculture has flourished; our industries have been prosperous, and many new ones established; our internal commerce has grown beyond reasonable computation; our foreign.com- merce has received a new impetus under the recent legislation of- congress supplemented by friendly administration; our trade, foreign and domestic, is in a healthy and prosperous condition;'our finances are in a healthy condition; our currency ample in volume, and uniform in value, is being steadily increased under the legislation oi 1S90. The national defense is not neglected, as the rapid growth of our modern navy and reasonable progress in coast defences illustrate. Our national laws are mildly but firmly administrated, so as to remove all cause for discontent. In short, this has been and is a business admidistration, looking actively to the promotion of every interest and to'the continued progress and development of our country in close and active competition, as it is with, the civilized nations of the earth for supremacy. THE MAJORITY MUST BULB. . The Eepublican congress, elected with the president, performed faithfully its great part in this work. It established, not soon to be overthrown, the principle that the. majority of the house, for the time being, is responsible to the country for needed legislation. This principle established, the house practically took hold of the great questions pressing upon the country for consideration. Our tariff and internal revenue laws, yielding far beyond the necessities of the government, called for revision, both parties having twice promised such revision in their platforms. • Many of our industries, enfeebled by the sharp competition of other countries where labor was much cheaper, required some additional fostering care in order to survive the conflict. The continuous withdrawal of national bank notes frojn our circulation made necessary new provisions for increasing the currency of the country commensurate with our growing wants. . The old soldiers of the republic, enfeebled by disease and old age or broken by misfortune, had a just claim upon the government 1 they had saved, for some just pension lesis- latiou to aid them in their declining years. This justice required that our pension laws should be liberalized and enlarged for their benefit. The growing aggressions of capital combining in the form of trusts to control production and distribution, required that laws should be passed to the extent of the jurisdiction of congress for their repression. Our new navy, in the course of authorization and construction, needed large appropriations for the continuance of the work of construction, f Our sea coast cities defenseless, needed appropriations to begin their proper defense. REVISION OF LAND LAWS. Onr land laws needed revision in the interest of 'the settler and pioneer. The boundaries of our Indian reservations too large, needed curtailment for the promotion of white settlement, and for the develop- nient of the new states and territories. Our courts, clogged and congested by the rapid growth of our country, need reorganization. . 'i Our .agricultural colleges, beneficent in their influence, needed aid from the general government to enlarge their usefulness in the promotion of better modes of agricul- j vening of' the next session and returned to the house" sis weeks before the expiration of the congress. In the house, with ample time to consider it, it slept the sleep of death. This carefelly considered and well matured bill, of the senate, formed the basis of the law of October 1st, 1890. CAUSES OF PARTY DEFEAT IN 1890. . They did pass river and harbor bills; they also passed pension bills, only to encounter the sharp vetoes of President Cleveland. Yet this is the party, with this record fresh in our memory, that asks to be restored to power. The 'basis of its hope rests upon Eepublican defeat in the congressional elections two years ago. It must be admitted that the disaster, two years ago, to our party, was sweeping and not confined to any section of our country. A survey of the causes that led to it rests mainly upon two things, first, the cry against the appropriations made by the Fifty-first congress; second, the cry against the tariff revision of 1890, and "collateral questions clustering around, these two. "The billion dollar congress" became the Shibboleth of our opponents, as votaries of-reform. The Democrats everywhere proclaimed that if they could secure a majority in the house, the wasteful and profligate appropriations of the Eepublican congress would be rebuked and condemned by economies to be instituted in every department of the government. ' V THE APPROPRIATIONS. DEMOCRATIC ECONOMY, PROMISES AND PERFORMANCES. The present house of representatives assembled amid the plaudits of its supporters, with sounding of horns and. music of tim- brels, and with one accord declaring that the appropriations should be reduced from, §60,000,000 to $100,000,000 per annum. The usual economic resolve was passed, under the guidance of Mr. Holman, and the committee began the work. The tedious and tortuous recitation of the details would occupy too much of my time and exhaust much of your patience, but the record is there for the casuist who seeks to follow it. It answers your purpose and mine to know the result. I give it to you in brief. The appropriations made at the first session of the last or Fifty-first congress were, in round numbers, §4(54.000,000, including all deficiencies of the prior congress, and including the estimates .made for all permanent and indefinite appropriations. On the same basis and including the same items and in the same form, the appropriations for the first session of this congress are $503,000,000, or §44.000,000 ia excess of the corresponding session of the Eepub- lican congress, criticised so severely. A careful study of the details will show" that this increase is chiefly for pensions and for the postal service, and that for all the other great services of the government there is but little change. In every case of reduction, more than the amount of the reduction will be made up by deficiency bills next winter. No one can now say what the appropriations for the second session of this congress will be, but they cannot be less than the appiopriations of the second session of the last congress, so that ; this shibboleth cry. of last year, and two years ago, has passed into the limbo of exploded humbug and calumny by the open confession and conduct oi the Democratic organized leadership of the house, and by the mature judgment of the house. as disclosed by its votes. The apology made by the Democratic leaders in the house for those large appropriations in excess of the first session of the last congress, is that they were made necessary by laws passed at the previous congress. THE DEPENDENT PENSION BILL. These additions to appronriations arc variously aggregated at from "860,000,000 to 879,000,000, depending upon the relative truthf dlness or knowledge of the particular leader making the statement. Mr. Holmau reached the maximum by including items having no t>lace there and which were excluded by Mr. Sayres, of Texas, who takes the minimum sum of the §00,000,000 as the increase. An examination of the items discloses an estimate of §48,000,000 on account )f the dependent pension bill of July 14, L890. Admitting the estimate to be "true, why criticise it adversely?- Was that pension law just or unjust? If it was a proper recognition of the great service -of the old soldiers of the republic in the time of war to now enable them to support themselves, why place it in every table of adverse crit- oism? If it was unjust, why is it^that no )ill was introduced into the last house, with ts 140 Democratic majority to repeal it? No Democratic orator assails "this law in either louse, or on the stump, or in the newspapers manifestly for the reason that this beneficent measure, passed by a Eepublican congress and approved by a Eepublican presi- lent, meets with the approval of the popular udgment. < THE DOMESTIC SUGAR BOUNTIES. The next item is the estimate of §10.000,000 or the payment of bounties to the producers if domestic sugar. This probably is §1,500,- afrairs. to reduce the aggregate of appropriations. In all the statements I have made, the sinkingfund, an account of the public debt, amounting this year to 548,000,000. is included. It is not likely to be provided for this year and it is not necessary that it should be. We are more than §400,000,000 in advance of its requirements and it can only be satisfied by purchasing 4 per cent bonds at a premium. It is satisfied in spirit and essence, if not in letter, by the application of the surplus money in the treasury, from, year to year, whatever that may be. A SURPLUS, NOT A DEFICIT. "We have heard much of late of a bankrupt treasury made so by the Eepublieaa party through, extravagant appropriations of the previous congress. If the last congress made a bankrupt treasury, through improvident appropriations, what will be said now that the present congress has adjourned its first session, with an increase of §44.000,000? It seems to be forgotten that President Harrison's administration has faithfully applied the surplus revenues to the payment of the interest bearing debt to the extent of $290,000,000, redeeming of this interest bearing debt 5259,000,000 and that taxation and revenue were reduced, at least, §50.000,000 by the tariff act oflSSO. "With all these payments, and with this reduction of revenue such is the growth of our country and its consuming power^ that the revenue will be fully equal to our' expenditures for the current year, and we are likely to have a greater surplus on the 1st of July, 1893, than we had on the 1st of July, 1893. " The total appropriations for this year are in round numbers, exclusive of the sinking, fund, §460,000,000 including appropriations for the postal service. The estimated revenues are $455,000,000 including postal receipts. But each month thus far there is an increase above the estimate, so that rev- evues will be nearer $465,000,000. If every dollar appropriated should be expended within the year* there will be an excass over expenditures. At least §10.000,000 of these appropriations were expended and accounted for before this fiscal year begun, being for deficiencies appropriated this year and expended last year. But these appropriations, to the ex- teut of many millions, will not be expended within the year, so, allon'ingfordefieiences, I repeat our situation Will be better at the beginning of the next fiscal year than it was at the beginning of this year. There is, then, no need of apprehension of a bankrupt treasury, nor is there any truth in the story of wasteful appropriations. THE TA.KIJFF QUESTION. OBJECTS AND 1JESULT8 OP THE JI'KINLEY BEVIS- ION OF 1890. The revision of our tariff laws in 1S90 was made with a view to reduce the revenue from imports, and at the same time to preserve the industries of our country, and its labor from excessive competition of poorly paid labor in other countries. That revision was made with care, and the final result embodied the average judgment of the representatives of the people, who favor protection to our industries and our own labor, against like industries and labor in foreign countries. , The special object was not to increase profits to manufacturers nor to increase the scale of wages to labor, nor to increase the cost of commodities, but, whilst providing adequate revenue, to provide constant employment to all classes of workers at remunerative wages, and to enable those engaged in producing things here to produce them with a reasonable profit, rather than at a loss, having reference to the scale of wages, and by increasing production reduce the cost of production and the price to consumers, relying upon the active competition of sixty-five millions of people to insure a reduction of price to consumers to a scale with our mode of living as compared with any like number of people producing the same things in other countries. THE LAW.IS HUMAN, NOT PERFECT. This bill was not a perfect bill. It was the best attainable. It was the work of human brains underthespur of necessity, as a revision was imperative. It encountered in its pathway many selfish interests; many diverse interests of states and localities. Some of its rates may be too high. Some of its classifications may not be wholly just, but as a whole it was the average judgment of congress, trieting with a--,conscientious purpose to uplift the varied material interests of our country, for the benefit of all, without injustice to any. Listening to the arguments of our opponents, one not familiar, with our historv, would suppose that up to this revision of L890, we had in our tariff laws in no wav discriminated in favor of our own (producers. The truth being that, with the exception of the laws of 1S4G and 18c7, such discrimination has been the • uniform rule from the foundation of our government, the policy involved being sanctioned by all the great men who founded our government and started it upon - its career of greatness. Every statesman 'from George Washine-ton to Andrew Jackson, including the patron countries of the world the price of commodities have been decreasing and the rates of wages, especially in those occupations which require a considerable degree of skill and intelligence, have been increasing; in other words, that capital has been receiving year by year a smaller percentage upon the total proceeds of the products, and year by year labor has been receiving a larger percentage of the total proceeds of the product." Mr. Carlisle argues that tariff laws are an impediment to the natural course of interchange of products, and in this way interfere with the cheapening of commodities, takes no account of the law that high wages increase consumption, requiring a larger product from year to year, so that the civilized countries prosper with increased wages, and commodities fall with, increase of consumption, nor of the fact that we have an active competition of 63,000,000 of peoDle in production in our country, and an area of country for swift and cheap distribution about equal to all Europe without custom houses or other restraint, all active and absolutely free. COMFORTS AND LUXURIES FOK ALL. The comforts and many of the luxuries of life are enjoyed by the wage earners in our country in a degree unknown in any other country, and, although the general range of prices in money here are somewhat higher than in other countries, it is indisputable that the wages of a day's labor in the United States will buy much more of these comforts and luxuries than anywhere else on the face of the globe. What is true of the wage earners of our country, is true of the farmers of the country, the" average of the yearly products of the farm will buy more of the necessaries, comforts and luxuries of life than at any former period in our history, and this largely, because the relatively high wages paid here to-those in other occupations than farming, make them large consumers of farm products, so that the family of one mechanic, or artisan, or laborer, here consumes as much as two such families in any European country. INTERESTED IN VABIED INDUSTRIES. But if tariff laws make commodities dear, they would be dear in every country because those countries competing with us, like our own. have protective laws, except England and Belgium. Most of the daily wants of a family are nearly if not quite as cheap here as in England, and many of them cheaper. Another fact should be borne in mind, and that is that the general tendency of food products 13 to advance with the advance in wages, overproduction may exceptionally change this rule. This tendency to increase the price of food product's relatively is aided by the cheapening of manufactured commodities and by the constantly diminishing charges for transportation. So that the farmer is above all interested in the prosperity of our industries that produce articles in general use, as with this prosperity comes adequate ^ages and enlarged consumption of his products at home, and thereby that portion of the 65,000,000 of our people, who are occupied in diversified employments outside of agriculture, become certain and abundant consumers of his products. THE AX.DUICH REPORT. THE COST OF LIVING TTA3 DECREASED AND WAGES INCREASED. Fortunately for us all in this discussion this year you are not to take my opinion or that of Senator Carlisle, or others who theoretically discuss these questions, as to the general effects following the latest revision of the tariff. I hold in my hand a copy of senate report No. 986, of the session just closed, known as the Aldrich report on retail prices and wages, though bearing the name of Senator Aldrich it is the unanimous report of a sub-committee of the finance committee of the senate, the two Democrats concurring in it being SenatSr Harris, of Tennessee, and Senator Carlisle, of Kentucky. I wish every voter in the United States could have an opportuniny of examining this report. It w_ould dissipate many delusions that pass current for facts. This report is the result of an investigation begun in July, 1891, one of the objects being to ascertain the course of prices, retail and wholesale, at home and abroad, and was. made in pursuance of a senate resolution passed March 3,1891. It is only a partial report, covering mainly retail prices and wages, and cost of- living. An investigation into the course of.prices and the ccsc of living, much more extensive and thorough than was ever before attempted was instituted by this inquiry. The committee determined to ascertain the relative prices paid by actual consumers for all articles of general consumption at retail in. every part of the United States on the first of each month, from June. 1S89, to September, 1891, embracing a period of seventeen months prior to the passage of the act of 1890, and eleven months subsequent to that date. The quotations were in ail cases secured from actual sales, taken from the books of merchants in seventy different cities and towns in different states and territories. The places at which quota- home. If these articles in the tariff sch.ec.? ules could not be imported, as houses cannot be, then there would be less need of equalizing conditions by ourselves, because these laborers in factories would, like the carpenter and the bricklayer, find their only competition in this country. I do not say that this fall in prices, as shown by the tables, is wholly the result of the tariff in 1890, nor that the advance in. agricultural products, during this period, results wholly from a change in the tariff. In both cases other causes were potential. As respects labor the tariff revision was more potential, by securing constant employment. FARM PRODUCTS ALONE HAVE ADVANCED. But this testimony irrefutable in its character, does show that prices of commodities have not increased except in the case of agricultural products: that wages have not diminished but have advanced; that the" cost of -living has diminished. Thus refuting the contention of 1890 and repeated this year, that this revision has not been in the interest of those "who toil and spin," in« the interest of the" -favored few," who are the manufacturers of products. It is contended that our foreign trade has been unfavorably affected by this revision. It is too soon yet to fully know by experience the permanent effect of the revision on our trade with other countries. It is certain, however, that our experience thus far disclosed a most favorable condition of our trade under existing conditions. OUR FOREIGN COMMERCE. STATISTICS WHICH SHOTV HOW IT HAS GROWN UNDER RECIPROCITY. Through the courtesy of the chief of the bureau of statistics, I have a full statement of the general situation as respects foreign and domestic trade for the year 1890 and 1893 the first full year following the tariff act of 1890 as they appear from the statistics of our foreign, trade, gathered in the bureau together with a summarization of these details. This summarization I wish to report although its substance has already been printed. It discloses a most favorable condition of our foreign trade for the fiscal year 1892 as compared with the fiscal year 1890, the fiscal year 1893 being the first year where comparison cau be made the foreign trade of 1890 was somewhat accelerated by the prospective revision afterwards made. This summarization discloses: .First, the revenue has been reduced $51,367,650. Second, a remarkable increase in the total value of our foreign commerce. Value of same in 1893 over 1890, §310,540,510, and an increase of §400,357,584: over the annual average for the ten vears prior to 1891. Third. The exports in the fiscal year 1893 for the first time attained to a billion of dollars, they were of the value of 81,030,378,030 and exceeded the value of exports in 1890 by the sum of §173,449,346. They exceeded the average annual value of exports for the ten vears prior to 1891 bv the sum of §265,143,533. Fourth. Increase in exports of cotton in 1893 over 1890 of 87,492,449, increase of 1803 over average annual exports of cotton for ten years prior to 1891 §36,773,913. Fifth. The exports of breadstuffs of 1893 exceeded the value of the same exports in 1890 by the sum of 144,437,190, and exceeded the average annual value for the ten years prior to 1891 by the sum of 5131,206,224. Sixth. The value of the exports of provisions in 1893 exceeded the value of like exports in in 1890 $4,097,653, and the average annual value for ten vears prior to 1891 by the sum of $27,703,433. " Seventh. The exports of cattle, sheep and hogs in 1893 exceeded the value of like exports during 1890 by the sum of 83,311,031 and exceed the average annual value of the same exports for the ten years prior to 1891 by the sum of $20.383,071. Eighth. The combined value of exports of cotton, breadstuffs, provisions, cattle, sheep and bogs, all classed as agricultural pro- duets of 1893, exceeded the exports of 1890 by the sum of §159.233,323, and exceeded the average annual value of the ten years mentioned by the sum of §315,965,639. Ninth. The exports of all other products in 1893 exceeded those of 1390 by the sum of $11,190,860, and exceeded the average annual value of such exports for the ten years prior to 1891 by the sum of $40.430,063. Tenth. The exports of manufactures in 1892 were $8,384,357 in excess of like exports in 1890, and $39,906,294 in excess of the annual average value of the ten years prior to 1891. . Eleventh. The value of our imports in 1892 exceeded the value of the samp' in 1890 by the sum of 538.091,164, and the average annual value of the ten vears prior to 1891 by the sum of $135.315,052." "Twelfth. The value of free imports in 1893 exceeded the value of like imports in 1890 bv the sum of §193,333,143, and a, decrease of dutiable imports of $154,240,979. Thirteenth. The value of free imports as also the per centage of the same in.1893 were the largest in the history of. our commerce, so that free trade is freer than ever But it is known that on every article, or nearly every one, produced at Homestead, the tariff was reduced in 1890. It is, also. known from evidence taken by a house committee, that wages there have been- for th* higher skilled operators relatively high, some of the employes enjoying incomes as great as that of a cabinet minister, and others a compensation as large as that paid to a. member of congress. Destroy the tariff, as the Democrats propose, or reduce it to a purely revenue stand* ard and many "homesteads" in the United Stales -will be in desolation... Any attempt to attribute fhese labor disturbances to our protective policy is absurd in the last degree. These disturbances and strikes are as prevalent and as distressing in their results in free trade England as in the United States. I hold in my hand an official report of the board of trade, covering 300 pages, showing- the extent of th,ese strike* and lockouts in England and Scotland for 1890 and to some extent for 1891. It show* more than 1,000 strikes in the single year 1890, affecting nearly 400,000' laborers in the different trades, mines and factories. LABOR TROUBLES COMMON TO ALL COUNTRIES. These struggles for higher wages, or against reduction of wages, or for fewer hours of work, or because of the employment of laborers not belonging to trades- unions, have existed in: England, on the continent, and in the United State* for years. They are to be deplored. They ought to be avoided. They are- likely to continue. They otten succeed and often, fail. They generally entail losses- upon the employer and employed, and often larger losses- upon communities. They have e*u- gaged the study of thoughtful men to find a solution. They seem to be incident! to all countries having large industrial centers. They usually accompany prosperous conditions and conditions of great activity, or conditions of great depression. These strikes in England, aa shown by this report, were reduced to the minimum, in 1889, a period of industrial depression, and were greatly increased in 1890 and 1891. periods of relative industrial activity anc. prosperity. To attribute them, to any tariff policy, whether free trade or protection, is to show an inexcusable ignorance of the subject. This policy of protection has prevailed in our ^country undisturbed for thirty years and in its pathway has shows a- continona growth, of our country unexampled in the history of nations. Changes have been made, from time to time, in the schedules, but the policy has been uniform, and though- often assailed by indirect methods, usually called tariff reform, is now for the first time directly attacked in the Democratic platform. It is no longer a discussion: of schedules, whether this rate or that rate, ia too high, but whether the whole system? shall be destroyed. DEMOCRACT ANI* THE TARM'I*. THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY THIS TEAR STANDS TOR KtEB TRADE. There is no evasion or double dealing in the platform of the Democratic party this year on the tariff question. Its third section gives explicit declaration to the plans and purposes of the party. It promises th» repeal of the "MeKinley law" as one of the beneficent results that will follow the action of the people in trusting power to the Democratic party. It not only promises this, but it declares that every shred and remnant of protection, incidental or otherwise, shall be torn up root and branch. Nothing is to remain, no matter what may be the effect upon labor, upon property, upon industries built up and established bv the long continued and unbroken policy of protection. What is this public policy sojruthlessly to be destroyed? It ia tha* public policy which in levying duties "upon imports to support the government •will so adjust them as to enable us to establish and; maintain such industries as will make u» industrially independent, natural conditions being favorable, by discriminating in favor of those who labor here, so that they may receive such remunerative •wages as will enable them to live in comfort and to educate their children and provide for 1 the ivants of age. This policy is baaed upon the idea* of our industrial independence as a Nation and people. It was so well expressed by Mr.. Jefferson in his letter to Mr. Austin in 1816 that I will read an-extract from his letter. He said: "Andthatto be independent for the comforts of life we we must fabricate them-ourselves. Wemnst now place the manufacturer by the side of the agriculturist. The former question is suppressed, or, rather, assumes a, new form. Shall we make our own comforts or go without them at the will of a foreign Nation? He, therefore, who is* against: domestic manufacturers must be for reducing us either to dependence on that foreign nation, or be clothed in skin* and to* liver like witd beasts in dens and caverns. I am* not one of these. "Experience has. taught

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