The Algona Republican from Algona, Iowa on June 24, 1891 · Page 9
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The Algona Republican from Algona, Iowa · Page 9

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Algona, Iowa
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Wednesday, June 24, 1891
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HARMONY IN OHIO. Nominated for Governor by Acclamation, With Mis Accustomed Klo<iuencc- Othcr Telling Speeches tn the Convention. The Ohio state republican; convention, held at Columbus June 16 and 17, was a grand political love-feast. On the second day when nominations were •declared in order ex-Gbv. Foraker arose to present the name of William McKinley for governor. The ex-governor was wildly received, and his remarks re- •ceived frequent interruptions by the •cheering audience. Col. RobertHarlan, •the colored orator of Cincinnati, soc- •Cnded Maj. McKinley's nomination "on Tje'halfof the colored voters of Ohio." With one wild, hilarious cheer of affirmation, the convention declared Maj. McKinley nominated governor by acclamation, and a committee was appointed to apprise him of his nomina- WILLIAM M'KINLET, JR. and to escort him to the hall. His ; appearance was the signal for another •outburst of enthusiasm. Maj. McKinley spoke in substance as -follows: Mn.~ CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE »CONVENTION: I accept the nomination you ihavo tendered me, sensible both of the honor •. and responsibility it implies. It is a summons <pf my party to dutjr which I cnnnot disregard '•'And to which I yield cheerful obedience. Coming as it does, freely and heartily and without division, It is a manifestation of your confl- jdence which I shall always prize and which i .-shall evfii- strive to deserve. With your hearty .-good will and generous assurances I take the :post you have assigned me, relying upon you ;and the constituency behind you for that sup•port and cooperation which will crown with victory the work of to-day. The election this year is of unusual importance, not only because it determines the political character of the administration of the .-state tot the coming two years, but because It -.Involves the choice of a legislature whoso duty -It will bo to telcct a United States senator who -•will continue lor six years from March 4, 1893, •.and whose further duty it will bo to redistrict the state for representatives in congress under :the new census and wJpe from the statute boaks the crime against republican suffrage perpetrated by the present democratic legislature. Tho contest to which we invite our political . opponents, by this early convention, is one of principle and administration of idoaa and poll. rjcis.s, ajad the issues we tender must be fully presented and fairly tried before the tribunal -of the people. We must meet them frankly :.aml discuss thtm thoroughly. I need not re- :mindynu that the most efficient organization •will be required and that personal activity will ; be needed all along the lino from now until the • people's verdict shall be finally registered in ::Novembcr. There must be no over-confidence • or indifference—earnest and intelligent work, individual tind united, is the demand of the TJhour and the requirement of duty. Conscious f party integrity, firm in tho conviction that the party is right, that its principles are best adapted to the wants and welfare of the people, we invite tho. fullest discus- -sion, and in the end the intelligent and well • considered judgment of the electors of the state. We avoid no issue, we shirk no responsibility, •we run away from no party doctrine, we apologize for no public measure, of our making, and are ready to defend our acts against assault from any quarter. We do not invoke our past record as oxir only warrant for the confidence -of the people, although we turn to it with ; pride and satisfaction. There is not a page of it that we would obliterate If we oould, nor is •there a line which any lover of freedom or mankind would strike from its glorious pages. Can •this be asserted by or of any other political party? There has been no lack of courage und patriotism, and devotion -to the people's interests in the past, beginning with the .leadership of Lincoln and 'Chase, Seward and Wade, to that of Grant and -Garfleld, Hayes and Elaine, and Harrison, and there will be none in the future. The party has met every emergency, has responded to every call of country, has performed with fidelity .every duty with which it has been charged, and has successfully resisted every enemy of the ..government and the people, whether that ens- .my was seeking the nation's overthrow in open war, the violation of its plighted faith, or the •destruction of its industries. Whether against .slavery or repudiation—fiat money or free -trade, the republican party has stood firm and -.Immovable for right and country, for freedom :.and free homes, for the public credit, a sound currency, and for the maintenance of our In- %dustrial independence and the dignity and elevation of American labor. Its position upon .all these questions has never been doubtful or deviating, and in regard to those which are ap- -plicable to the present situation it will take no backward step. Iftue party in any of these ^gt'eat struggles has lost here and there from its .own ranks it has more than supplied such loss •.froin the other party of its strong and conservative men, whose love of country and concern •tor its financial soundness and industrial welfare have lifted them above und beyond party 'Obligations. The republican party occupies to-day the •.moat brilliant post in the politics of civlliza- •tlon. |ts achievements have no parallel—its record is without a rival. It has lost none of •Its old-time courage and decision and will abate nqne of its force and fidelity in the struggle, "Whipb is now upon us. Happily we present a -party & Ohio without a division in its ranks, without a break in its line. TJw.plfttform vhlch yo u have adopted meets -S»y ftpproy^l, $ announces with clearness and courage the great cardinal doctrines of the re-publican Party, while Jt proclaims the welt oon- siderea oonvioUons of Ohio republicans touch- toft the ijeyer p*?fian which now confronts us, :« 4pf B «9t niirwiw bu-t Widens the field of contention, It tenders issues bo.th state wad national and covers a}} the differences ^ ^^ principle and adwJntitiraiMofl between the republican and denjoorattp parties. The republican party «f Ohio approve th» aa- ^ministration of President garrison, and extend to it hearty cpngmtu.lMiea, It Das been clean, conservative, able anil patriotic. It has been wise in its domestic poUsy; and thoroughly .American in it|8 foreign, fthaj won t»e oona- deuce of the people at howe; It conwaanOs universal respect abroad. The party is in favor of a regulated Iramigro- ticjj, which sh^ll be jwst and reasonable and humane. Our shores should b£ made impassable to the vicious, too criminals ajul public dependents of other lands; tovjt not inhospitable -to the honest and virtuous ^Bd these Tjbo are veil disposed to our institutions.' isefcijw new 4& *#P?ter fcwes, ready to shajre ito 49 well as ttw> MpMtaw of existing law and such additional safeguards AS will protect our cluenshlp and our labor. It1» for liberal pension* W Qttf soldleiw and sailors, which tho legislation ot the last and previous congress faithfully attests. Although defeated temporarily 0 ; it has not abandoned tho Oftuse of honest elections. The cause survives ~the crlmo ngalnst popular ,goyernttient : con- tlhiies, and It will not be CiSnctdhed. The republican party will not relax its Vigilance Until oltlaen suffrage shall he recognized and a free ballot and honest elections, tho active principle of our government, shall be secured in every part of the republic. It can never consent to an irredeemable currency, whether Issued by state or national authority, it will maintain the public faith and tho public honor, and ita face will be set against debused coin and a depreciated currency now as heretofore. It will not forget the admonition of Washington, who said: "Cherish the public credit fts a mo'st Important source of our strength and security." It Is In favor of gold and silver; and also paper money based upon coin, all equal ar.d at all times Interchangeable; oaual In fact and equal In law. It Is In favor of a circulating medium largo enough to do the vast business of this country, but Insists that the circulating medium, wVeth- or silver or paper or gold, shall bo sound and stable, secure from discount or depreciation or fluctuation; not only good among ourselves, but wherever trade extends. This has boon and is now tho republican policy. Experience at homo .and throughout the world has demonstrated that a fluctuating, irredeemable currency falls most injuriously upon the laborer and agriculturist of the country. They give the best they.haVe-thelr labor and the products of their labor—and receive In payment tho worst form of money that passes current. Tho banker and the broker, tho grain dealer and the wool buyer, like tho rest of man- Kind, always pays out tho poorest money which will circulate and retains the best. If there Is money of different values, the best is practically taken out the channels of trade and from commercial uses—hoarded by those who can have accumulations and the circulating medium Is thus contracted and the country deprived or tho active use of Its best money. This results inevitably in one standard and that the poorest. Do wo want that? The republican party does not discredit silver. Its recent legislation secures for money uses the entire product of our silver mines and gives to tho people the use of gold and silver and paper, with which to do the business of the country all good, all sound, all Interchangeable, all equal in purchasing and debt-paying power. The farmer when he sells his wheat is required to give a full bushel In measure. He should receive and the buyer should bo required to pay him a full dollar In value. This cannot bo If we have different kinds of legal tender money of unequal value. We do not want short weights or short measures to apply to what we buy, nor do those who sell want or should they be required to receive, by the flat of the government, a short dollar In payment for what they sell. We all buy and we all sell something- labor or land or skill, or products or merchandise, and have an equal and reciprocal interest that our money shall have fixed and unvarying standards of value. When the laborer performs a full day's work he should receive his pay in dollars of full value. There can be no ledgerdemaln In legislation which will secure, to us money which does not belong to us or which can provide the means to pay our debts. The government was not or- dafnod for any such purpose. It can only give to tho citizen the widest opportunity of reward for his labor, energy and Investment. It cannot supply his losses, nor can it loan its taxes to him. It can coin money and regulate the value thereof—it can borrow money when its receipts fail to provide the necessary revenue to conduct the government. But'it cannot create money without creating a debt charageable upon the people. It cannot become the despository of the products of the | people, and advance money thereon, and if it had the power it would be unwise and suicidal to do it, and no man who will seriously reflect will be of any other opinion. We are confronted by a real danger, which prudent men of all parties should ti-y and avert before It is too late. We have reached the point where the ways part: the one straight and honorable ;the other crooked and beset with Ills; the one leading away from the well-settled policy of the fathers, which can end only In a revolution of values, the ruin of national and Individual credits and financial derangement generally; the other leading on the shining path of public safety and financial honor. There Is but one path forrepublloansto pursue —only one. It is that which they have always pursued; pursued in the face of throat and danger, denunciation and clamor, to the honor of the country and good of the people. If any man doubts where the path of safety lies lot him recall our own financial history; let him heed the warning of the wisest statesman. Webster, second only to Hamilton in financial wisdom, said: "A disordered currency is fatal to Industry, frugality and economy. It fosters the spirit of speculation and extravagance. It is the most effectual of inventions to fertilize the rich man's fields with the sweat of the poor man's brow." The public credit and sound finances must be preserved, and every scheme to destroy it must be met with courage and intelligence and repelled by the mighty force of public opinion. Better risk defeat which can be only temporary than capitulate with the demagogue or surrender to dishonesty. The misguided citizen never forgives the misguided party. The man j who is misled—honestly pursuing the wrong, never forgives his party for being wrong, even though for temporary advantage it agrees with him. He does not excuse his party If getting what he wants turns out to be what he ought not to have had. He respects his party for doing right even as against his judgment, but he has no further use for it if following his judgment harm and injury come to state and country and business. • The republican party never won a battle by truckling; It never lost one when it was honest and courageous. The honest and conservative and well meaning have the largest battalions when they muster under one flag. The platform indorses a protective tariff, which has been the policy of the government, recognized in }ts fiscal legislation, for more than half of Its life, and which has brought to the nation great streams of revenue to meet every national demand, and to the people the highest prosperity and the widest diversity of employment. It has for Its support the wisdom and prastloe of the men who founded the republic, and its 'more than half century of trial confirms their sagacity. It will not stop to discuss it now at any length. Washington spoke true words in bis farewell address when he snld: "That to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment Inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of tkie conduct of the government in making |t,» We welcome the closest analysis of the subjects which the new tariff Jaw singled out for taxation and the duties imposed thereon, and we ask "a candid construction" of our legislation at the bands of the people. We have put the duties upon foreign products whieji'ppnje into the United States in competition' with the products of our own land and labor, IB npt that right* What better means are tljers pi raising Deeded revenues? Are these not proper objects for taxation? We have protected :4nM>r- ican products and American labor. We have looked after our own. '-That is the sum of our oflease." i can understand why tho (oitlgn producer, does npt like it, but I never oould understand why an American citizen should be unhappy over it. So long as foreign products can be found to tax, which compete with ourowa la our market, we, propose to t»x them r%tb,er than ta* our own, and where we fled foreign products which do not compete with, home products, except luxuries and those which encourage vice, we propose to permit them to come In free without tax or taritt. We prefer to tax the imported rather than the domestic product. Toe democratic party prefer to tax the domestic product ratUer than the imported. It prefers to tax a foreign product, the like of which we QajMWt produce at home, and the price of which, the. foreigner fixes absolutely to the American consumer, a tw wfticttftetteSttao Aswrlesw ^"^ WWIW ^^ the like of which wo do produce nt homo, although such a tax Is a benefit to American Interests and American labor, and Is not necessarily or oven generally paid by the American consumer. That is thn difference between tho two parties on this question. Their principle <>f taxation would fall most heavily upon our own people and inure to the bbnoflt of flompotliiff foreign countries and result in injury to our own. Their tariff legislation would benefit every country but our own. Ours would benefit our own without being unjust to any othor, We follow In our tariff policy the teachings of Washington and Hamilton and Clay and Webster and Lincoln and Outfield. They pursue tbe fallacies of Oobden and Bright and Calhoun and tho statesmen of the late southern con fedoracy. They are pledged how to Impede, if they can, tha prosperity of the country until after tho next presidential election. That Is their mission this year. Business disasters and reverses are tho ladder of their hopes. Prosperity and contentment among tho people, bring them sure political defeat. Idle furnaces dismantled factories, silent mines, unemployed workmen, general distress, aro tho sure harbingers of democratic victory. They arc discouraging Industrial activity through their press and orators, everywhere, and .every day,' and It breaks their hearts to see any manifestations of Industrial advancement in tho United States. They sneer at every attempt to establish new factories and would gladly frown them down. It Is tho same sneer and frown which have been exhibited toward our Industrial enterprises since 1801. But in spite of them, we now lead the world in manufactures, agriculture, and. paining, and We Will prosper under the new law in spito of their false omens and discouraging prophesies. They insist that we cannot mako tin plate- so they said about stoel rails, so they said about plate glass, and cutlery/and pottery, and when you take them to the factory and show them that we are making tin plate, they assert with intense pleasure thai we are only making "a little." That is true—but how much should we be making—that we aro making any is tho surprise, for tho protective duty on tin has not yet gone Into effect and will not until tho first of July. They arc determined that no new flres shall be started, no new Held for the employment of labor shall be opened up. no Increased market for agriculture secured If they can prevent it. They are so wedded to free trade and the British system they are willing any calamity should happen that would rob protection of its fruits and Its blessings. They would rather have adversity and "hard times" than to witness any further demonstration of the benefits of protection. They value their opinions more thun the general good. Thus I speak of the leaders of the democratic party, and the rank and flle are not with them in sympathy and purpose, and will not help them with their votes. Reflect for a moment—there is no section of this country, north or south, which Is not seeking by every manner of inducement to get manufactories established In their midst. They are giving donations, they aro offering bounties, in some communities they are taxing themselves and burdening their property for the sake of securing industries which will employ labor and enlarge their neighborhood markets. In the south, the great center of free trade, they are ottering freedom from taxation for ten and twenty years to those who will bring their capital and invest in productive enterprises; and this by authority of state law. And while all this is going on the leaders of the democratic party are proposing to tear down the protective tarilf and inundate this country with foreign competing products to displace those which those very manufactories propose to make and which the people are taxing themselves to establish. Tho people are looking after business and not politics, are trying to build up and diversify Industries in their villages and cities in our own country, while the free trade democratic leaders are endeavoring to undermine by unrestrained competition from abroad what we already have, and are offering every form of opposition to the inauguration of new enterprises. The people will come to see and understand this if they do not already, and their votes will go where their material interests lie. They will not spend their money to build up and give their votes to pull down. There is much complaint, particularly in Europe, and among the free trade theorists at home, about tho Increased duties under the new tariff law. It was framed on the principle I have already announced. True, we did advance some duties. It is said they bear heavily upon the farmers. Let us see if the criticism is supported by the facts. Thirty-three and one-third per cent, of the advanced duties are for the better protection of the American farmer. Twenty-eight in number of the advanced duties are upon wine and spirits, which will hardly burden the farmer. Five of the advanced duties are upon tobacco and agricultural products. In the framing of the law most carefully consideration was given to agriculture. No like recognition of this Industry can be found in any previous tariff legislation. While securing to the farmer the home market by increased protection, the law provides a reciprocity clause which Is Intended to extend his foreign market, and upon terms more favorable than those accorded to competing a»rioul- tural countries. The bill was drafted after the fullest consultation with the farmers of the United States. It was made to meet their just demands and reasonable requirements, and with a single exception their requests were granted. The law, while protecting the farmers' products fully and adequately, has reduced the duties on other products where it could be done with safety to home wages and the home market. It Is a significant fact that the articles which the farmer most frequently buys bear a less tariff than under the law of 1883 'and the products which he sells bear a higher duty than ever before. The following articles among others have either had the old duty decreased or removed altogether: Sugar, leather, boots and shoes, lumber, rice, starch, trace chains, hammers, spikes, nails, tacks, needles, wire and wire rods, screws, nuts and washers, files, rasps, binding twine, rope, cordage, log chains, iron piping, stove plates, -horse shoes, copper and products of, lead and products of, nickel and products of, steel rails, structural iron, bar iron, hoop iron, sheet Iron, wire rope and wire netting, varnishes, turpentine, camphor and glycerine. There can be no contention as to the needs of the farmer. They ore, first and foremost, a good home market. That is safely secured by the new tariff law. The consumers of the United States, who are the best in the world, are made his customers more securely than they have ever been before. No legislature can give him abounding crops; that is with him who plants and the Ureat power over all who "glveth the .increase." Next, he wants a foreign market for his surplus products. That he is assisted in securing so far as it is possible by tbe reciprocity provision of the new law, and no part of the law interferes with his entering any foreign market with any product of his fields or forests. Next, he wants good money for his products. He does not want to exchange his wheat for a clipped dollar, nor his wool for a depreciated currency. He now has the very best money in the world, thanks to the republican Party. I have dwelt at length upon national issues, but the campaign will not be confined to these alone. Jt will be bread enough to comprise all state issues, the record of the present state administration and the work of tbe legislature which for the past two y«are has been under the control of the denworaMs party. AU these will receive examination at tbe hands of the people. Whatever of goo4 can be found will have their approval,, m It ittoww, and whatever ot maladministration or oad legislation shall appear will as surely receive their condemnation- I do not intend at ife|s tljje to enter upon any extended review of the work of the present administration, it must not be forgotten that a legally elected Ueutananj, governor was deprived of his seat witbouj » legal contest, in disregard of all forms and precedents made and established in subcases, and : *IM* there was put in bis Place one who bad not re- ived a plurality e| tbe electors, but ,,jo was the minority ofujflid^te—» result re ached by denying to the 014 soldiers at the feom* and the students # tfc,e universities of «w irtate the rtgbj^ «^fe^«. fbfc crime Tho congrrsitonal gerrymander was also the work of Mi!< pri>i..T,, | rt .iHiature. A more unjust and partisan arrangement of the state for congressional purposes was never before con- or consummated. A republican state by accident a democratic legislature s so intorl6usly manipulated as to give to the democratic party sixteen out of twenty-one representatives, a deliberate disffundhlsement of more than half of th<3 republicans of the state. The state in 1890 gave a popular majority to the republicans, and yet tho democratic parly by its gerrymander secured a two-thirds majority of the representatives In the national housi; of representatives. Tho true voice ot Ohio is suppressed In the popular branch of congress and the voice of the minority Instead of the majority will speak and vote for the state. Economy in the expenditures of the monies of the state was a pledge of the party in power, and this in common, with all others has boon flagrantly violated. Their record Is ono of unparalleled extravagance. For the fiscal year, 1890, the general appropriations were $3,483,301, which was 8133,000 in excess of the receipts. Oov. Hoadloy's administration cost the state $6,4S,',Bf>8, ana the people retired him with a single torm. The first term of Gov. Foraker's administration cost W,398,730. The amount of the appropriations of the democratic legislature for Gov. Campbell's administration was $7,185,1205, which is ?i,30fl,697 more than Foster's llrst term, 11,403,638 more than Foster's second term. ?.)(V2,;w7 more than Hoadley's administration, J9IXS.KW more than Foraker's first term, and (fc?a r >,475 more than Foraker's second term. Indeed, It was a most fortunate thing that a republican congress returned to the states tho direct tux advanced by them for tho prosecution of the war from which Ohio received over a million and a quarter of dollars. But for this timely Inflow Into our state treasury we wouU' havo had a deficiency. Other Issues of state policy and admlntstra tion-wlil require our careful consideration, ant shall receive it, as wo meet the people In the course of tho campaign. Tho people of Ohio want not a parsimonious, but a wise and economical administration of the state government. They demand that expenses shall bo kept within tho annual revenue, and that taxation shall bo diminished rather than increased. They would abolish needless offices which annually tend to deplete the treasury, and which perform no good service to the state. They would improve the public institutions, and conduct them on business principles, and not through partisan management. Those institutions In which the people have a peculiar interest should receive the most sacred care of tho state, and ought to be free from politics and scandals, and administered with fidelity, economy and integrity. The state should be a model of economy, and furnish an example to its citizens of frugal man- agexient and business methods. I must detain you no longer; other occasions will offer fuller opportunity for discussion. I must not further interrupt the necessary business of this convention. Its spirit and unity, its numbers and enthusiasm Indicate an interest and purpose which are the forerunners of victory. We have never had a greater battle to fight—none where more vital Issues affecting all the people were involved, none where "the plain people" have greater stake or deeper Interests. To them and for them the appeal must be made. In them we must repose our trust. To them we must look for victory. Senator Sherman was then called on to address the convention. The applause was deafening as the veteran Ohio statesman advanced to the front of the platform and began his speech. Following is the substance of his remarks: Ho began by reviewing the history and achievements of the republican party, which, he declared, was the author of the sound financial system of the country and the protector of American industries. Ho eulogized President Harrison's administration. "Tho recent republican congress," he said, "has dealt with all leading questions of the time and with the most important questions with foreign nations. Everyone of these has either been settled or is in the way of settlement," The senator declared that the administration of Mr. Cleveland had devised nothing and accomplished nothing. Referring to the I^cKinloy bill, he said it was a measure that extended its benefits to artisan and farmer alike. It would bear discussion and would improve on acquaintance. The free coinage of silver, he declared, was neither just nor equitable. It would demonetize gold and disarrange all business relations. The speaker reiterated the republican declarations as to libunU pensions and the federal election bill, and closed with a prediction that Ohio would again lead the republican columns in November. At the conclusion of Senator Sherman's speech an address from Secretary Foster, who was unable to be present, was read. A synopsis follows: Ho analyzed the increased appropriations of tho last congress, and insisted that they were justified by sound policy. Of the $170,000,000 of Increase in appropriations nearly 833,000,000 was tor the postal service, and this, he said, simply represented the growth of the country for two yoars. Nearly two-thirds of the entire Increase was due to an increase of the pension list, and democrats, in opposing and criticising large appropriations, were directly attacking appropriations made for pensions. Answering the talk about a bankrupt treasury Secretary Foster predicted that before the end of two years we will have money enough to meet all government expenses. The secretary opposed free and unlimited coinage of silver, but was emphatic in his remarks favoring bimetallism. For lieutenant g-overnor, Andrew L. Harris, of Preble 1 county, was nominated on the first ballot; for state treasurer, W. T. Cope, of Cleveland, was nominated on the first ballot; for auditor of state, E. W, Poe, the present auditor, was renominated by acclamation; for attorney general, J. K. Richards, of Lawrence county, was nominated on the first ballot; for supreme judge, Marshall J, Williams, of Fayette county, was nominated by acclamation; for members of hoard of public works, Charles E." Grace, of Pickaway county, was nominated on the first ballot. The committee on resolutions submitted the platform: Its features are a general plank commending the record and principles of the republican party, reaffirming the doctrines of protection and commending the WtoKtnley bill; demanding protection for the wool industry equal to that accorded the most favored manufacturers of woolen goods; demanding a free Dallot; demanding tho enactment of laws to protect our country aK a i«st the influx of the vicious and criminal classes ot foreign nations and the importation of laborers to compete with our own citizens; favoring liberal pensions, economy in the administration of national and state af fairs; ample edupational facilities for the whole people; restraint of combinations of capital for unlawful purposes or purposes at variance with sound public policy, public lands for settlers, and restoring to the public domain all unearned railroad land grants; declaring in favor of gold and silver a$ the basis of currency; commending the Harrison administration and his foreign policy; commending the passage pf the silver bill by the last congress; indorsing reciprocity; commending the course of Senator Sherman and other Ohio republican members Jn congress; recommending favorable, legislation for farmers; condemning the Campbell administration and commending the administration of Oov. Foraker. Foster is of iths opinion that thg pjsoposed two-percent, borida can be disposed of at a premium, which |j»p|5#s "a condition of national credit existing nowhere else in the world:" >$pd this splendid ffcc* is due entirely fej republican management P* the country's finances. —St. Louis WAR REMINISCENCES. PmsCILLA FAIRFAX, forreit maltoth the heart Sloftj feul whon Vie desire eometh It is a tree of llfa.""- Peov. xlll; M. But few of (he living are left to know How PrlAollla Fairfax's faith wa* tried, when Jovo In <ho Mays of long ago Tho ravage and wreckage of War defied. At out of the meadow thf> lark took wing, Her soul bv n strange unrest was stirred, To keep her tryst at tho cliff-hid spring, Though her heart was sick with Its hopo deferred, Against, the l^ole of a gnarly b^aeh Sho pressed her lips wltli a b ushing face, To flic rou«h-out wonls of a lover's speech Her trembling lingers soaroj could trace. Tlio letters were blurred and scarred with age, By winters of snow and summers of rain, But n^-ver was written a holler pase, By winters of Sorrow and summers of pain. And there was the date— was It '"01?" Apples and cherries were all In bloom, She saw him shoulder his heavy gun And march away in tho solemn gloom. Thrice since then had the cherry bloomnd And the hills boon crowned with a vivid rod, while over the valleys the onnnon boomed Till the waves of war washed up the dead. The cloud passed over them, speeding south, Sweeping with besom of smoke and flame- Never by letter or word of mouth Unto her ever a whisper came. Bui tho afternoon gnSW hot and still; The path to the house was lonor and steep; She dlpp«d her pall Into the bubbling rill— 'Tls a woman's fato to work and weep. Sho stopped at tho knotty bench again To rest and linger a little spell, Sighing for only "What might have been," When over her pathway a shadow fell. Shading her eyes with a trembling palm. She caught her breath in her glad dismay, She knew in spite of that soldierly calm That bronzed face and that suit of gray. Her eyes met his and with cheeks aglow Their tears Into solemn Joy wero wed, For tho kindly care of a northern foe Had robbed the yawning grave of its dead. With his good right arm ho held her close. And she. for joy, could scarcely grieve Though—her hand on his shoulder folded thus— Her tears dropped down on his empty sleove. —Edwin S. Hopkins, In Detroit Free Press. IN THE TRENCHES. A Confederate Soldier's Stories of the Atlanta Campaign. "Virg Mose" has some lively reminiscences of the days when the Yankees were encamped round and about Atlanta, His adventures in that locality are very interesting. But let him tell his story in his own way: Our rifle pits were about ten feet long, four feet wide and five feet deep. The dirt was piled up on rails, and under them was a small hole to shoot through. Those pits were twenty feet apart, and in each of them we had three men. Our main line was two hundred yards in thcTear of the rifle pits, and we always had one-half of our men on picket. The pickets were relieved every night at midnight On the night of August 5, a Yankee exclaimed: "Johnny, stop your shooting and let's be friendly." We said: "All right," and in less than ten minutes we were all mixed up together and chatting pleasantly. We exchanged tobacco for coffee and other stimulants. I remember conversing with two Yankees of Indiana, who were of middle age, on their rifle pit. They said to me: ' 'You seem to be very young; were you conscripted and made to go to the war?" "No," said I, "I voluuteere,d," "Where do you live?" said one of them, "About seventy-five njiles north of .here," said, I. They then asked me what I was fighting for. My answer was that I was fighting for Georgia, to drive the invaders from her soil. Those Yankees looked upon each other and said: "This boy don't know what he is fighting for. We don't care a cent for the negroes, but we want the union, and we are going to vote for Gen. McClellan for president and stop this bloody war, and if the private soldiers would do it on both sides the war would end before daylight;" and they at last asked me to go with them to their headquarters and they would assure me that I would be out of the war for all time to come if I would take the oath and go north and hire out and make money, etc. '/ commenced to tell them what I would submit to before I would do a thing like that, when the Louisianians on our right took a notion to charge them. The firing was heavy and the yelling was awful. I jumped up to run to my hole and ran against a Yankee who had been on our side, and we both fell backward. As we rose we teould tell each other by our uniforms— both apologized and went on. That was the hardest jolt a Yankee ever gave me in the war. The midnight charge did nqt last more than half an hour, and we were all together again next day and night— all friendly—not a gun fired, when on the third day of our armistice the enemy brought a line of battle up at once and charged our picket line, and but five of our pickets got away in our brigade. But we dug new pits that night under a heavy fire, when several of our men got killed. From that time on there was no more friendship between us. I remember next day having shot eighty rounds of cartridges, and awhtte before night the tube o| my gun burst and I asked, Went, MeGee, who was in command of the pickets, what to d.9 about it He said it was dangerous to go tp the rear for another gun; and if they charged us I was ta no ix to be there without a gun. It was some distance to our line Bn d through an ojd pine field; but J thought I would risk it and outrun the bullets, 4s I got out of the rifle pit it seemed as though a thousand went to shooting at Bie. J never could remember h»w I got to the line of breastworks, but think the bullets were so thick that I got on top of them and rode out It was dark wfepn I went back and founid fciaut McGee very anxious about Wje, The following day Lafayette Qfcanjbers, of our company, was fejUled-^a, shot in the fceajl, I w §nt ov«p to the 1st Georgia to tell his brother Jphn, wb4> afterward, took eharge Q| bis clothing. John wore fete buotEep'. hat, «,nd I was informed by Frank Ai* "" With John, that he was killed soon afterward—shot in the head. ? We cut tlown those old-fleld pine* and felled them alf toward the eneroy^—eut off the limbs two or three *eet from fli~e% main trunk ftflrl life wed them to a ahalfft point. One Yattk<& wh<* : betottgetf* fa* the Twenty-first Missouri ferawled tea* our line and wais killed. M«- fras taken away by tieithe> side. ThrW W«dk» later when Sherman evacuated ou* front 1 and some others woat to fifirf the body of John Chambers, His hea(4 had come off. I remember looking afc him and thinking that perhaps at thai moment he had a dear mother in the laf west, who, like my own dear mother who was so far away, was in some se* cret place upon her knees asking God to spare her boy. Perhaps that mother now is still looking for her boy; but alasl she will see him never on thi» earth. When living I was his enemy, but when h<! was lying there in death I was his friend and admired his bravery, and now J. sympathize with his family wherever they may be.—Atlanta Constitution. A BRAVE DEED. Hotv a Private Extinguished a Hunting Ammunition Wagon, "There goes the bravest man in the United States army, at least I saw him do as brave a deed as any that ever was done," said Capt. Mack in Amsden'a bank as he looked out on the street at a man going by. "There were a good many brave deeds done in the army. Who is your man, and what did he do?" "He is Tom Gilbert and was a private in my company. Two men were packing ammunition in a wagon at Baton Rouge and some powder exploded in the wagon and killed one of them. The wagon contained thirty-two twenty- pound shells loaded with powder. The shells were packed points down and the orifice in the rear end of each one was filled with oakum, which is to be pulled out and replaced by a fuse when put in the gun. The explosion of powder set fire to the oakum and it was burning toward the powder when Gilbert saw the situation. He first drew the injured man away from the wagon, and then finding a pail of water con- viently near, picked the shells up and dipped the burning ends in the water. None of them exploded, or hie would not have been here to go by the window to-day."—Detroit Free Press. He Waited In the Cellar. In traveling over the battlefield of Antietam I met an aged negro who seemed to know the lay of the ground perfectly well, and after a time I inquired: "Were you here when the fight took place?" "Eight yere, sah?" he replied. "Saw it all then?" "Well, sah, not'zackly, but I saw de dead folks arter de battle." "Why didn't you witness the movements of the troops?" "Well, sah, I was dun embarrassed a heap dat day. I knowed Gineral Lee was dependin' on me not to whoop fur de Yankees, an' dat ftineral McClellan was dependin' on me not to whoop agin 'em, an' so I dun went down cellar an' sat on de head of a cider bar'l an' let 'em fight it out de best way dey could." —N. Y. World. WAIFS FOR OLD WARRIORS. '" Me with My Grand Army Badge on My Breast," "My Father's Flag and Mine," "Oh, Guard That Banner While We Sleep," and the Veteran's Last Song" are very popular with the_ boys who wore the blue. Chaplain^ John Hogarth Lozier, of Mount Vernon, la., is the author of the last of those named. CHARLES F. GILLET, of Cleveland, has the honorable discharge of a dog from the union army. , The dog served for three years in battery Jl ^f the independent regiment of ' the Pennsylvania light artillery. The discharge recites that "Jack Puppy" (brindle) is a "watchman" in Capt. E. H. Nevin's company; that he was enlisted Jan. 31, ,1863, for three years, and was discharged June 10,1885, by reason of expiration of term. ADMIBAL WOBDEN, who commanded the original Monitor in its historic fight with the Merrimac, still shows in hia face the heavy peppering with gunpowder which he received in that engage- ^ ment by the explosion of a shell at the peephole to which his eye was applied. He is living unostentatiously in Washington, and it is difficult to get him to say anything about himself or about the battle in which he won distinction. He eschews all articles of dress which, would indicate his profession. THE late Henry S. Sanford was American minister to Belgium during our civil war; but Mr. Seward once said of him that during tho first year of the rebellion he was virtually our minister for aU Europe. He performed many important and delicate services for the government in that crisis. At the time of the "Trent affair," for instance, when there was danger of war with England, and when by the queen's order British ports were close! to the exporting 1 of military supplies, some two thousand tons of much-needed ^alt* petre that had been purchased for the United States was locked up in Engr land. Immediately, on his own respon^ sibility, Mr. Banford bought up and shipped to this country all tbe saltoetra on sale on the continent—ft resoon^i^ • ity on wbieb be risked hia wbote ft*. tune. TUB gallant Gen, Frana Sfce.1 times, but be doea »pt Jook «§ as he looked in other, yearf, evident that the hard bare told upon bim. six years of §fe, „,,,__ since he ws»t«tt4»Wi! of ^ ^ ^boo| at <?frl|rttbe, in Germany, tbrs* years efcws be |e|d «• ~ tbe B^dejB revolution, foftjr be cajw* to JSew Yof%, fpfM •ince be entered unon wit™*y> wii' 1 ' wflp^w*^i*ap «S^]iip!*W" woa

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