The Algona Republican from Algona, Iowa on February 25, 1891 · Page 7
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The Algona Republican from Algona, Iowa · Page 7

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Wednesday, February 25, 1891
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TAIUFI? UPHKLD. -Mr. MpKinloy's Raply. to Cleveland's Columbus Speech. Ohio SliUppniti.31 Proves the Cry of hentitiftHH" to Ho an Old ami Kalln- olous Oii«—Kvery Laborer Entl- Hot! to Ills Hire, •enterprises, •from work •overcrowded Tho Oliio League of Republican clubs ^Celebrated Lincoln day by a banquet in Memorial flail, Toledo, O., which was .attended by a number of distinguished members of that, party. lion. Bellamy Ston'.r of Cincinnati responded to "The Young Republicans oE Ohio," and then -.came the toast, "An American Tariff for tho American People," to which Eon. William McKinley responded. Mr. MeKinley's response was essen- -ttally a reply to Mr. Cleveland's speech .at the Tlnirman banquet at Columbus 'last November, lie .said: "It is worth something in the dis- •cussion of eeonomie questions to have an uvowal from our political opponents •of the real meaning 1 and effect of their -economic theories. It was, therefore, gratifying to the friends of protection to have that eminent Democratic leader •of the State of New tfork on a recent •occasion in the capital city of our State make open confession of tho purposes •which he and his party associates .-aim to accomplish by a free-trade tariff. Assigned to respond to the inspiring sentiment, 'American Citizenship,' he made 'cheapness' the theme of his dis- •eourso and counted it among the. highest aspirations of American life. Hi.il avowal is only that which protectionists have always claimed to be tho \n•evitable tendency of his tariff policy, •which exalts cheap goods from abroad .above good wages at home. Tho tariff reformer gravely asks why we want •manufacturing 1 establishments in l,he United States when wo can buy our jfoods in other countries as cheap as we can manufacture them at home, if not •cheaper. Why maintain defensive tariff at all? Why not permit foreign goods to come in unfettered by any custom- 'house restraints? "The best answer—tbe most conclusive—is written in our own experience •under the last free trade tariff: regime •of the Democratic party, when cheap :foreign goods invited by the low tariff of that period destroyed our manufact- •ories, checked our mining, suspended •our public works and private sent our working-men to idleness or to the field of agriculture, from remunerative to starvation -wages, or to no wages at all, surrendered our markets to the foreigner, giving work to hi.s shops and his men by •taking it from our shops and our men, and diminished domestic production and domestic, employment, thereby in•creasing those of other countries and other peoples. This was an era of cheapness ami of poverty, to which the .great Democratic leader and his faction of the party want us to return. The masses of the people are in no temper ior such a suggestion and will never consent to the inauguration of a policy which will ccale down their wages and Tender it. harder to obtain the necessaries of life. The 'cheap coats' to which -the • gentleman is so much attached do .not Lempt them, for many remember that in previous free-trade eras of our 'history they were too poor to buy them .at any price." THE CRY OF "CnKAPNKSS" AX OLD ONE. Mr. 'McKinley discussed this point at .some length and continued: "This cry of 'cheapness' is not new. It rang through England nearly fifty .years ago. It was the voice and philosophy of Cobden; it was the false and alluring appeal urged for the reversal of •Great Britain's industrial policy from protection to free trade. It was the hypocritical cant against which the beloved Kingslcy thundered his bold denunciations. Here is his characterization of it: 'Next you have the Manchester school, from which heaven defend us. For of all narrow, conceited, hypocritical, and anarchist schemes of the univer.se the Cobden and Bright •one is exactly the worst—to pretend to be the workmen's friends by keeping •down the pr/oe of bread when all they want thereby is to keep down wages and inci'ease profits, and in the meantime to widen the gulf between the working-ma a and all that is time-honored and chivalrous in English society.' "lam charitable enough to believe that many of our tariff-reformers, blind followers of Cobden, arc wholly unconscious of the end, the ultimate and disastrous end, of their doctrine and policy. Is American manhood to be degraded that merchandise may be •cheap? Are cheap goods at such a cost worthy of our high purpose and destiny, and can we believe that he who would advocate them at such sacrifice is the true friend of his countrymen, however loud his professions? Cheap «oats at any price, at any sacrifice, even to the robbery of labor, are not tlie •chief objects of American civilization. We scorn cheap coats upon any su«h terms or conditions. Our philosophy includes the grower of the wool, the weaver of the fabric, the seamstress and the tailor. Our tariff-reformers have no thought of these toilers. They can bear their hard tasks in pinching poverty for the sake of cheap coats, which prove by far the dearest whea measured by s\$eat aud toil. Our tarill- reformers concern themselves ouly about cbeaj^ coats and cheap shoes. We do not overlook the comfort of those who make the coats and the shoes, unci •who provide the wool and the cloth, the hides aud the leather. yUOTlNQ THOMAS JEFFKKSON. "I gratefully commend to tl»o new leader of the Democracy the palriotio utterances of its old leader, Tlioma* Jefferson. I quote from one of hU letters to Jean Baptiste: 'The prohibitive duties we lay on all articles of foreign manufacture, which prudence requires us to establish at home, with the patriotic determination of every good citizen to use no foreign article which can be made within ourselves, without regard to difference of price, secures us against a relapse into foreign dependency.' Jeffiersx?n was solicitous abroad tvhich oould be had at home. He set the example of buying the domestic goods instead of the foreign .goods, even though the former cost more than the latter. He did not have the depth of sympathy for cheap foreign goods which tho new leader of the Democratic party boastfully confesses dwells in hi.s breast. Jefferson . was for home product and the home producer and his exalted patriotism is commended to those who are leading the party from its ancient moorings." Mr. McKinley followed this line of thought at considerable length, his argument being that free trade could only benefit those living on accumulated or inherited wealth, without being required to labor for themselves, and went on: "If buying where you can buy the cheapest narrows the field of employment at home it will be the very dearest of all buying, the most expensive of all trading, tho most unprofitable of all exchange. The more demands there are for labor, the more avenues inviting employment and enterprise, and the more opportunities for the capitalist to invest his money the better each will be remunerated, the widest general •prosperity. There must be something :for the American citizen more than cheap clothes. There must be some higher incentive than a cheap coat and a bare subsistence. The farmer's product must bring him fair returns for his toil and investments. The workingman's wages must be governed by his work and worth and not by what lie can barely live upon. He must have wages that bring hope and heart and ambition, which give promise of a future brighter and better than the past, which shall promote his comfort and independence, and which shall stimulate liirn to a higher and better and more intelligent citizenship. This was what Lincoln and Garfield taught. These were the principles on which they inspired the people. The great emancipator illustrated his aversion to cheap men when he made them free and gave them their own earnings and labor; and the beloved GarGcld showed his sympathy with God's poor \vheu he voted to make, them citizens. CJUTICISING CLEVELAND'S ADMINISTRATION. "Tho gentleman who is now so insistent for cheap, necessaries of life while in office and clothed with authority was unwilling that siigar, an article of prime necessity to every household, should come untaxcd to the American people when it was known that it was an annual burden upon them of $(50,000,000. He stood then as the tmcompromising friend of dear sugar for the masses. During all of his years' at the head of the Government he was dishonoring one of our precious metals, one of our own products—discrediting silver and enhancing the price of gold. He endeavored even before his inauguration to office to stop the coinage of silver dollars, and afterward and to the end of his administration persistently used his power to that end. He was determined to contract the circulating medium and demonetize one of the coins of commerce, limit the volume of money among the people, making money scarce, and therefore dearer. He would have increased the ' value of money and diminished the value of every thing else—money the j master, every thing else its servant. | He was not thinking of 'the poor' then. He had left 'their side.' He was not 'standing for their defense.' Cheap coats, cheap labor, and dear money— the sponsor and promoter of these professing to stand guard over the welfare of the poor and lowly! Was there ever more glaring inconsistency or reek- less assumption? "The tariff reformer has at last, hi his wild ecstasy over a so-called victory, been betrayed |.into an avowal of his real design. He believes that poverty is a blessing to be promoted and encouraged, and that a shrinkage in the value of every thing but money is a National benefit. He no longer conceals his love for cheap merchandise, even though it entails the beating down of the price of labor and curtails the comforts and opportunities of the masses. He has uncovered at last. He would make the cheapest articles of comfort and necessity dearer to the poor, for he would diminish the rewards of their labor. EFFECT OF CHEAP FOREIGN GOODS. "Mr. President, that country is the least prosperous where low prices are secured through low wages. Cheap foreign goods, free, or practically free, in competition with domestic goods involve cheap labor at home or dependence upon foreign manufacturers. Those who advocate duties solely for revenue see only as a result cheaper prices, which are bvit temporary at best and do not see the other side—that of lower wages, cheaper labor, agricultural depression ami general distress. The protective system by encouraging capital to engage in productive enterprises has accorded to labor, skill and genius higher opportunities and greater rewards than could otherwise be secured, defending them against ruinous foreign competition while promoting Hbme competition and giving the American con- buinur better products at lower prices and the fanner a better market than was ever enjoyed under the free tariffs of the Democratic party." Air. McKinley went on to enforce this by a history of the condition of the English working classes since the repeal of the corn laws, contrasting this with the condition of American workmen since the war, and closed as follows: "We believe tbe American policy Lest adapted to our citizenship anc civilization and this belief is sustainet by the highest American authorities, from Washington down, and by a hundred years of experience. We know what it has already accomplished foi self-governed people. The world knows of the wonderful progress we have made. If this policy is to be reversec it mm.;t be done not by clamor or mis representation, not by school men and theorists, not by falsehood and hypo critical solicitude for tbe poor man, no' by exaggerated laudation of the chea] telligent judgment of the majority constitutionally registered. It will never be so reversed while we remain a Nation of political equals. "Time mid experience have vindicated the great system. Time and truth will vindicate the new law Which was founded upon it. False witnesses will be confounded by the unimpeachable testimony of trade and experience. Their portents have already been impeached. False prophecy must fall before good times and abounding prosperity. Campaign prices have already been convicted a.s campaign lies. New industries are being founded. Others now established are enlarging their capacity. Idle mills are being started. The only menace to our advancement and prosperity, to our wage-earners and farming interests, is the party which is pledged to the repeal of the new law and the substitution of the British system of place. Free and full discussion will avei't the danger. Nothing else will.'' SILENT NO LONGER. Senator Quay, of Pennsylvania, Answers His Accusers. Tin- rimi-Res Against Him Arc All Designated a TlKKiifi of JJea, Fnlso »ml Foul to the Corn—III* Speech In l)e~ nlnl of Thorn. AN HONEST GHOST. The Solution of an Kngllsh Hallway tery. A ghost story, of the only authentic sort, comes from England, and is related by Wilbert Bcale, in his "Light of Other Days." A young man, Mr. A., one night left London to take a trip into the north of England, and had for a companion in the railway carriage but one man, a stranger. Mr. A. addressed some remark to his fellow-traveler in starting, but the man took no notice of it, and began to read a newspaper with great diligence. Presently Mr. A. went to sleep, and on awaking, after an hour's nap, found the carriage empty. No station had been passed, and yet his fellow-passenger had vanished. He was puzzled, and believed himself to have been the victim of an apparition or a dream. Twelve months passed, and again the two travelers met, under precisely the same circiimstanecs. Mr. A. resolved that this time the mystery should be solved. But he had had a luvrd day's work, and in spite of himself, fell fast asleep. When he awoke, it was to find that his companion had mysteriously vanished. He now began to suspect that this second illusion might forebode some disaster, and joined his friends with a heavy heart. His sister, noticing his depression, urged him to accompany her to some neighborhood merry-making. He consented, but on entering the hall, started violently. "There! there it is again!" he CA- claimed, with a terrified look. "What do mean?" whispered his sister, in alarm. "The phantom!" he gasped, pointing to an advancing figure. "I have seen it twice, in my journeys up here, and each time it vanished into air." "How absurd!" said she, relieved. "That is the owner of Harold Park. The railway runs through his estate, and he has a private station, at which the train stops whenever it is signalled. He is deaf and dumb."—Youth's Companion. OLD-TIME ETIQUETTE. tales That Were Observed Five Hundred Years Ago. Sleep not after "a full stomacke;" be merry before bedtime; lie first on your ft side; wear a scarlet nightcap, and leep eight hours in summer, nine in •winter. On rising 1 "ryse with myrth i,nd remembre God;" take a stroll; play uennis; keep your neck warm; and rcep out of sleeping rooms infested with snails, rats and mice. On these follow William Vaughan's Fifteen Directions to Preserve Health" (A. D. 1003,) among which he ecommends his own dentifrice as better worth than a thousand of thier lentifrices." A charming remedy for lim sight is a solution of sugar candy !) and aloes; and the fourteenth direction commands you to pray to God and —have a hole in your nightcap! A little later on, Sir John Haring- xra, author of the famous translation if Ariosto and a favorite of Italian- oving Elizabeth, wrote "The Dyet for Ivery Day," and "On Rising, Diet, and Soing to Bed," showing us exactly how vise fops or wise coquettes should conduct themselves in these particulars. Sit '(he says) in the winter season somewhat by the fire, not made with ,urfe or stinking coale, but with oake or other wood that burneth clear;' comb your head at least forty times and make your mind "more cheere lull" by rubbing your neck well with a linnen napking." Always work in ;he forenoon (he continues); wear a sapphire, an emerald, or yellow amber, "for in stones, as also in hearts, there s great efficacie and vertue;" and people who wear emeralds * ave Aristotle's testimony that they are "good against falling sickness.' 1 —Prof. James A. Garrison, in The Chautaii- quan. What Caused the Trouble. Bloobumper—I thought that you and McMackin, the alderman, were great :,,_ j- -t*>*.i«i:t. Pennibs (an editor)—We were until McMackin got married. Bloobumper—Both loved the same woman, eh? Pennibs—No, that wasn't it. When ha was married I wrote an account of it for my paper, and wrote the caption: '•An Alderman Takes a Bride." Well, the compositor thought he knew enough about aldermen to put a "b" in place o1 a "d" in the word bride, and now Mo If ackin is suing me for damages.—Mun uey's Weekly, cost, but after the fullest discussion the people sfepuld buy nothing | and investigation by the sober and in. Medical Item. I came to see about my tha 'Toe tor. jrother." "What is the matter with him?" "One of his legs is shorter than other, and he limps. Now, what would you do in a case of that kind?" "I am afraid I should limp, too."— Texas Siftings. —"Has any one sworn to this statement?" said the president of the company when the treasurer presented his report. "No one but the stockholders," was tee reply.—Lowell Citizen. QUAY RXPI/AINS. WASHINGTON, Feb. 17.—Senator Quay (Fa.) addressed the Senate Monday in refutation of charges circulated against him. Unsaid: "Nfiver, probably, slnco Alexander Hamilton was huntod to his death, has one In public Hfo been pursued so pcrsistcntly^and malignantly. The Hold of tho malign effort has been the en- tin; Union. The assaults wura'of n character so monstrous as largely to; cnrry with them their own refutation. Were it otherwise I could not remain, nor could my constituents permit me to remain, a member of this Senate. "Partly to indifference to slander, a weapon •which has never a place in my political arsenal, and partly by the nclvico of friends, who uryed me to treat the assassins of reputation us undeserving of open controversy, 1 have permitted' without comment tho passing of tho flood of falsehood. Its malodorous waters chance at this time to bo quiescent, and now when no heated political conflict is raging, when neither hope nor ffjar can be deemed the inspiration of my utterance, I choose briefly to confront accusation with truth. I would not allude to this subject in this presence -had not members of Die other house made it a matter of debate there. "Looking to the future and knowing that the records of this Congress will remain for other generations to read when most, of us composing it will be forgotten, I choose for tho truth of history and for that which is dearer to all men than riches to dispel the mist of falsehood with the clear light of fact. "It is not my purpose to weary the Senate by a rehearsal of each detail of the mass of misrepresentation. Nevertheless, avoiding prolixity, I will endeavor to make this statement specific and so complete as to be final. If any thread in the fabric of falsehood remains unscvered it will be because this tissue of lies is so complex, is so raveled with contradiction and clouded with insinuation, that some in- Blftnillcant portion has escaped my attention. "The first assertion concerning my official acts is that at some time or continuously between the years of 1879 and 18S2 I alone, or acting with another or others, used the moneys of tho State of Pennsylvania for speculative or private purposes. I denounce this statement as absolutely false. In 1877 the Democratic party of Pennsylvania elected a State Treasurer and an Auditor- General, the financial officers of the commonwealth. A year or two later, pending their terms of office, I became engaged in stock operations. In some transactions I was associated and jointly interested with the gentleman who was at that time cashier of tho State treasury. These transactions proved seriously disastrous, and I was compelled to pay a portion of his losses as well as my own. In doing this it became necessary to supply an alleged deficiency he had caused in the treasury. As a portion of the fund for this purpose I borrowed $100,000 from the gentleman who Is at present my colleague in the Senate. I gavo him my judgment note therefor, with the amount of which note I paid to him dollar for dollar years ago. Not until the beginning of the settlement of our losses was I aware that a deficiency existed, and I had every assurance that my associate was able to carry his share of the losses. My connection thereafter was simply with the aid of friends to raise the necessary funds to supply the deficit. "It is charged that again I used moneys belonging to the commonwealth of Pennsylvania to purchase bonds or stock, or both, of a Chicago street railway. I was invited by friends in Phil adelphiato join in the purchase of street rail way property in Chicago and did so, borrowing the money upon my own collateral from the People's Bank in Philadelphia. I stood upon the s a me footing wltn the other gentlemen concerned,and it was a perfectly straightforward buslnes transaction and had no connection in any way with any public fund or public interest. The charge that securities belonging to the State of Pennsylvania were used in this transaction is false *nd impossible of truth. The only negotiable securities held by the State of Pennsylvania are the registered bonds of the United States, transferable only on the books of the National Treasury by the Auditor-General, Secretary of the Commonwealth and State Treasurer, acting co-jointly after having filed a certificate with the Governor in their official character. "Collateral to this last accusation is a charge that I defrauded, or attempted to defraud, the widow of a deceased friend. This is also absolutely false. There breaths not upon earth man or woman who can truthfully say that I ever defrauded, or attempted to defraud, him or her of a dollar. Upon this point charity to the dead and to the llvlm? forbids my making any personal explanation. Samuel Gustin Thompson, u member of the Philadelphia bar and president of the Young Men's Democratic Association of that city, is one of several thoroughly conversant with the facts, who can give them to the public if they see proper. "I corns now to what might be called the fourth ground of criticism of my public conduct. This was my action as a member of the Board of Pardons of Pennsylvania in voting for the pardon of certain members of the Pennsylvania Legislature and others upon whom sentence had been passed for bribery. My conduct in that matter has been bitterly assailed, and it is proper to say that the facts were patent and by the people of the State were thoroughly discussed before my election to the office of State Treasurer and subsequently to a seat in this chamber. I had no personal interest in the legislation involved. My vote as a member of the Board of Pardons was^n accordance with the law and with the action of my colleagues, and was compelled by the fact that the sentence imposed by the court upon the persons pardoned was illegal. Upon this point the Attorney-General of the State filed his written opinion with our decision. I am frank to say that I have no regrets for that vote and would repeat it under tfca same circumstances. Even had not the sentence been unlawful it is my opinion that the ends of justice had been fully served by the conviction of the defendants. One of the gentlemen involved has within the last few weeks received the unanimous thanks of the Pennsylvania Legislature tct important services rendered humanity ^nd the State. Incidentally the statement has been made, in some unspecified manner, tbat I prepared, or attempted to procure, the pardon of a man named Lynch, under sentence for forgery, by threats delivered personally to Mr. Kyers, of Pittsburgh, I can not at this day remember the facts on tbe pendency of the case, but the charge la a lie, for which there never was the shadow of a foundation. '•Equally false is the wondrous lyric of my escape from the Pittsburgh rioters of 1877 under the tutelage of Mr. DalzrU. '•It u» necessary to pass laistcry somewhat ancient in order to dispose of the nebulous charge of bribery and corruption as a member of the Pennsylvania Legislature, nearly twenty- live years ago, in connection with an action for libel ugimist the then editor of the Pittsburgh Commercial. With churucteristiu malignity my assailants have been careful to emphasize tbe tact that the case was never pushed for trial. They fail to say the libel was retracted and that tbe defendants pleaded nolle contenders, the proHvnlnrvry hrnrlnj? an effort was to show thru I wr<8 a rich, man, the Inuencio being that my wealth was unlawfully ncqnlied. I had been prothono- tary of Heaver County from 1855 to 1831, when I resigned to go into the Union army, had served as private secretary to Governor Ourtin, as military agent of the State in this city, aft chief of the State department o{ transportation and telegraph, and for three terms had beea a member of tho Pennsylvania Legislature, My recollection is that the Examination disclosed tho fact that after noarlj* twelve years of industry and opportunity my fortune was about JS,000. "It is proper also to dispose of some state- merts upon which less stress has been laid. One accusation is that over twenty years ago I attempted to bribe Alexander P. Tutton, then supervisor of Internal revenue for the Eastern district of Pennsylvania, to prevent the seizure of an illicit distillery. This is a wicked and malicious falsehood, without excuse for its utterance or evidence for its support. Tutton is now living at Downlngton, Pa., and his reports are on tile, I presume, in tho internal revenue bureau. "A statement has been n. ido that when the present high-license statute of Pennsylvania was pending in the Legislature of that State liquor dealers of Philadelphia and Pittsburgh raised a sum specified as $80,030 and gave it to me and to a Federal officer in Philadelphia who Is not named for the purpose of securing an amendment to that legislation in their Interest. This also I denounce as an absolute falsehood. (William J. Friday, who Is stated to have paid the money, is a reputable merchant now living in tho city of Pittsburgh). "Finally I reached a charge that in some mysterious way I brought defeat to the proposed amendment of the constitution of Pennsylvania prohibiting the sale of intoxicating liquors in that State which was submitted to a vote of tho people in 1889; others, I understand, have already exploded tho silly falsehood of the publication from Which this charge arose and I specifically denied it at the time it appeared. By my vote alone did I affect the verdict of the people upon the prohibitory amendment; nor had I ever in any contest any corrupt or unlawful concern with the liquor or any other interest concerned in legislation, constitutional or otherwise, in the State of Pennsylvania or elsewhere. "I have endeavored to make this utterance complete, even at the cost of the time of the Senate and the weariness of Senators. I have endeavored to answer every specific charge of malfeasanco that could bo made from a careful perusal of the mass of direct falsehoods, confused statements, inuendo, Insinuation and cunning implication that, with an industry worthy of a better cause, has been gathered together for my destruction. I deny them seriatim and in toto. They are false and foul to the core." IOWA STATE MEWS. «t KNIQHTS OF LABOR. Offlcots Elected and ttcxoluttoft* Adopted. The State assembly of .Knights, Labor in session at Ucs Moines el officers as follows: Master Workman* J. R. Sovereign, of Des Moines; Worthy Foreman, C. T. Findlay, of Davenport; Recording Secretary and Treasurer, P. Q. Lee, of Webster City; Delegate t» Genera] Assembly, J. R. Sovereign. The resolutions adopted were as follows: The Knights of Labor demand the Australian ballot; commend the work of the St»vt»- bureau of labor statistics; demand that cor> pornte property be taxed the samo us indi» vldual property; that the burden ot taxes "ti9 placed upon the rich rather than the poor; for free text-books at the State's expense; that holders of mortgages, not mortgagors, pay the tax on the amount represented therein; that armed men under authority of private detective agencies asunming to <X»ell disturbances be deemed guilty of a fclp.'iy, and opposition to convict labor competing with free labor. A Cluster of Shcty Bats. A farmer living ne^ir Parry found a cluster of sixty bats in a large hollow tree on his farm. The entire weight of the cluster was hanging to one bat, suspended by the hooks at the joint of the wings. The ones on the outside were frozen stiff, and in taking down the cluster several wings were broken off. No signs of life were displayed by the little animals until they were taken into a warm room, where they gradually began to thaw out and were soon as frisky as birds. THE TARIFF IN FORCE. United Workmen. At the fifteenth annual session 'in Boone of the Iowa Grand Lodge of Ancient Order of United Workmen the officers reported a total membership of 5,300 in seventy-six lodges. The following officers were elected: Master, W. R. Graham, of Cedar Falls; Foreman, U P. Hamlln, of Des Moines; Overseer, W. W. Bingham, of Waterloo; Recorder, L. O. Howland, of Cedar Falls; Receiver, William, Wilson, Jr.. of Washington; Guide, A.. Hartung, of DCS Moinea; Watchman, J. J. Roth, of Bur- linyton; Trustees, J. D. Vatl of Marshalltown, Ed R. McKeo of Indianola. c > SENATOK QDAY. Effects of the McKinley Bill on the Com. merce of the Country. The McKinley tariff bill is now in full force and effect so far as pertains to the importation of foreign manufactured goods. Saturday, February 7, was the last day of the bonded period for taking goods out of the custom houses at the old rates of duty, and the dispatches announce that business was lively at all the principal importing points. Chicago reports that in less than ten minutes after the last official day began the cashiers' desks in the custom house were blockaded with stacks of gold and silver and rolls of greenbacks. The great warehouses were packed to overflowing with goods and the money- rolled in faster than the clerks could handle it. When the day ended the large storehouses were empty and the funds that protect American labor were in the treasury. January custom receipts at Chicago seldom reach §300,000, bnt this year will probably reach $800.000, or nearly three times the usual amount. At all other importing points that was a lively day with officials, and the Government receipts were larger than on any previous day in all history. Stocks of goods are much larger now than ever before in nearly all lines. It has been stated that the people of the United States can exist three years, without discomfort, with the goods now in factories, warehouses and stores; and that therefore there is little or no probability of any advance being maintained on any manufactured goods. In fact, the general tendency seems to be toward lower prices. The McKinley tariff law is now on triaL The Republican party is responsible for its enactment, and is proud to claim the parentage of this best law for developing the industrial interests of the Nation that has ever been placed upon her statutes. Build up the home market is now the policy of the people of the United States, and every effort in that direction will be an indorsement of the much abused but unequally useful McKinley law. The law is all right, It will make the people of the Nation greatly more prosperous, and thus improve the condition of the laboring men, in whose interest the law was mainly enacted.—Iowa State Register. TIME FOR WORK, Buncoed Three Young Farmers. Three young farmers from Illinois went to Burlington in company with two men who claimed to be foot racers. Arrangements had been made for 'a race between them, and the farmers were backing one. The one fell down , during tifie race and allowed his companion to win, taking from the farmers over $ 1,200. The'game had been successfully worked all over that section. Measures to be Taken to Insure Kepubll- cau Success. The issues in 1893 will be much the same as in 1890. The tariff, reciprocity, the Federal supervision of Congi-ession- al elections and questions growing out of currency and coinage will be the issues. The Republicans have the right side on these questions; but, because they have policies to defend and champion, they must see that the people are fully informed. Those who believe in the Republican position must see that the mass of voters who naturally belong to the Republican party are fully convinced by fact and history that the policy of protection is essential to the prosperity of the country, that a sound currency is 4 necessity and that fair elections are an essential to the welfare of the country. This work requires organization, and organization that will educate the people. To that end, without delay, clubs should be formed to enroll members and insure the circulation of Republican literature and the discussion of Republican principles. A few prominent Republicans in every village can Might Better Have Behaved. John King, a character well known, at Independence, was convicted some time ago of perjury, but sentence was suspended on pledge of good behavior. The other day his wife appeared before the court with a complaint of ill-treatment and drunkenness, and King received a sentence of five years in the penitentiary as a result. New Creamery Association. A new creamery association has been organized at Cullender. The company is incorporated under the name of the Cullender Butter and Cheese Associa-' tion, and has a capital stock of $3,000, which may be raised to $5,000. New creamery associations were also being organized at Moorland and Buncombe, in Webster County. News in liner. F. B. Weaver and Miss Mary Barker* of Burlington, both deaf mutes, we*e married hi the sign language. , The Iowa Brick, Tile and Drainage Association met at Des Moines and. elected J. N. Boling, of Stanwood, presr ident for the ensuing year. Tom Debord, a saloon-keeper at Creston, who recently shot a gambler named Fitzsimmons, was acquitted by a jury. Fitzsimmons was recovering. The large store occupied by H. Nie- mayer, at Elkader, was burned. Loss, $10,000. The Burlington road will change . division headquarters from Creston to Council Bluffs. Charles E. Radasch, of Keokuk, shot himself in the abdomen three times and would probably die. The Tri-State Can Company's factory at Keokuk was burned, causing a lose of $75,000; insured for $60,000. Two masked men chloroformed MBS. Lindgren, near Manchester, and stole a large amount of school money kept in the house. Lloyd McKee, a farmer of Clark County, was killed by William Schaef* fer, an employe he had discharged. A. B. Walker, a painter, was fatally injured by a fall frqm a scaffold at Sioux City. The Western Wheel-Scraper works of Mount Pleasant have removed the" plant to Aurora, 111., to secure better shipping facilities. The State Supreme Court rendered a> decision sustaining the validity of the joint rate schedule of the railroad commissioners. Charles E. Edgerton, a leading hardware merchant of Creston and president of the State Savings Bank, committed suicide by cutting his throat. In the conspiracy cases at Des Moines against constables the jury returned a verdict of not guilty. Rumors which appeared to be well founded were that grave-robbers were abroad near Des Moines. Philip Maner, 11 years old, was drowned in the river at Des Moine* while skating. The body was discovered four miles below the city. Charles Hend ricks, wanted in Garne* secure Republican literature and pro-1 for alleged forgery, has been arrested id vide for the presentation of Republic- I Denver, Col. paying tbe qosts of the case a&d the teea of the might I «w«i8«l. I may mention in passing th*t itt | Blade. an truth by speakers. There are men in every community who can give instruction upon these topics. ID short, without delay, clubs, which shall be Republican schools, should be organized in every community. That done faithfully, a Republican victory in 1893 in assured.—Indianapolis Journal. —Diamond Cut Diamond—"I am going to sell my horse." "What for?* 1 "For cash." "Oh, indeed. I thought it might be for bone and hide."— Sir Charles Tupper, the distinguish**!. ' Nova Scotia statesman, is a first eoj] of A. C. Tupper, dairy commissioner Iowa. Six head of iat steers were from the New Hampton stock They belonged to a tmyer at more. Tired of being hunted, William. 4 mm, a Green County burglar, deredtothe officers at Jegerfltjft, ffg* had been dodging through f Q«r f since he robbed stores & Coop? ,0» j ojght of Januai'y 89,

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