The Algona Republican from Algona, Iowa on October 29, 1890 · Page 3
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The Algona Republican from Algona, Iowa · Page 3

Algona, Iowa
Issue Date:
Wednesday, October 29, 1890
Page 3
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iED AT CHAMPAIGN. 6 Speaker Oomparao the of the TWO Parties. *thft M».)orlty Kiile Ixifondotl with Klo« qiionce—A Mustorly Argument on the . ttcnefit* of I'rotoction—High I'r.con Prosperity. , CHAMPANJN, 111,, Oct. 22.—Speaker Jtoed received his first introduction to an Illinois audience hero yest/n-day. IIo did not make his how to them; they rather bowed to him. IIo was a novel figure on tho stump. Tho audience did not know at first what to make of him. IIo did not entertain them with stories, yet some persons laughed, lie did not stir tip the depths of their feelings by olo- .quGiit appeals to their patriotism, yet many people cheered. In terms so compact as to bo almost curt he presented, his opinions and tho actions of tho Republican party from a common-sense point of view. IIo loved tho word common sense, his speech breathed it, his manner betokened it, and his huge, .strong frame gave it emphasis. Tho audience started to applaud when he first appeared on tho platform, WHAT MIL HEED SAID. Immense a.s this crowd Is, it is a small portion of tho 01,00 i.OOO that inhabit this country. .^Nevertheless all tlvat number of pooplo have to be governed. They have to be-controlletl; they have to be induced to agree with each other upon matters of business. There are a good many ways of governing people. They used to bo governed by a small sot of men. There aro some people nowadays who hanker after that hind of government, who have an impression that we would be a great deal better off If wo allowed ourselves to bo governed by what is .called tho intelligence of the country. I never had any sympathy with ttiat yearning to bo governed in some other way than tho people of ulio United States aro now governed. I can not •conceive of any better system of control than •that which depends upon tho universal consent ol the governed. In this country, at the polls at least, no man is superior to any of us. We .all go there upon a plane of equality. The most ignorant and the most intelligent, the poorest and the richest, they all stand upon a level; and for my part I do not believe that there is in this -country any such difference of intelligence between the highest and the lowest that need give us any trouble. Our people aro thoroughly educated; they ore not educated merely m. the country school-houses. Much as I value •the country school kept in every district, I still believe that there are higher and more pervasive sources of intelligence, of education, than aro to bo found even in tho common schools. Among the many advantages which the doctrine of protection gives to us is a tremendous •diversity of occupation, a tremendous variety •of business, and business is itself tho most tremendous educator in the world. If any man of .-middle age will give the subject a moment's thought he will sec that the greater part of the things ho has acquired since he left tho school- Aouse ho has acquired by intercourse with his fellow-citizens, by the intercourse with men in •other kinds of business, men whopractice other trades; and thus the diversity of industry which ias resulted from the establishment of the protective tariff has rendered us the best cdu- .cated people that there is anywhere on the Jace of the footstool. We are therefore thoroughly fitted to govern ourselves. We are •therefore fitted to be controlled by the rule of the majority, and we have established our Government upon that basis. This vast assemblage is in itself proof of the * doctrine of control of the majority, lor if it is net will you tell me for what purpose this great multitude is assembled together? Why are you addressed by speakers upon all subjects? Why are thera thousands of just such meetings, except in size, being held all over the United States to-day? It is because the King of this country is trying to find out what his duty is in the business of governing—tho King of this country—that is to say, the 04,000,000 of people, citizens of the United States. When tho people have informed themselves—when by thousands of just such gatherings, by speeches without number, and newspaper editorials without stint; by conversations among ourselves, by private and public discussions we have determined wuat we should do, then we proclaim it at the polls, and it ought to be irresistible. After that proclamation has once teen made the question ought to end and discussion to cease. The King has issued his command, the master of this country has 'said whai is to be done, and it is tho duty of all citizens, be they those that voted with the majority or those that voted against it, to conform to the desires of the people. That is the doctrine of tho majority rule. It is sensible and believable by all the people. It seems strange after a century of government of the United States that it should become necessary for anybody to say what I have said, and yet the editorials of the Democratic newspapers would make you believe that the rule of this country i,s by a few; that the uuay are subjects, and only the intelligence that edits Democratic newspapers and empties Democratic seata in Congress was for the good of this country. Now tVie people of the United States can not all meet together. It Is necessary for us to have representative government. It is necessary to have men who will represent us by the thousand. Such a man stands as tho concentration of a vast number of tho American people. But what is the good of having him sent to Washington if he can not sit? What is the good of having a majority of twenty or thirty of them at Washington if tho majority does not rule? What is the good of laving a machine to record the will of the people if the machine does not record? And yet the Democrats say that it is the duty of a Democrat when ha does not HUG a bill to sit m his seat silent and count for nothing and occupy the other side most laboriously getting together all their people until they have got a majority of tho whole House, and then the dumb Democrat will find it his duty to become vociferous and loud mouthed in tho stoppage of the public business which his silence has already delayed. Well, wo have driven them out of that [cUoersl, and now they soy that the mfcthod by which representative government can march is that when a Democrat is not pleased with a bill it becomes his duty to abandon not his fourteen dollars a day, but his seat on the floor of the House and to wander around the purlieus of Washington to hire his hacks to take him out of town in case the Ser- igeant-at-Arrns goes after him. I will not deny that empty benches may often properly represent the Democratic party. It would be absurd to deny it when they claim that they do, and it seems, so appropriate. Nevertheless a sensible people do not pay $5,0001» year to procure their absence. There are a lot of men who would etay away from almost any thing at a leas price taau that. Why, they say, how dreadful It is for a Democrat to be obliged to stay there in bis plape and unwillingly furnish the means for gome act that he disapproved of. Nobody has wore commiseration for the tenderness of their feelings than I have, and yet I want you to understand just what kind of a thing barrows Them to such an extent that they leave the building and become wanderers upou the face of thff"earth. There is the McKinley tariff •bill, according to the Democratic newspapers tho most destructive thing ever invented upon the face of the earth. It mows down the industries of this country as if it were a gatllnp £un, loads our farmers, and ruins our people. You are a nice looking lot of ruined people. It ruins and destroys our people, and yet every Democrat Btatd la bis fceut when that bill was brought up and they all voted or liept silent upon that occasion. Evidently that was something that, although it brought ruin upon his country, did not in tUe least harrow up his JefllnRS. [Applause,! Then, ugaiu, there was a bill to deprive the South of its liberty, ft uvo»t terrible bill taking sway the liberty tp gh^pi down Republicans, the liberty to stuff the'ballot-box, to make a false count to put iweoj^aix men lots the Bouse «f Representative^! jfyp, fe$ye no wore there tuna they have $|. *b* British par- Why, you cnn conceive what atet- riblo bill it was. It hns even caused thedeftd to turn in thefr graves, mid Mr. Bayard, of Delaware, has risen to make a speech against It. But tlio bill, terrible as it was, was not enough to hurt iho feeling* of the Democracy. They snt there in their noatu, not sweetly and gently, but they sat there. Then came the bill to destroy the Louisiana lottery, a bill which has rnlnod onts of the great industries of ono of the Democratic States in the South, and they sat it out. Then tho bill to restore tho right of each State to manage (ho liquor question. Although thnt hurt their feelings nevertheless thoy sat. But finally tho thing reached its climax. Destruction of our farming population, ruin t > our industries, robbery of the South of Its rights HlTected them not at nil, But when ilio proposition WUH made to scat a negro, simply bvcuuso ho was elected to his Bfuit, thoy arose find ns one man shook the dust of the House oft their foat. That shows what tho Democrooy in Congress moat hate in this country. Thoro is ono thing clear, and that is that the people of the United States have deter mined that tho rights of tho majority must be respected. They have determined that they will not permit, any more elections that shall be a farce. [Applause.] They intend that their elections shall be recorded at "Washington, that their votes given at the -polls shall count, that their high hahcsts shall bo heeded. But you must make this plain. It takes tho Democracy from two to live years to overtake tho present time. They live from tho nature and constitution of their minds in the past. Being in that party JH in no sense an accident. It is forcordaimcd whether a man shall be a Democrat or a Kfmublican. If a man believes that all the residue of tho world died with his grandfather, he naturally remains a Democrat. If a man believes that tlio future is bright with promise; if he believes in a better future than the present; if a man sees before him a world which is opening greater and greater prosperity, that man is a Bepubllcan. Have I said ono word that is partisan? Does not tho history of tho last thirty years boar me out in every item? Is there any great event in tho last thirty years, except the event of secession, of which we arc not proud, that belongs to tho history of the Democratic party? Every one of you knows the contrary. The Republican party when it was formed was not organized for the purpose of doing even a little of tho things that it has done. In 1856 we were patriots, but we were not prophets. Wo were men with honest purposes, but we could not see into tho future. All we proposed was that slavery should not be extended into tho Territories. But the same make-up of mind which made a man in 1856 declare that slavery should take not another stop upon free soil caused him to declare that this Union should remain permanent against all the thrusts of warlike bcHigcrants. It was the same feeling that carried out the war that afterwards paid the bonds. It was the samo feeling that issued the greenbacks and caused them to become worth their face value in gold. It is the samo principle, tho same make-up of mind to-day that makes tho Republican the friend of the doctrine of protection. What is the doctrine of protection? In one sentence it is the preservation to tho American people of the American markets. It declares to every, American citizen who wishes to make something to sell that he shall have the American market for his produce and not be driven out of it by the labor of other lands. Are any of you not in fa-"or of that? Do you not believe that this, the best market in the world, shall bo preserved for those who made it? Do you not believe that this country ought to belong to ourselves? We decided that question two years ago. After solemn conversation like this, after most full and thorough discussion, we determined by a large majority of electoral votes that we would adopt the principle of protection, and that decision of tho people ought to be acquiesced in, for there is no man in this audience that will venture to say that the McKinley bill is not a thorough and complete carrying out of the pledges of the party. It is a bill which is worthy of the consideration of the American people. It is a bill that was framed properly. A tariff bill, more than any other, concerns all the business interests of this country. Nobody can escape the sphere of its influence; nobody can be in business without feeling the effect of It. it is a bill which comes home to the business of the whole people. How, then, should that bill be formed? Should it be made the way the Mills bill was in a secret chamber without a single hearing on the part of any person Interested either for or against it? That is contrary to the doctrine of the rules of the majority. It is contrary to the doctrine that whatever affects all is the concern of all. The bill which we have to-day was made upon a different basis and in a different way. The people of this country wore thoroughly consulted. The committee of the House whicb had it in charge represented every phase of sentiment in the Republican party and and in the Democratic party. It stretched from Maine across to California and from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico. Everybody bad a hearing, whether he came from California or from Maine, from South Carolina or even if, as an importer, be represented Germany or Great Britain. Up to the last moment everybody was permitted to explain his views and give -his facts and figures, and the result is a bill which represents more thoroughly than any other bill ever did the concentrated commerce of the Amoricau people.' Should not the American people stand by their oars? Our Democratic friends are just now filling their newspapers with declarations of tbe rising of prices. According to the Democratic notion the whole American Nation is engaged in sitting in a rocking chair consuming. According to the Democratic notion there is not one of them that ever does a stroke of work or ever raises any tbing. If the United States were a country like that I should believe in the Democratic doctrine. The easiest and cheapiest way in which, they could get things into their mouths must be tho best. There are a certain set of people retired from business who have made their incomes and are satisfied for life. These men are tho only ones that represent the ideal consumer whom the Democratic party prates so much about. But the real American citizen is a man who consumes for tho purpose of producing. He is as busy in making something as he is In destroying something. The question for htm often is not what a thing costs, but: "Havi» I got tbe money in my pocket to pay for it?" It matters little how cheap a thing is if a man has not got a dollar. Wbat use was the offer to the man of tho whole State of Texas for a pair of boots when he did not have tho boots? The American citizen wants flrst of all, if he ia a working-man, that his wages shall be a fair share of the price. What he wants, if be is a farmer, is that be shall have a market for his products and that market shall be near at borne, so that what he produces will not be consumed in transportation. Now, protection brings to the farmer's door the market that he needs. Every man knows that he had better sell his farm products to somebody on tbe spot who is well off who gets good wages to carry them across 1,500 miles of laud and 3,000 miles of ocean and sell them to men who have less wages than they have in this country. This question of prices I find detailed with great gusto in the Democratic papers. They tell you that everybody is raisins the prices and that it is tbe result ol the MoKinley bill. Now the rise of those prices is either legitimate or not. In looking over the advertisements in these Daoaooratio newspapers I do not Und that any prices have risen, but that the shopkeepers are urging everybody to come and buy now because by and by prices will go up. I would like to know wbat it is worth to these business men to have the run of the papers during the campaign every year. Every advertisement in those papers contains tbe statement that, although every thing is going up so, we are still engaged in selling goods at tbe old prices at the old stand. If the McKinley bill does lift the prices, It wgl also lift the prices for those wUx> produce tbe things that you buy and the things that you product: also, and tho money that goes out of your pocket to buy these things will come into your pocket us a result of your own productions. You know that hard times are marked not by higher prices but by low prices. When you have low prices for labor then you have low prices for goods. History shows tbat when you, have high prices which are legltimate-that is, produced by activity in manufactures—tlien you bove high wages, and tUe» tbe farmer gets for big produce precisely wUat he wttutsaud want Ue ought to oave. £» afge; to fraye pnwpority it is necessary to havo COUSIN things, circulation is tho life tlood of traits. Blxyoar.s npo whan Grover 01 svelaml became President, li.j istntrscl sv letter in which ho declared that tii'! coinage of sf'vw ought to be Stopped at onn« or we should. VJ ruined. Never administration of four yearn did tho Democratic party present any bill on th?, silver Question. Tlio loudeH shouters in faver of unlimited colringj bjcamo silent. Tiioy only found tongue wiicn thoy did not havs responsibility. Wo have presented a bill providing for ivn issuance of • ounces of silver every month of tho year. Nowhere under tho shining sun conldbcgath- ered such iin auilienco as this except in tbe United Stiite.i of America. Not even there until after thirty years of Republican and protection rule. Rich, populous, enjoying sill tho comforts of life,, we start upon another decade with t'.in markets of America more llrmly so- cured to our people than ever before. Wo start with an honest circulation of honest money to mako tho wheels of business turn nroun I, and I say to you that it at the next election you will ratify your own decision of 1SSS and overthrow thesp mon who live only for criticism, you will enter upon an era' of prosperity tho Hko of which oven this hlessod country has never soon. Do your duty then; do it at tho polls. On tho pension question Mr. Reed said that the Republican party took a common-sense view of it, and that tho common sense of tho people would never fail to do justice to those who fought for this country, and the distribution of $160,000,000 every year among the soldiers was as just and proper as it was deserved. Ho commended highly tho bill that was passed to kill "that insatiate monster," tho Louisiana lottery. "We have passed bills," he said further on, "for tho inspection of some of the products of the farmer which will compel tho nations of Europe to do ono thing or another. They have tho right to keep our produats away, but if they do it they must do it openly. They can no longer keep out our product and slander it besides." Mr. Reed concluded with a short eulogy of Congressman Cannon, who, he said, honored his constituents more by tho position he occupied in the Nation than they honored him by sending him to Congress. JONATHAN S QUY. SOLILO" PITH AND POINT. [Dedicated, without purmlmlon, to Hon. W. McKinley, Jr.] My land tome u kin«d»ui If, Such vnrltnl wcuHH (herein I fln<! ; The nlorious gifts < f W< st nn I, Of Held ami foivst are combined; I'm IMoniKl Atlantic wave Keturo und culm my borders lave, filch yloUl from inpnrlow and from mine, Of g Idon KMiIti 'and golden oro; Of dors* s swift, and frftgrnnt kino, And fleecy nocks, and IIORS in store, Kill nil tny folils; nn I, freo from care, Oil native focnl my '-h Ulron fare. And tlniH » rnco of human flowers, IJravu ymnlis and miilds my land has bred; Drothct-H nml Maters— equal powers— With stalwart liourt mid steady bead. Thon whut need I, imulo rich In these, Of foreign nld from ovor sous? I strive to donl my pnr plo fair, I'll Irlot <>f plensurri und of piln; And willingly my workers sluiro Borne mutual li;s< for Kcncrul i:nfn; With c'lic 'if ill help and i ruling hand Kucli sinnd* by uiich throughout my land. No place I give to labor "clionp"— That tnigody misnamed free trnilo, Where swotted wen tli from eyes that weep Is— an "boo contract" — lejial mndo. I Inntli its hvpncrlt" pret"iiFO, Us jugglery with soul and sense. Bo shnll rnv country evermore Wltli inu mil Iv p und strength progress, And stand erect from shore to «hora In steady self sufllclngncss: Annti n, giowlii'-', sweet nnd good, Its body's und lu sp rll's food. Without, the old world wars may rngo, And old limn factions veiitlhelr otrifo; Tlu-y nliall not reach our truer ngo, Nor ponetrnto < ur sweeter llf>;. Our land Itself a world shall be, forene, intact nnil nobly free. — Cosirlun, In London fair Trade. THE MIGHTY WEST. THE NEW TARIFF BILL. Debt TVhlch tho Western People Owe to tho Repnb Join Varty. Tho insidious cry that the Republican party in any way favors Eastern against Western interests should be stamped out at ones. For it is peculiarly the party of tho West. The West gave it its life; the West will continue to give to it its life. In turn it has practically made the West. What is called tho Northwest is the creation of the Republican party. It was the favorable land laws enacted by tho Republican party that protected the settlers, encouraged the building of railroads and made the West as pleasant as a homo and as profitable as a place of business as tho East. It gave to the millions ol iree Americans now on their homes the homestead law which secured them such homes. Before that it resisted and defeated the desperate attempts of the Democnitic party to extend tho blight of slavery over the West. Of its own courage it kept slavery out of Nebraska and Kansas, and at the same time out of all the Territories to the west of them, which have since become States. The Republican party has admitted into the Union all the States west of the Missouri river. If there had been Democratic instead of Republican rule, not one in five of them would have been admitted. Indeed, the West, and particularly the Northwest, or the whole country west of Chicago, is peculiarly the child of the Republican party. It is the creation, so far as it has been divided into States, of the Republican party. Its millions of happy homes and farms were made possible through the homestead and other land laws enacted by the Republican party. The West never had a backset until in the Democratic administration of Cleveland, when every homesteader was held by Cleveland and Sparks to be a thief, and every land grant company a conspiracy against <he Government. Three hundred thousand patents of homesteads were held tip by that administration. The present Republican Administration has been busily distributing these patents, as directed by law and justice. In all legislation the Republican party is mindful of the interests of the great West. It is the home of its own strength, the home of its own courage, the foundation of all its successes, past, present and future. The Republican party could not be unjust to the West without being unjust to itself, for in a large sense the West is the Republican party. In all the legislation of the present Congress the interests of tho West have been especially cared for. The sinister attempt of the Democratic party to alienate the West from the Republican party will fail. The people of the West are too intelligent. Thoy know that their prosperity and their protection alike, even since their States were created and their homps w re founded, have come from the Rspub io- an party.—J. S. Clark son, in Politician. Death at the Bottom, Sin may be very sweet at the start, and it may induce great wretchedness afterwards. The cup of sin is sparkling at the top, but there is death at the bottom. Intoxication has great exhilaration for awhile and it filips the blood t and makes a man see five stars where others can aee only ono star and it makes the poor man rich and turns cheeks which are white red as roses; but what about the dreams that come alter, when he seems falling from groat heights, or is prostrated by other fancied disasters, and the perspiration stands on the forehead—the night dew of everlasting darkness—and be is ground under the horrible hoof of nightmares shrieking with lips* that crackle with all consuming torture? Sin, rapturous at the start, awful at the last — Talmage, in N. Y, Observer. There Were Two. Dr. Jee (the famous historian)— What ie your profession? Dr. Bee (the famous analytical chemist—I'm an analyst. Dr. Jeo—Strange, I never heard of you. I'm aa annualist myself.—Texas Sifting Shoemaker*' Cbilflreu .Poorly SUotl. Bjonea—What horrible teetb, your friend has! Owens-—Y«s, poor fellow, "What's btelbusiaess?" "Dentist. Extracts From the Closing Speech of Senator Aldrlch, September 30-KlI'ect on the Cost of Living;. Pending the late discussion in the Senate on the MoKinloy bill, Senator Aldrich explained its provisions in tho following concise manner: In the construction of tho pending bill its framers have sou 'ht as far as possible to cure all defects and to remedy all inequalities growing out of a want of proper relation in rates, and .their action in this regard should be considered rather as a correction of rates than an increase of duties. There is another more numerous and much more important class of articles upon which increases have been made— more important, not only from their greater value, but from the ultimate .effect which their production here would 'have upon the industrial future of the country. These are the articles of industries which, in tho act of 1883, and and in prior tariffs, we have surrendered without question to our foreign competitors, articles which we were then willing to confess could not be made in the United States, and upon which we have never levied protective duties. These include all the finer and more expensive manufactures in every schedule of the bill. For illustration, as in the cotton schedule, we have increased the duties on all the finest cotton cloths—those which in texture and in cost rival silk fabrics. We have advanced the rates on cotton velvets, chenille goods and on all fine fashioned hosiery and knit goods. In the flax schedule we have increased rates on all fin^ linen goods, on laces, lace window curta'ns and embroideries of every description. In the woolen schedule we have advanced rates on! the finer dress goods for women's wear, on all the more expensive kinds of cloths for men.'s wear, and upon fancy articles composed of wool. In the silk scheflule we have raised the duties on silk velvets, and plushes, and upon silk laces; and embroideries, and on ready-madej clothing composed of silk. Increases have also been made on ornamented and decorated glassware, china and porcelain. On some of tho more .expensive manufactures ol iron and steel the duties have been advanced. Other increases have been made on mus ; cal instruments, on fine tissue and surface-coated papers, on manufactures of ivory and shell, and many other miscellaneous manufactures of fancy articles. From any economic standpoint an increase of the rates upon these articles Is justifiable. They are all articles of voluntary use; none of them necessary for the comfortable existence of our people. It was the purpose of the committee in the preparation of this bill to formulate a declaration that hereafter thoy should be produced by American working men and women. We have now the requisite skill, taste and the material for their manufacture, and evpry patriotic impulse dictates that we should make their production possible in the United States. Our importation of these articles amounted last year to $200,000,000 of foreign value, and including duties and importers' profits, cost our people §350,000,000. Their production here would give employment to a million of mon and women, and if we include their dependents, four to five million people would be supported by this addition to our National workshop. These five millions of people would in turn be clothed and fed here and would furnish greatly enlarged markets for our farmers and manufacturers. There has been no increase in rates upon any of that large class of manufactures which our friends upon the other side are so fond of calling the necessaries of life. On many articles .n common use by the great mass of ,ho people of the country, including all ordinary grades ol cotton cloth, all the ow grades of woolen cloth, there have been reductions. Upon none of these In any schedule has there been any increase, and I call the attent on of Senators upon the other side of the chamber to this statement and challenge them to question its accuracy in any particular. fe that on all the articles which Senators upon the other s de have described to-day as the necessaries ol life there are not only no enormous increases in rates by this bill, but there are none whatever. The Amer.can manufacturer ia not asking for any increase a the protective dut>es on any of this class of articles, as none is necessary; he has the en.t re American market to-day, a»d will retain it whether the tariff is or lower. I» fact, it it w*?e for guarding our pro,1ucr>ra again-if, tnn surplus product of Europo in por.o'ls of groat depression in pric<\ ! t, e rates might with safety bo very reduced. Our manufaot'irfirs supply nine-tenths of thodomesticoonsumpt\on of all tho articles of iron and steel ex- copt those which have been discriminated against by legislation, like tin plate. Thoy supply tho cloths to make clothing of the wonting men and women and all the other great classes of our community. Our cotton manufacturers supply the cotton cloths and nil other manufactures of cotton in ordinary u c o by our people. This is also true of all articles in common use included in all tho schedules. Not only havo our own ''• manufacturers control of tho market of tho United States, but wo exported last year of th s class of manufactures §107,000,000 worth. Senators upon the other side point out advances in certain paragraphs and seek from this to create tho impression that we have made an enormous increase all along the line. These gener- alisations aro %vholly misleading and inaccurate. They havo sought to prejudice tho farmers of tho West against tho measure by the pretense that the articles in every-day uso by them will be greatly increased in price by its provisions. A' ter a few weeks of experience with Ihia now Tariff act these samo farmers will find that they can purchase clothing for themselves and their families, and their utensils for farming or , • domestic purposes, at the same or lower * * * prices than before, and they will learn ' to correctly value the gloomy forebodings and croakingn of tho whole brood of tariff reformers. I would aupgest to my friends upon the other side that tho event is quite too near to make it safe to enter the realms of dismal prophecy. _ THE PROTECTED INDUSTRIES. All Trades More or Less Effected By a I'ro- tectlvc -laritt 1 . Tho industry and adroitness of those who have undertaken to force upon the United States the Br-tish system of free foreign trade aro worthy of a better cause. A favorite practice of these men has been pointing to certain trades not exposed to foreign competition, and citing the comparatively high wages paid in them as an argument for withdrawing protection from all industries. While it is true that wages paid to carpenters, masons, paint"rs, blacksmiths, etc., are high as, and in many instances higher than, wages paid to workmen in a majority of tho manufacturing industries, the deception practiced by free traders lies in their cla m that the class of mechanics named are not protected, because their trades are not enumerated in tariff laws. The fact is, they are protected by natural conditions stronger than any law of Congress, and it is in consequence of this absolute protection that they are enabled to demand and secure better pay. Bricklaying, carpentry, house- painting and tinning can not be done in foreign countries and houses be brought here ready for occupancy. Nobody knows this better than the free trade attorneys, else they would be found quite as strenuous for free houses as they are now for free ships, free wool and free lumber. The blacksmith is absolutely protected by the conditions which render it impossible for the farmer to send his horse abroad to be shod, or his wagon or plow to be repaired, otherwise the vigilant free trade advocate would not long permit his protection to stand unassailed. However adequately defended against foreign competition in these particular lines of work they may be, the class of mechanics referred to cannot afford to overlook the importance to themselves of securing adequate protection to all other industries. Every man in the country kept steadily and contentedly employed in some other industry lessens the danger from overcrowding in the j naturally protected trades. Every dollar kept in the country, which under a free trade policy would go abroad, enables somebody to spend that much more money, which may go into building or repairing houses, shoeing horses, or some other work necessarily done by mechanics at or near home. These in turn will have the additional dollar to pay the farmer for bread, tbo, gardener for fruit or- vegetables, or to otherwise spend for family comforter convenience. Thus it is that the maintenance of our protective policy appeals directly to those voters whom the promoters of free are seeking to enlist in their work of repealing existing tariff laws with a view to replacing them with laws dictated in the interest of foreigners at once envious of our growing wealth and jealous of our greatness among the nations of the earth. Our worUingmen, of all others, should avoid becom ng supporters of free trade, through either the flattery or deception of its advocates, .Seven Dollars to Their One. The deposits of all the savings banks of New England in i860 equalled §554, 582,431. The deposits in the savings banks of New York in 1886 was 8482,686,730. The deposits in the savings banks of Massachusetts for the year 1887 was ^303,948,634, and the number of depositors was 944,778, or $330.67 for each depositor. The savings banks of nine States have in nineteen years increased their deposits 9638,000,000. The English savings banks have in thirty-four years increased their's $350,000,000. Our operatives deposit $7 to the English operatives $1. These vast sums represent the savings of the men whose labor has been employed under the protective policy which gives, as experience has shown, the largest possible reward to labor.—William McKinley, Jr. —Dyspepsia in said to bo unknown In Japan. Bo are boarding bouses.—Ram'* Horn. —He—"You aro a puzzle to me." She (coldly)—"Well, you had bette* J give me up."—N. Y. Herald. —Tom—"What a quarrelsome fellow ' he is. 13y the way, do you know what his name is?" Jack •— "Yes, Make-, peace."—Yankee Blade. —Mrs. Jason—"When they tie up » railroad they don't actually use a rope, do thoy?" Mr. Jason—"No; it is generally done with a string of resolutions." —The Interior. — "Mrs. Strikefire, why are you setting tho alarm for 1 a. m.?" "My h«S» band always comes a little after that hour, and he shan't catch me napping when he comes."—Epoch. —"Marriage is, indeed, a lottery," sighed Tomnoddy, after a tiff with his wife. "And we both drew prizes," returned tho lady. "Ahl" said T., somewhat mollified. "Yes; you got a capital prize and I took tho booby."—Janesville Signal. —Mamma (to Johnny, who has spent his money for candy and has none left to buy a top)—"You can't oat your cake and have it, too." Johnny—"When I'v« eaten a cake I would like to know who has got it if I haven't"—Boston Tran- j script. 'Then you have made up your . to get mar- an old maid." "But if some young man were to propose to you?" "Ah, that would be a different thing altogether!"—Humor- istischo Blaottor. —"And if you should ever come to Berlin, my dear sir, you will always find me ready to receive you. Pray always coma to my place." "Thanks, my. dear sir, I am charmed to have met you. May I ask if you are a-hotel-keeper?'* "No, a photographer."—Fliegende Blatter. —Adult Son—"Mother, does a girlj mean to encourage or discourage a when she " Mother—"My son, there: i»no need of going into details. When a girl starts out to either encourage or discourage a man, the man never has any doubt about what she means."—• Good News. '; —(Scene: Uptown Palace Cafe. Group of "Genials" around a table. Terrible Predicament 'of Colonel Nevertreat, who, while pounding the table to emphasize one of his favorite oaths, accidentally touches the bell.) Waiter (suddenly appearing)—"What shall it be, gentlemen?"—Puck. —It was growing late, and papa crept down stairs to warn the young people that it was too damp to sit outside any longer. "I don't see why you have to! ask me for my hand, Tom," he heard,! as he reached the door; "you've been keeping it all the evening." Papa quietly retired.—Harper's Bazar. —Imperious Monarch (to Prime Minister)—"Order my most exalted state' robes and instruct the lord keeper of the privy seal, the grand lord of the Imperial bed-chamber, the grand kuight of the wash-basin and all the rest of the chief functionaries to be in readiness for ^the coming visitor to oar realm." Prime Minister (trembling)— "It shall be done, sire. Your gracious pardon, but who is coming?" Imperious Monarch—"I don't knowhis name, but he is an American railroad ticket seller."—N. Y. Sun. >alk A.U Bluster. Hear what John C. New, Consul-General to London, now visiting Washington, says of the MoKinley bill in Europe: "In Germany and France a good deal of clamor has arisen, but it wi}l soon die out. They want our trade too much to carry out any so-called retaliatory legislation. IB any event, we could get along much better without their products than they can without ours. American cottop, wheat, and meats are a necessity across the Atlantic, Bu| commerce will go OB as usual The re* of ia all bluster/' MRS. CHERRY'S POCKET. A. Domestic Exploration Expedition Barren of All Results. "My dear," called out Mrs. Cheery to her husband when they were about ready to start out to make a short call the other evening, "won't you please step to the closet in our room and get my glove-buttoner out of the pocket of my blue satteen dress and bring it to me when you come down stairs?" All right!" replied Mr. Cheery, obligingly. Ten minutes later Mrs. Cheery's voice gain ascends the staircase: "Why don't you hurry down, Albert? I'm all ready." "I'm looking for that glove-buttoner," '" replies Mr. Cherry from the hot, dark depths of the closet. "Oh, yes," responds Mrs. Cheery. It's right there in that blue satteen dross pof.ket." Five minutes pass, and Mrs. Cheery says a little sharply: What are you doing, Albert? It's most eight o'clock." "Trying to find that infernal pocket!" "My dear!" "I don't believe there's any pooket *n. tho darned dress!" "Albert, if you can't do a little thing for me without swearing about it, you need not do it at all." * "I don't care, I can't find any sign o|. a pocket in the dress. You sure there's ', one in it?" "Why, of course I am. It's on the right side of the skirt and—'Albert, are you swearing?" "I'll do something worse than sweat if that infernal pooket doesn't show up pretty soon!" "Ob, well, I s'pose I can come up and get it myself; you never can ——" "You needn't come up. I've set out to find that pocket, and I'll do it or the dress into rags in the attempt Two minutes pass. There is a grinding, panting noise in the closet, Mrs. Cheery bears it and says: "I'm coming up myself. You nove* can find any thing!" "Well, I'd like fa knpw where in tw*. nation you women o»Pf your pooketej}**f%' snorts Cheery, buvsting from tb« red and furio\is, "I've t»rned the wrong side out and back agaifl times; I've feit o?er every inob of it* held it wrong end up, and see any ftigu of ft pooket. I'U li be " "Albert, busa!" Poor Cheery I I know I've often been baffled ia that way! self. I've been married ten years,j I've tried again and again wife's dress pockets for vp poses, but mostly wben J'T* 1 tftftlpb frojpa buy popfcf if I oo,uid *»er Sm" &«&. • S.iifex:

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