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VOL. XIX. ALGONA, KOSSUTH COUNTY, IOWA, WEDNESDAY, SEPT, 17, 1890. I'UBMSHKl) KVKEY WKDNK8DAV STARR * HALLOCK, Proprietors. JOS. W. HAYS. Editor. Terms of Subscription. One copy, one year, In advance $l.uo One copy, six montha, In advance 7B One copy, three months, in advance 40 One copy, ono year, If not paid In advance. 2,00 Subscriptions continue till ordered stopped and all arrearages are paid. BOOK AND JOB PRINTING. The equipment of the REPUBUCAN Office for Book and Job Printing is unsurpassed in this county. Steam power. ^"Advertising rates mado known on application. This paper Is PRINTED BY STEAM POWER. KEPDUMCAN STATE TICKET. Secretary of State w. M. MCFARI.AND Auditor JAMKS A. LYONS Treasurer... BYKON A. URESON Attorney General JOHN Y, STONK Supremo .radge J. H. KOTHROOK Supreme Court Clerk G. B. PKAY Supremo Court Reporter W. B. RAYMOND Railway Commissioner .. J. w. LUKE CONGRESSIONAL. Congressman 10th district J. P. DOLLIVKR JUDICIAL. Judge 14tli Judicial district....... GKO. IT. CARXI ANNOUNCEMENTS. I hereby announce myself a candidate for the office of County Recorder, subject to the action of the republican county cvnvention. I). T, SMITH. THE SITUATION. The Democratic-managers of the district appear to Lave seriously entertained the hope of capturing a considerable disaffected Republican vote for Congressman in the corning campaign. It was partly to facilitate this capture and partly to suppress Mr. Woods that Boss Duncombe forced the nomination of J. J. Russell as an independent candidate. Mr. Russell looked upon the scheme with dis- \ favor and declined to be used for Demo- jcratic purposes. Who will now be put up against Mr. Dolliver is not at this writing to be guessed, but we may assume that the nominee will be a Democrat, who, in case he accepts, will go into the fight with a full realization of the certainty of 'overwhelming defeat, but who will endeavor to commend himself to his party associates for future honors by securing a mentionable following of Republican soreheads and malcontents. Probably intelligent democrats expect nothing this fall other than a straight party fight and a straight party vote. It has been no secret that the republicans who wenji.Democrat- ic last fall were sickened at the results of their folly. The reaction will swamp any Democratic hopeful who undertakes to ride into office on last year's wave. The experience of last year will even be beneficial to tho Republican organization if its. warning against convention manipulation and dicker is heeded as it should be. The Democratic hope now is in unpopular local nominations and the dissensions arising out of them. It does not rest at all on the conversion of Republicans to free trade or free whiskey, nor does it rest on the belief that any number of Republicans have come into sympathy with tho Democratic policy of opposition to just pensions or with the Democratic rule of forcible disfranchisement of Republican voters at the south. The tariff question will not be up this year as it was two years ago. Then it was up for settlement. Before the fall campaign opens it will have been settled by the enactment into law of the will of the people declared in the election of Harrison and a Republican congress. There has been no change in the financial or industrial or business situation to suggest that the vote on the tariff, if retaken today, would be reversed, and no new argument can be discovered in all the long and windy speeches delivered by Democrats in congress to consume time and prevent tbe transaction of business. The tariff question, having reached its solution, according to the reasonable expectation of the country, in the passage of a law fulfilling the pledges of the party placed in power at an election whereat that question was the controlling one, and that law being beyond the possibility of repeal by the next congress, no matter what may be the complexion of the lower house, it is the dictate, not of partisanship merely, but of" patriotism, that the law be given a fair test, that its merits or demerits may be disclosed. This will be the conclusion of every clear beaded and sincere Republican. Tbe question will of course, and properly, be discussed by both sides in the coming campaign, but tbe reasons here given are conclusive that it cannot be a dividing issue with republican voters. Other questions are coining to tbe front, but no other that can divide tbe Republican ranks. Tbe party will present a solid front in the campaign and at tbe polls and tbe Democrats, whoever tbey put up, are certain to be defeated by tbe usual majority. It should be the great object of Republicans to "get together" and make tbe vote for tbe Republican ticket as nearly unanimous as possible. sas farm, not farming myself, but looking on and carefully studying the situation. This farm produced this year 600 bushels of wheat off 89 acrts (a short crop, the last two years it produced in excess of 25 bushels to the acre.) The wheat can now be sold for 85 cents per bushel, or for $510. I will allow for plowing, for seeding, for cutting and threshing $7 per acre, and there is no farmer in the United States will pay that, but in this calculation I want labor to get its full reward; big pay in fact, which makes the total cost $278, leaving a net profit of $287. Thus it will be seen that on a total in vestment, the most of which is well paid personal labor, of $278, there is a profit of 86 per cent. The entire State of Kansas is estimated by the secretary of the State Board of Agriculture to avernge 14 bushels of wheat to the acre, or for the whole state a net profit at the very least of 60 per cent. Show me a manufacturing industry that pays any sxich profit; show me one that makes the half of it, or show me otie'^in any staple line that nets one fourth of it. and then talk to me about the suffering of the farming community. I am right among them. Last year's Kansas wheat crop paid better than this, although prices were lower, because the yield was larger, it being figured as above 22 bushels to the acre. Of course, if a farmer gets dried out or frozen out and has no crop, he makes no money. But that is his misfortune, and not the fault of the tariff. As with wheat, so with" corn and other products when there is a crop. AH this howl about the hardship among farmers in the West especially, is pure clap-trap, and indulged in for political effect, and not for the benefit of farmers, but rather to their injury, as it has a tendency to ruin the credit of agricultural districts.—R. Jas. Abernathey, in American Miller, Sept. 1. nder free coinage they would make what lie government now makes. Supposing our and one-half millions per month is ow needed. Give us free coinage and t present prices, that means fifteen cents n every dollar, or $675,000 per month, iocketed by the silver speculators. That means eight millions a year. Under the resent law, the Republican plan, every ent of that now goes to the government, hat is to say the people. Under Demo- ratio free coinage, every cent of it would ave gone to enrich the millionaire own- rs of silver mines. That is the meaning of the cry for free oinage. Is it what the working people, lie farmers and merchants desire.—Coup- il Bluffs Nonpareil. THE TARIFF AS A TAX. Iowa Capital: In answer to the oft repeated assertion by the democrats that "tL- tariff is a tax" the Nashua Post gives the result of investigation on the subject of nails—an article that would be beyond the roach of the general public if the tariff was a tax by being added to tbe cost of production. What is true of nails is true of other manufactured articles in this country', "as" will be seen by compar ing present with former prices. The Post well shows the fallacy of the democratic "argument" in its remarks: In 1888 wire nails sold at $6 a keg. In that year con gress put a duty of four cents a pound on wire nails and then began the manufacture of wire nails in the United States. The industry grew until 1889 when we manufactured 3,500.000 kegs. If the price charged-in 1889 for the foreign arti cle had been maintained—six cents per pound—that with the duty added would have made the price $10 per keg; accord ing to the democratic free trade argu ment. What was the result of the imposition of the duty? In 1883 the price was $6 per keg and we manufactured 50,000 kegs. The price remained what it wa^s before the duty was imposed, In 1884 we manufactured 75,000 kegs and the price dropped to $5,per keg. In 1886 we made 500,000 kegs and the price during the year dropped to $3.66 and $8.40 per keg. la 1887 we made 700,000 kegs and down went the price to $2.65. In 1888 we made 2,000,000 kegs and the price at the mills dropped to $2.10 per keg, and all the time the duty had been $4 per keg. From $6 per keg in 1883 with no duty, the price under protection has dropped to $2.10 with a $4 duty. The Homestead of September 12th con- ains an editorial under the heading, 'Bunch Your Hits," that should be read y every member of the Farmers' Alii- nee. The editor of the Homestead is oyal to the agricultural interests of the ountry if any one is, and he has a habit f saying the right thing at the right ime, which commends his paper to all lasses of readers. The Homestead is not in favor of a third party movement n the part of the Farmers' Alliance, and ays: The uniform policy of the machine pol- tician is to drive out of his party every lement that is hostile to his interests, le would rob every man of his birthright n the party, break down his political in- luence, the accumulation of long years f party service, if ifl doing so he could ecure his hold. In breaking away from >arty «afllliations, the third party faction s doing just what the politicians.want hem to do. They lose their right to demand, to criticise, to reform within party ines. They become aliens and strangers, ,nd are so regarded. As the Homestead ms often said and demonstrated in the field of Iowa politics when pressing to a uccessful issue its reform measures which culminated in the Iowa railroad law, the armers can control, absolutely, if they will, both parties in every western state and mop the dust with every corporate nfluence that they / are opposing. It is oolish to let go the lines and jump out, or hang to the dashboard. PROFITS IN And now then, as to toe poor trodden farmer that does not make cento ft day- I would Ufce to fcao* wfcatforwJwn. w* covered 6§ctH<>n Of God's country that is, w>y bftw Pull out your pencil and do a little fig uring. Every silver dollar is worth now in the market about 85 cents. A month, ago they were worth but 73 cents, It is proposed now to coin or to buy bullion for coinage, to the amount of four and half million a month. On every silver dollar coined or on every silver certificate issued there is now a difference of abou 15 cents between the fixed value and the market value. When the governmen takes 85 cents and makes it into a stand ard dollar, it pockets this difference That is to say, in tbe end it goes to the people. The Republican idea is to coin just as much money 'as tbe volume of bus iness demands. This is free coinage in ef feet. For free coinage is simply the righ to take to the mint tbe legal amount o silver and have it coined as a silver dol lar. This would mean that silver wouU be coined until tbe demand would b equalled and then it would stop. Given then that tbe government coinage is ade quote, limited coinage and free coinage are in effect identical. But with this dif ference: When tbe government buys bul lion and coins, it receives tbe "rake off,' if any exists; at present that is 15 peats on tbe dollar. Under free coinage, the government simply does tbe coining and tbe bolder of tbe bullion receives tbe "rake off." Now who is the bullion bold er? Tbe people, tbe fwwcr, tbe laborer Have they auv silver bullion to coin Whence comes them tbe qry f or fr«ie cola From tbe bulUo9 holder, Uw miue BDeOUlAtOM.; * r ;j|FW"W?T^^^HHWn* ftfld ^PBBIW There are queer men in thisworld—men who will come to America from the old :ountry, amass a fortune in a few years, jecome the owners of numerous farms and stock ranches, get elected to the legislature and vote with .the I>ernocrat8, cursing the Republican policy of protection, and the infamous tariff that robs the American farmer. We never hear of these men going back to the old country to live and get rich.and own farms.and go to the legislature under a government that believes in the policy of free trade. They are after the farmer's vote and they continue to tell him the same old lie until it becomes so old that its gray hairs, if nothing else, ought to be a standing rebuke to their audacity. The deepest hole in the world is said to bo at Schlttdebach, in Germany. It measures 5,y8B feet. Matt Quay ought to go there and crawl in.—Des Moines Leader. We don't believe he feels half as much like it as the fellows who, last fall, yelled so much about 15 cent oats and cursed the tariff for the price, and who, this year, under the same tariff, see oats selling at 80 to 40 cents.—Star Clipper. Something for the Scandinavian citizens of this country to remember. The average yearly earnings of the American workmen are $845—$1,11 for each working day of the year. While in Norway under free trade the average yearly earnings of the workman are $22—7 cents for each working day of the year. Protection and free trade. Says a Lake Charles, La., exchange: "A colored man shot another for a pot of molasses near Ploquemine. Two more Republican votes gone. It is fortunate for the perpetuity of that race in Iberville parish, that they are legion." When the people of this country become sensible of the wisdom embodied in the McKinley bill, some of them will remember that the bill passed congress by a strictly party vote. 3ut the agitation of these measures destroyed confidence and demoralized business in the meantime. Had both hou ses of congress been for "tariff reform" i;he whole country would have been inbaik- ruptcy long before this time. During the ten years ending with ;he close of the last Republican administ radon the balance between our exports and imports was over $544,000,000 in favor of this country, and in tho last yaar of that administru i the balance was 5104,000,000 in our t.ivor. But during ;he first year of Cleveland's adminisl ra- ion the balance went down to abmt 544,000,000, a falling off of $120,000,000 n one year; during the second year to 88,000,000, and during the third ear t went down so that the balance $28,000,000 against this country. But dnce Harrison was inaugurated that balance has now begun to work this way again, and we shall be mistake if .here is not a large amount to our cr edit found in our next annual reports. An exchange says that Iowa land will double in value by 1895 and quadruple by 1900. This will be true of Kossuth county bat we doubt if it will be true of the state at large. \ ........ ......... • The Democrats in this district are hunting for a man to represent them. They havn't tred Weaver yet. THE TARIFF AUSTRALIA. Every right minded citizen thoroughly endorses Speaker Reed throughout in his efforts to enforce the rules of the house and expedite the business that we send our representatives to Washington to transact. The people down in Maine, Democrats as well as Republicans endorse the policy he pursued as Speaker of the House. His plurality this year can be explained in no other way. Below we give his plurality for the last eight elections: rear, Plurality. 187.6 1,092 1878 750 1880 117 1882 Elected on general ticket 1884 925 1886 1,188 1888 2,488 1890 4,80O Boone Standard: Tbe lower tbe tariff the more goods we import; tbe more goods we import the less we make at home; the less we make at home the more idle workmen; the more idle workmen tbe cheaper the labor-, tbe cheaper tbe labor the poorer tho consumer tbe cheaper farm products; the 'cheaper farm products the harder times; the harder times the more miserable the life; tbe more miserable tbe life tbe bigger the democratic majority. Give us the McKinley bill and give it to us quick. Protection in Victoria und Free-trade In New South "Wales. Opposite fiscal policies, says an English journal, have long been pursued in the two chief Australian colonies of Victoria and New South Wales, which are inhabited by the same race and whose territory is contiguous. The former has adhered steadily during the last twelve years to a rigorous protective policy, while the latter has adopted for a very much longer period the policy of Free- trade., Protection and Free-trade have now been tested side by sidle as an economic experiment for many years. With her enormous area, wtfll nigh four times as large as that of Victoria; with her vast mineral wealth in gold, silver, coal, iron, copper and tin; her corn fields and immense tracts of pastoral land and timber; with a finer climate, a larger seaboard and the grandest harbor in the world, the natural resources of New South Wales are almost immeasurably greater than those of Victoria. And yet, strange to say, the little Protectionist colony is ahead of the gigantic Free- trade colony in nearly every respect—a striking confirmation of the evidence of a hundred chambers of commerce in favor of Protectipn. At the present England stands alone a Free-trader in a ring of empires and republics protected by stringent tariffs, but her Australian colonies are now compelled to fall in with the fashion by fencing themselves round with fiscal defenses. South Australia, which had previously suffered with great depress siou of trade and financial embarrasj- ment, has recently followed the examp of Victoria, her sister colony, and since her adoption of a Protectionist policy there has been such a marked revival of business and increased prosperity that she lias now a surplus of £30,000. To sum np, the Protective colony is ahead in agriculture, ahead in viticulture, ahead in growth of population, ahead in railway development, ahead in banking, ahead in large manufactories and in the number of workmen employed, ahead in enterprise and capital, ahead in general prosperity and progress, and finally, although behind in mineral and -pastoral wealth, its artisans and peasantry—in a word its entire proletariat-^-the bpne and sinew of a country, are perhaps the most contented and prosperous in the world. James Monroe. Our manufactures require the' sys- ;ematicand fostering care of the'gov- ernment. * * * Equally important a it to provide at home a market for our raw materials.—First Inaugural Address,, March 5, 1817. Accident Insurance. \ MASON CITY, Sept. Q, 1890.—I wish to lay to the public and to my friends that I ook insurance in World's Indurtsial Ac 3ident Association, of Dubuque, Iow4, on the 14th day of April, 1890, and on the 29th day of the same month, by accident I lost my right leg, and on the 19th day of August 1890, I received from said association ive hundred dollars in full satisfaction of my claim against said insurance associa- ion. I find them just as ready and wiling to pay a claim as they are to write a policy. I can cheerfully recommend this association to all persons whose time is worth anything. If your time is worth inything it is certainly worth insurance. I paid in all ten dollars and received $500, with many thanks. W. M. Hallock, local agent. 50 52 WILLIAJ% JOHNSON. We have just received an immense stock of pound goods which we are sell- 'ng away down. G. R. WOODWORTH. The Secretary of tbe State Farmers' Alliance bas issued a circular letter to the local alliances throughout tbe state ask' ing for an endorsement of tbe Conger lard bill. Tbe farmers are responding. The circular sets forth that owing to the manufacture and sale of compound lard for tbe pure article, tbat tbe farmer loses from 60 cents to $1 on every bog tbat be sells. Congressman Hayes seems to think that the reputation of the Iowa democracy is letting upon his shoulders, and he is doing Ms best to sustain that reputation. Tbe people down in bis district ought to remember how he stood oa the OrigUja} Package bill,, the anti-Lottery bill, the Conger Lard bill, etc. Congressman Reed to ft mm of majorities. Ajfc tbe Democrats o| the Bou»e of RapreaenUtiveB «nd Policy of Cleveland's Administration. It is well known that the most prominent topics advocated in President Cleveland's first messages to congress, and in the reports of his secretary of the treasury, related to the reduction of duties on foreign imports, stopping the coinage of silver and the retiring of legal der notes, Secretary Manning devoted three or f QUJ- polumns of his first report to congress to these questions, and his policy in regard to tariff is outlined in tbe following statement from this report "Put on the free list as many articles as possible, Reduce duties on every dutiable article to the lowest point possible." That waj the policy advocated by President Cleveland and the members of his cabinet, and it was early incorporated ia,tp tjp[e Morrison tariff bill anc discussed by congress during tbe first years of Clevelwd'3 administration. But tbe bill vim »ot passed because, fortunately for the people, we had a Republican senate thafc was in favor of protecting American industries. A similar bill was introdnoed by Congressman,Mills •t tbe monpd ieariop and tbe oiscuaa "-flitSrStf bill alw failed Republic** Alexander Hamilton. An extensive domestic market for the surplus produce of the soil is of the first consequence. It is of all things that which most effectually conduces to a flourishing state of agriculture.—Be ort on Manufactures, Dec. 5, 1791. No. 50, WJiich Party Befriends Labor? New York Tribune: The new tariff is expected to insure a large'r market for American^wool, and therefore a larger demand for the labor of American wool growers. About 1,000,000 persons are said to be engaged in the production of the 265,000,000 pounds of wool now raisi ed in the country. But the quantity consumed, either in the form of wool or imported cloth or clothing, is about twice as much, and the same demand which now employs the labor of 1,000,000 persons would employ the labor of 2,000,000 Americans to the same extent, if wool and the products of wool which can be grown and manufactured here should no longer be imported. The manufacture of tin plates would employ the labor of 50,000 Americans if the foreign tin plates were not imported, and so certain is it that the work can be done here with adequate duties that a large establishment, for the sole purpose of supplying American works with the machinery and plant for the making of tin plates, has gone into operation at Pittsburg, with large Orders assured if the tariff bill becomes a law. The proposed duty on soda ash will in like manner insure the employment of many thousand Americans in producing an article for which over $3,000,000 yearly is now paid to foreigners. Many other provisions of like nature might be named *vhich will greatly increase the demand for American labor. A DISTRESSING CASE AND HAPl'Y CURE. For over a year I have had a breaking out on my leg, which troubled me so bad I could not walk, leg badly swelled, of a purple color, with eruptions so bad that blood would ooze out if I bore my weight on it. I was recommended to trv Clarke's Extract of Flax (Papillion) Skin Cure, which I have done. My leg is now well and I can walk two miles on it without any trouble." Signed, "A. D. Hay ward." Clarke's Flax Soap makes the skin soft and prevents chapping. Skin Cure $1. Soap 25 cents. For sale by L. A. Sheetz. The Sioux City Corn 1'alace. To enable all to visit the Corn Palace, the Chicago & North-Western Ry. Co. will from Sept. 24th to Oct. llth, inclusive, sell excursion tickets to Sioux City and return, at half rates, one fare for the round trip, tickets good for return passage until Oct. 15th. For full information apply to agents 0. & N.-W. Ky. 50-52 Ambrose A. Call, ». HI Hutching, J. C. BlacWord, President. Vice-President. . Cashier. FIRST NATIONAL BANK, OfAlgoim.Iova. ^"CAPITAL $50,000.00. Money always on hand to loan at reasonable rates to parties who can furnish fii-Kt-cluss security ; Directors—Ambrose A. Call, D. H. Hutchlns, J. C. Blackfovd, Win. K. Ferguson. C. B.Hutchins, Philip Dorweller, Geo. C. Call. Glover's Overalls, Pants,Coats, Are the Best for Wear in the Market. FOR SALE AT THE Grange Store. T . Headquarters for all Mnds of SHELF & HEAVY HARDWARE, Tinware, Cutlery. All at Bottom Prices. Call and see me. J, F, GILMOEE. Note Heads and Envelopes GET THEM A? REPUBLICAN Y, St,, s.