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4 Golesburg Register-Moil, Golesburg, III. Mon., Oct. 14, 1963 EDITORIAL ment and Review Bigger Than Castro There may be good reason for it, but It seems heartless and unnatural for Americans to sit by and not provide help for Cubans who have been left homeless, hungry and stunned by the ravages of hurricane Flora. Castro has scornfully rejected aid from the American Red Cross on the ground that any such help from a country that is "ruining the Cuban nation with a blockade and The Revolt Against Subsidies By JOHN CHAMBERLAIN MORGANTOWN, W. Va.-To judge from what one hears in the coal regions, the American coal industry is working up a tremendous lather about federal subsidization of electric utilities run by atomic energy, and the most interesting thing about it is that labor, as represented by the United Mine Workers, is taking what appears to be a principled stand against spending the taxpayers' money to support government competition with private industry. If this sort of thing spreads, it could mean a significant reversal of a long-time political trend. The coal people support their crusade against atomic subsidies with some startling dollars and cents figures. The average price of a ton of coal at the mine head last year was $4.56. This represents the money that is shared, ultimately, between the owners of the mines and the workers. All the costs assumed by the owners must come out of their share of the mine head dollar, including the cost of research. During the past two decades research leading to vastly increased productivity has kept the coal industry afloat. Now comes the threat of the Atomic Energy Commission, which, as the coal people figure it, doesn't have to work for its money. The AEC has supported the building of private atomic energy power plants on an assisted basis, and the dollar signs attached to the assistance, if the coal people are right, are pretty portentous. The government gift to private power companies of fissionable uranium amounts to what would be seventy cents on a ton of coal. A five-year, government-granted moratorium on interest rates charged to companies building atomic reactors represents 50 cents on a ton of coal. Reactor design assistance figures out at $1.20 a ton. The government buy-back of plutonium, at $8 a gram, is equivalent to twenty-five cents on a coal ton. Altogether, the subsidization gives electric power developed from the "burning" of fissionable atoms an advantage that adds up to $2.65 a ton when translated into coal terms. Now, if the average price of a ton of coal at the mine head remains at $4.56, this means that the coal industry would have to cut production costs by more than one-half to stay even with a widely functioning atomic power electric grid. The fears of the coal people could be a little deceptive. After all, there aren't many atomic power electric plants in existence, and a suspicious Congress would surely limit the supply of money to the Atomic Energy Commission if the program began to threaten coal over large areas. Then, too, the coal people get their own small subsidy in the form of $6 million a year to support the Office of Coal Research. This $6 million is peanuts when compared to the $213 million annual government subsidy for atomic research. But it could pay off in yielding important coal gasification and liquefaction secrets. To a tax-paying and inflation-conscious outsider, however, the question of whether the coal peoples' worries are superheated is less important than the fact that labor, as represented by the mine workers, is casting a jaundiced eye against the principle of subsidization. If a subsidy to the Consolidated Edison Company of New York to build an atomic plant is unjustified in morals, then the power generated by the untaxed TVA for sale to distributors is unjustified, too. Labor, to date, has not opposed such things as TVA, but with a big union objecting to a subsidy in one thing, the attitude could start snowballing. Multiply union objections to one subsidy over the whole field of economics, from agriculture to ships, and we would have a most significant revolution in political philosophy. Long ago John L. Lewis, who always instinctively disliked government interference even when he accepted it under the NRA, said there was something to be said for old-fashioned laissez faire economic theory. For fifteen years now the miners' union has consistently opposed such things as featherbedding, price fixing, and the sabotage of technological change. The coal operators have been permitted to mechanize to their hearts' content. And the result, for the industry, has been miraculous. In England the output of a single miner is a paltry ton-and-a-half of coal a day. In the U.S., thanks to uninhibited research and the introduction of mechanical equipment, the output is 14 tons per man. And this includes the output of pick and shovel men in the small "dog hole" mines. If coal, once the most backward of industries, has been able to do all this without subsidy, what excuse is there for government handouts in other spheres? Copyright 1963 Traitor Courts Red Leaders By FULTON LEWIS JR. WASHINGTON - Robert Franklin Williams, a fugitive from justice sought for kidnaping and illegal flight to avoid prosecution, is under constant federal surveillance. The government men know at all times where he may be found. Because their jurisdiction includes neither Castro Cuba nor communist China, however, Williams is free to thumb his nose at Yanqui justice. When and if their man comes home, Williams may well be prosecuted for sedition, too. Williams, a self-styled Negro militant, fled this country after being indicted on kidnaping charges in 1961. He made his way to communist Cuba where he has since served as Fidel Castro's chief hate-monger. His words, carried throughout the hemisphere by the powerful Czech-built transmitters of Radio Havana, have been carefully monitored by federal agents assembling evidence for a possible sedition indictment. When Williams left recently for Red China, reports continued back to Washington on his whereabouts. In Peking, Williams bear-hugged Mao Tse-tung, then broadcast over Red China's domestic radio: "Greetings, revolutionaries of the Chinese People's Republic and patriots of the world. I am highly honored to be a guest in this great country which stands in the vanguard of the universal struggle for liberation and social justice. "On behalf of the most oppressed segment of my black brothers and all our allies let me offer my most sincere thanks to Chairman Mao and the courageous, liberated Chinese people for your declaration of support for our struggle for the liberation of U. S. Negroes and for social justice in the United States." Williams laced into "John Kennedy, a racist who is fond of the Ku Klux Klan." He characterized the U. S. government as "bestial and racist." He praised "the vanguards of world liberation, Chairman Mao, the Chinese People's Republic, Fidel Castro, the glorious Cuban Republic." He vowed an undying fight against the "military and wealthy power of the racists and the U. S. imperialists." Similar broadcasts are regularly moni tored by federal agents. In November of 1961, Williams cheered "the detonation of the Soviet 50-megation bomb as the death knell, for. imperialist- vassalage, in- the world." That explosion, he said, was "the widest resonance of liberation in history and pressages the destruction of imperialist servitude." For two years, Williams has broadcast over Castro's Radio Free Dixie, urging Negroes in the United States to take up arms against their government. He has said he is happy to be "an exile from the barbaric racist United States of America. The United States should wake up and cleanse its filthy soul. It should follow the example of democracy in Cuba rather than try to destroy it." On Aug. 24, Williams broadcast a message to American Negroes urging violence at the Aug. 28 March on Washington: "If blood flows in Washington let it be the blood of our oppressors. Let the brutal racist savages know that the day is gone forever when they can rape, starve, murder, and maim our people with impunity. Onward to Washington and let our battle- cry be heard around the world: Freedom, freedom, freedom now or death." Note: Thanks to a loophole in the 1917 Sedition Act, Williams could not now be convicted of sedition. Congressional leaders have moved to plug that hole. At the time the Act was passed there seemed no reason to cover U.S. citizens operating in foreign countries. The Korean War first convinced government lawyers that a change was necessary. It was then discovered it was impossible to prosecute anyone who wrote material used for brainwashing American CIs. On July 16 of this year, the House passed by an overwhelming vote legislation that would permit prosecution for sedition of U.S. citizens in foreign countries. The bill's author, Virginia's Richard Poff, said such legislation would enable prosecution of Williams and other U.S. expatriates now in Havana serving Castro. The bill is under study by the Senate Judiciary Committee. Federal agents collecting evidence on Williams are hopeful the bill will be passed and signed by the President. Copyright 1963 '.1 Remaking America? aggression" would be hypocritical. Once again, Castro is wrong. There Is nothing hypocritical in people of good will feeling sorry for other people who have suffered a terrible misfortune and wanting to help them. This situation is bigger than Castro and his violent hatreds. Surely there must be a way for Americans to do what their hearts are urging them to do—extend a helping hand to neighbors in time of distress. Tomorrow 9 * Battle of the Decade of the Warren Cou rt: 2 Sexes May Be Over Jobs By PETER EDSON WASHINGTON (NEA) - Saucy reporter May Craig asked President Kennedy early in his administration, "sir, what are you doing for women?" "Whatever we have done, Mrs. Craig," replied the President, "I'm sure it hasn 't been enough." So in December 1981 the President created a 26-membef Commission on the Status of Women with the late Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt at its head to study the situation. Twenty-two months later on the anniversary of that great lady's birth, the commission filed its report and went out of business. From here on, anything done to improve the status of women is put up to the President, the courts, Congress, the state legislatures and city councils, education, business and labor leaders and the 50 million members of women's clubs that concern themselves about it. THE FIRST NATURAL REACTION OF any mere male to all this is to don misogynist robes and imitate Schopenhauer. What do women want with any more status than they now have? Why don 't the dears hang onto what they already have and let it go at that, as the most favored of the sexes? But women are never satisfied and never will be, which is one of the things that makes them so— so womanly. The commission report, titled "American Women" is an 86-page slick paper job that sells for $1.25 from Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., Zip Code 20401, in case you want one for your club. It was put together under direction of its two vice-chairmen, Mrs. Esther Peterson, assistant secretary of labor, and Dr. Richard A. Lester, head of the Department of Economics at Princeton. At last report, Old Nassau was not a coeducational institution. This either makes Dr. Lester a traitor to his sex or a moderating influence that kept the report from being any more extreme than it is. But he is an authority on employment and an important part of the book deals with women's work, which is never done. The report was written by Mrs. Helen Hill Miller, one of Washington's brainiest women. DETAILS OF THE COMMISSION'S findings and all 24 of its major recommendations will be reported in the news columns or on the women's pages. But a couple of highlights are worth emphasizing in this space because they show how much the status of American women has changed in this century. In 1900 the average life expectancy for women was 48 years. Today it is 73 years. American girls are marrying younger than their mothers and grandmothers did. The young wives are having more children at lower infant mortality rates. What this means for the future is that more women will find that they have a second life to live after their children are grown. The choice will no longer be family or career. They can have both. It is happening already. One third of the labor force is women. Half of the 24 million employed women are in the 45 or older age bracket and 55 per cent of them are married women. THESE ARE WOMEN WHO FOR financial reasons can't or for personal reasons don 't want to sit out the second half of their lives. They want to resume old careers or find new ones. They want to live long and useful lives not only for the happiness of their own sweet selves, but also to be of more service to their families, communities and country. There is another aspect of it which the commission report doesn't go into, but which is worth a close look. This is the effect which the employment of more and more women has on the total unemployment picture. To provide jobs for all these women means that the growth rate of the economy must be accelerated more than if only an expanding male labor force has to be kept at full employment levels. Cjalesburg leister-Mail Office 140 SOUUJ Prairie Street Gaiesburg, Illinois TELKPHON& NUMBER Register-Mail Exchange 342-6181 Entered r>.s Second Class Matter at the Pott Office at Gaiesburg. 1111- aol>, under \ct of Congress of Mnr «h 3. 1878. DaUy except Sunday. Ethel Custer Schmlih Publisher Charles Morrow Editor and Genera) Manager Aft. a. Eddy Associate Editor And Director of Public Relations H. H. Clay Managing EditoT National Advertising Representative: Ward-Griffith Company Incorporated, New York, Chicago, Detroit. Boston. Atlanta, San Francisco. Los Angeles Philadelphia, Charlotte. 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WASHINGTON (NEA) - "The Supreme Court is beginning to find its true institutional role in the American system. Today it is helping those individuals and minorities who can't express their limited power through the elective process." Thus speaks a liberal professor of constitutional law in full sympathy with the Supreme Court's bold strokes in the field of personal freedom and individual rights in the decade under Chief Justice Earl Warren. "There are some passionate people on that court who want to see the country made over as they desire. There are some who want to leave their mark before they go." This from a conservative constitutional expert, voicing just one of the many criticisms heaped upon the Warren Court as result of its milestone decisions. * • * To the many analysts who approve the high court's trends since 1953, Warren and his colleagues (14 have served with him in the ten years) are making the Court serve the design these experts think the constitution-makers intended for it. Says a respected professor: "I think Warren is governed by a master political thought— that the Bill of Rights, the 14th amendment and other rights provisions of the Constitution are a common instrument intended to do a big, comprehensive job in behalf of the individual and his rights." In the view of most who support the Court strongly, its peculiar role in the American governmental system is to stand up for the individual — even that most friendless man, the one accused of a crime—against arbitrary authority or the "whims of temporary majorities." Ranged against these and similar stout endorsements from lawyers, judges, constitutional specialists, is a deluging assault which runs from intemperate abuse to highly constructive fault-finding. Not since the Roosevelt court-packing plan of 1937 has the Supreme Court known such attack. * * * The points in the indictment against the Warren Court are these. 1. It is in the grip of judicial "activists" — Warren and Justices Hugo Black, William O. Douglas and William Brennan— who are liberally bent on using the Court to remake the nation according to their own "grand design." 2. In pursuit of this goal, the Court abandons all constitutional moorings, tosses precedent to the winds, fosters grave instability in the law. 3. The Court further is invading the legal area charted out for Congress and the 50 states, plunging into matters that are none of its business (state legislative reapportionment), thwarting the popular will. 4. One prime effect of this "unjustified adventure" is to saddle the Court with a mounting case load it cannot effectively handle. 5. Another, growing in part from the heavy burden, is to produce a harvest of hastily written, thinly supported opinions which often amount to bare assertions and seldom offer the reasoned argument needed to win acceptance in the legal community and the whole nation. 6. The net of all this is a Court lost in chaos, badly split, pumping out concurring and dissenting views in profusion, stirring controversy wherever it moves. * • * Of all these counts, criticism of the Warren Court's opinion- writing is strongest and most general. Even the Court's warmest friends often underwrite this complaint. Paul Kauper, law professor at the University of Michigan, says the Court's necessary role as a guide to the lower courts and educator of the American public requires it to "ground its decision in reasoned argument and formulate rational and coherent principles. ..." "The Court's contemporary work too often fails to illuminate," he adds, "and on the contrary leads to confusion. . ." Some critics lay part of the blame in this field at Warren 's door, contending he is not "sensitive" in choosing justices who could write the most effective opinions in important cases. Others prefer to blame the heavy case load, arguing that WARREN AND A CRITIC: He has his defenders, too. the justices simply lack the time for fuller opinions. (They turn out about 125 a year, but must act one way or another on upwards of 2,500 cases.) Constructive critics urge the Supreme Court to be more selective, to fend off certain minor cases and focus precious mental energies on just big issues. • * * The critics begin to break a p a r t on other indictments of the Court. Even conservative viewers insist that controversy, 5 to 4 splits and other signs of uncertainty, are the stuff of the Court's life. A typical appraisal: "The Supreme Court should take only the tough ones. Where prior decisions obviously govern, where an easy 9 to 0 decision is apparent, it should and does refuse to hear the matter. "Its job is to probe the frontiers of the law, to move in where precedents clash and uncertainty exists, to work in areas where legal thought is slowly maturing and new interests in society are developing." As a place where searing controversy can be brought, the high court is seen by many experts as a kind of escape valve. Says one: "In some countries issues like the relation between church and state fester for centuries. We can take them to the Supreme Court, get a decision, and move on to other matters." Sharp denials can be heard to the charge that the Supreme Soup for breakfast has been popular with such musically famous personages as Paderewski and Stokowski. The Italian composer Giuseppi Verdi attributed much of his inspiration to the warming and sustaining effects, of large bowls of noodle soup. © Encyclopaedia BritonnlM The Almanac By United Press International Today is Monday, Oct. 14, the 287th day of 1963 with 78 to follow. The moon is approaching its new phase. The morning star is Jupiter. The evening stars are Jupiter and Saturn. Those born today include former President Dwight Eisenhower, in 1890. On this day in history: In 1066, the Normans defeated King Harold and his English forces in the Battle of Hastings. In 1912, former President Theodore Roosevelt was shot in Milwaukee and refused to have the wound treated until he delivered a scheduled speech. In 1933, Nazi Germany announced it would withdraw from the League of Nations at the end of 1934. In 1949, Russian occupation authorities set up an East German puppet state with headquarters in East Berlin. Court is invading areas beyond its proper sphere. Warren himself points out that only some 80 times in history has the Court declared acts of Congress unconstitutional. The "rights and liberties" area in which the tribunal is now so active is one in which Congress and state legislatures often do not act. • • • Most men associated with the law accept as a basic high court function its steady, changing interpretation of the Constitution. The Court, it is widely felt, should be free to correct its errors in this field — and to make the Constitution's many flexible phrases fit the unfolding new life of the nation. Even so, note many, the Court only rarely reverses itself on major constitutional doctrine. To the argument that the justices act to thwart the popular will, Court defenders say the high court is a "thin reed" dependent for its strength on popular acceptance of its edicts. Acting through Congress, the people can curb its. jurisdiction any time they wish. Up to now they have not. All but the intemperate critics seem to wish the Supreme Court to prosper. They seem to accept the idea advanced by the late Justice Robert H. Jackson, who suggested that the Court's useful role could be managed "only in that kind of society which is willing to submit its conflicts to adjudication and to subordinate power to reason." Quotes From Today's News (Reg. U.S. Pat. Off.) By United Press International BELLUNO, Italy-The cries of survivors at the dam disaster that killed an estimated 2,260 persons as officials led by President Antonio Segni arrived to investigate the tragedy: "Murderers, murderers . . . We need justice . , . What do we do now ... We are completely lost . . . Our homes are destroyed." HAVANA-Premier Fidel Castro after viewing the ravage of Hurricane Flora that killed more than 1,000 Cubans and caused damage estimated in the millions: "Indescribable . . . suffering took place." WASHINGTON - Agriculture Secretary Orville L. Freeman on former Vice President Richard M. Nixon's attack of the United States-Soviet Union wheat deal: "He sounds almost like a candidate for' public office in the middle of the campaign desperately trying to think up something to say to get on the front page." NEW YORK - Mme. Ngo Dinh Nhu of Viet Nam after meeting and being told by NBC newsman John Sharkey that his hand and head wounds were inflicted in Saigon by Vietnamese secret police: "I'm very sorry and I hope you'll recover soon." Now You Know By United Press International The state of Minnesota bears a Sioux Indian name which means sky-tinted or turbid water and was applied originally to the river that joined the Mississippi near Minneapolis, according to the Concise Dictionary of American History.