Newsday (Suffolk Edition) from Melville, New York • 29

A Newsday Profile: Dispenser of Contrasts By Robert Mayer The broadcasting recipe served on the television station he heads, like the rabbit stew of an ancient complains that the stew tastes more chef replies: "It's 50-50-one horse Korn's friends and foes that his own tastes are reflected the programs presented on Channel 5. But his friends see only the rabbit, and his enemies see only the horse meat. An aide described him vesterday as "serious and intelligent," an antagonist called him "inept insensitive." The antagonist was David kind, who parted company with yesterday in a bitter dispute over sorship of Susskind's "Open End" program. He is one who sees only by Bennet H. Korn WNEW-TV.

is much joke. When the diner like horse meat, the and one rabbit." SussKorn cenKorn the horse meat of the WNEW schedule--a succession of reruns of crime and violence shows such as "Dragnet," "Peter Gunn" and "The Outlaws." Susskind said of Korn: "His taste is appalling. His spine and moral courage is nil. His favorite exercise is trembling." (Korn said of his detractor: "Life with David Susskind is always an The WNEW schedule, however, is pointed to with pride by Korn and his staff as an example of his own taste and his contribution to responsible broadcasting. They cite such cultural WNEW programs as "Festival of the Performing Arts," the Columbia Seminars in International Studies, and the Boston Symphony.

Asked how he arrived at his broadcasting menu, Korn replied: "I thought in terms of all New York, with love for it. I wanted serious things, beautiful things, which are hard to find and produce." The truth about Korn probably lies some here in the middle. He is a hard-headed businessman who likes cultural programs as long as they don't interfere with business. While winning some critical praise for the better by programs Susskind -he has still managed to change WNEW he has presented- many of which were produced from a money-loser to a financial success since he took over in 1957. He justifies the crime reruns as bread-andbutter programs that make the cultural shows possible.

Korn, 49, is a well-dressed, well-mannered (though excitable) executive with horn-rimmed glasses and thin gray hair. He presides over a horseshoe-shaped desk in the offices of Metropolitan Broadcasting Television, which owns WNEW. Korn was born in Austria in 1914, and was brought to the United States by his parents in 1921. He attended the New York City public schools, De Witt Clinton High School and New York University, and was graduated from City College in 1936 with a social science degree. He immediately joined radio station WOXR as an account executive and, with time out for war service, remained there until 1949, rising to sales promotion manager.

From 1949 to 1955, he was an account executive at WNEW radio. He then swtched to WABD (Channel 5), which is now WNEW-TV. He became a vice president in 1957 and president in 1962. Korn, who lives in Manhattan, is divorced from concert pianist Moura Lympany. They had no children.

Inklings by Mossler BUT IN THE SOVIET UNION NEED THE NOT WORKERS BEAR COMRADES? WHY, SucH BURDENS 1 ASK YOU, AS CAPITALIST. WHY? INCOME TAXES, COMRADES SIMpLE, NO INCOMES! Tuesday, April 30, 1963 Inside Politics Barry's 'Spell' Follows Rocky Cincinnati -Gov. Rockefeller, for the Republican nomination for ular traveling His Goldwater (R-Ariz.) and he is very man who wasn't there." Goldwater wasn't there again feller brought his smile, his shake and his nine-page analysis Kennedy-administration errors the conservative heartland of America. But the spell which Goldwater has cast over conservative Republicans followed the New Yorker around Cincinnati -just as it has followed him through other western and western states. For the most part, the Goldwater "spell" was polite.

Only when Rocke- in his undeclared quest President, has a regname is Sen. Barry much like "the little vesterday when Rocke- Stan Hinden Stan Hinden feller arrived at the city's big Republican fund-raising dinner, where he was the guest speaker, did he find anger. A small group of far-rightists, carrying anti- Rockefeller and pro-Goldwater signs, handed out pamphlets to the arriving dinner guests. One piece of literature was entitled, "Nelson Rockefeller, the International Socialist." But, at a private luncheon for 100 community leaders arranged by former Secretary of Defense Neil MoElrov. now back with Proctor and Gamble, and later at the GOP dinner for 1,500, the Republicans listened quietly as Rockefeller expounded a set of COP principles which many found surprisingly to their liking.

Yet they were still a long way from being convinced that they would like him as the Republican candidate for President. Oddly, even some Republicans who say they prefer Goldwater say they fully expect Rockefeller to be the candidate. To these conservative Republicans, Rockefeller represents not only a far-too-liberal image, but also epitomizes the long standing control of the national Republican Party by the eastern industrialist wing. This is the wing of the party which kept the late Sen. Robert A.

Taft out of the presidential running, and Cincinnati is the hometown of the Tafts. The challenge Rockefeller faces is how to span the ideological gap between the conservative and the liberal wings of the party. His approach on his midwestern swing was threefold. He disclaimed any such breach, declaring that political labels are outmoded, useless and meaningless. Then he talked of the basic and common beliefs which he says bind all Republicans together.

These ranged from beliefs in private enterprise to behets in the dignity of man. To cap it off, he shifted to his heavily documented charges of failures by the Kennedy administration. This provided him a common ground on which he feels all Republicans should be able to unite. Then, as though to prove his own case, Rockefeller compared the Kennedy "failures" to his own "successes" 111 New York State. Terms such as like fiscal integrity, economic growth, pay as-you-go, local responsibility and economic initiative dropped from his lips with a sound that must have been welcome to conservative ears.

Of course. Rockefeller accentuates the positive as would any politician. Thus, he told the Republicans in Cincinnati that New York has had "five years of balanced budgets and a $116,000,000 reduction in state debt." Nothing here about the bitterly difficult struggle over taxes and fees, about the one-shot revenue gimmicks and the outside-the-budget borrowing for schools and hospitals--which may cost the state millions more than necessary over a period of years. Yet. even with his image of fiscal integrity, even though Rockefeller sounds good to them, even though some concede that he already has the nomination 101 hand, the Goldwater spell still has the conservative Republicans so entranced that they found it hard to like what they heard from Rockefeller.

Highlights and Sidelights By Stan Hinden agree in but and handof into mid- Rockefeller told Cincinnati Republicans two "dime" stories about his grandfather, the late John D. Rot feller Sr. One yarn concerned the aide who found the vid man crawling around on his hands and knees behind his desk looking for a dime. The aide told the multimillionaire that the search was not really necessary. Indignant, John D.

replied, "Young man, do you realize that that dime represents five per cent interest on two dollars for a whole year?" The other story concerned the politician who told the governor, shortly after he raised state income taxes 111 1959, that "your grandfather spent his whole life giving away dimes and you are trying to get them back all at once." Washington Calling By Doris Fleeson Rocky's Stock Dips Washington Goldwater Republicans, heartened by Gov. Rockefeller's current political the occasion of the 11th annual Republican Conference last week end to display their alty to the senator from Arizona. They had the conference with them. It was Goldwater all the way. The applause had its effect on the senator, who has always said he couldn't win but now is on record as saying he can't seem to stop a draft-Goldwater movement from forming.

What effect it had on party managers whose simple, heartfelt aim is to win the election is another story. It is not really the Goldwater vicissitudes, seized Republican Women's their emotional loy- Doris Fleeson picture that has changed: it is Rockefeller's situation. In terms of the political cycles cited by President Kennedy, this has not been his spring. Republicans control the New York Legislature but they gave their governor considerably less than a brightly burnished shield to take into the national arena. He had to do the cooperating, not they.

The result is a just-barely-balanced budget in spite of new taxes, and the governor has also been forced to demand executive economies which could mean curtailing state services. New York City has been handed not a great share of the taxes, but the power to raise its own taxes. It has never been hard to arouse the city against the upstate Republicans whom Al Smith long ago branded the appleknockers. True the Democrats suffer from a famine of candidates, but Rockefeller can't be sure it won't suddenly and dramatically be relieved. Scandal has erupted within the governor's administration, with a Republican state chairman and a Rockefeller- appointed judge in the headlines.

The chairman resigned but the judge has refused. A grand jury in the skillful hands of the veteran district attorney of New York County, Democrat Frank Hogan, is hard at work. The Rockefeller divorce is making new headlines with the disclosure that Mrs. Margaretta Murphy, a long-time family friend and former Rockefeller employe, has obtained a divorce. Mrs.

Murphy is 35 and the mother of four children. The governor will be 55 in July. Democrats are, of course, letting this situation speak for itself, and it is. Republicans are doing the talking about it. Can a Conservative Win? Rockefeller does not believe that his party can nominate an avowed conservative and carry the key states.

His supporters admit that conservative sentiment within the party makes it harder for him to win the nomination but they contend that Goldwater's lack of appeal in big states makes it impossible for the senator to be elected. The situation recalls to a degree the long effort of Sen. Robert A. Taft to win his party's nomination. The Ohio Republican saw it go to Thomas E.

Dewey twice, and just when his prestige was highest, the eastern internationalists came up with Dwight Eisenhower. Rockefeller would not enter the 1964 race with the aura of a hero even if he were doing better politically and had no changes in his personal life to be considered by the voters. His best argument is unity, an impersonal concept, and it must be opposed to the emotional loyalty that Goldwater is able to arouse in the Republican rankand-file. 29.