Galesburg Register-Mail from Galesburg, Illinois on May 29, 1973 · Page 4
Get access to this page with a Free Trial

Galesburg Register-Mail from Galesburg, Illinois · Page 4

Galesburg, Illinois
Issue Date:
Tuesday, May 29, 1973
Page 4
Start Free Trial

4i (*gle *bura Rtol$ti^MQi.L.<?Qlc$b !Mrflf HI. Tues., Moy 29, 1973 It's Another Harassed Mother Complaining That We've Preempted Sesame Street!" 111 EDITORIAL Comment and Review Nixon and Pompidou Last summer, Reykjavik played host to the world championship chess match between Bobby Fischer and Boris Spassky. Now the Icelandic capital is about to witness at first hand another round of the diplomatic chess game that President Nixon is playing in this "Year of Europe." The President will confer in Reykjavik with his French counterpart, Georges Pompidou, on May 31 and June 1. They won't lack for things to talk about. Trade, East-West relations, arms limitation — any of those subjects could easily fill two days of discussions. In addition, Pompidou probably will try to sense whether Nixon has been seriously hurt by Watergate, and Nixon no doubt will do his best to convey the impression that all is well. Nixon will need ajl the authority he can muster to persuade Pompidou of the need for "a new Atlantic Charter setting the goals for the future." Those words come from a major foreign policy address delivered April 23 by presidential adviser Henry A. Kissinger. Kissinger proposed a new relationship with the West European allies to overcome the economic, military and diplomatic strains that have recently developed in the Atlantic Alliance. Kissinger's speech generally was well received in Western European capitals — with the notable exception of Paris. The Pompidou government, remember, is the heir to that of the late Charles de Gaulle. De Gaulle's distaste for supranational ventures headed by the United States was legendary. Furthermore, many European leaders harbor growing doubts about this country's capacity for leadership. "Once the prevailing assumption had been that though the United States might be dangerous at times, this was largely because the country was not always very careful and not always very bright," says Raymond Vernon, director of Harvard's Center for International Affairs. "Today, a common assumption is that the strength of the United States is animated by cunning and fear. If there is some appropriate metaphor from the animal world in the collective European mind, it is no longer the image of a big amiable bear but that of a devious rogue elephant." French educator and author Raymond Aron asserts that the high level of private American investment in Western Europe has created an unhealthy situation. "There exists, even now," he writes, "a transnational economic society, symbolized by Eurodollars, which restrains, in fact, the sovereignty of states, and which limits the possibility of any one of them carrying out an independent policy having to do with credit or currency." Europeans are uneasy also about the rapidly improving relations between the United States and the Soviet Union. In a report on "United States Foreign Policy for the 1970s," submitted to Congress on May 3, Nixon asserted: "The issues of European security and cooperation or reciprocal and balanced force reductions cannot be settled by the United States and the Soviet Union alone. We and the Soviet Union can. .. reinforce the favorable momentum in our bilateral relations by demonstrating that detente is broadly based and serves the interests of all European countries." Pompidou may well ask Nxon to expand on that thought when they meet. The French President and other Western.Euro­ pean leaders need reassurance in view of Nixon's meeting next month with Soviet Communist Party Chief Leonid I. Brezhnev. Deafness Leads Handicaps Defective hearing is the nation's leading handicapping disability. Neither poor vision, heart disease, arthritis or any other impairment affects as many people. A nationwide effort is now under way to reach those millions who have a hearing loss but who, for a variety of reasons, including procrastination, unawareness, vanity or simply not knowing what to do, have not sought the proper attention that could correct or reduce their disability. The magnitude of the problem is startling. According to James P. luce, executive secretary of the Hearing Aid Industry Conference, some 19 milhon persons in the Timely Quotes The web of circumstances that I find myself confronted with has made me feel that tiie effectiveness of the agency might be impaired. —G. Bradford Cook on resigning as SEC chair man. United States, including about 3.5 million school-age children, have substantial hearing defects. More than 90 per cent of these disabling hearing losses could be significantly improved by medicine, surgery or amplification, says Ince. An estimated 7 to 9 per cent of the U.S. population, mostly over age 60, needs hearing aids.. Yet the sad fact is that only about 2.5 million persons today wear them. Even among the hard of hearing who know of their impairment, many don't think anything can or should be done about it. Many have never been to a physician about their hearing, usually because the disability comes on gradually, and without pain. Persons with hearing problems are urged to consult a medical doctor, preferably an otologist or otolaryngologist. Depending on the type of problem, the doctor will either advise medical treatment or surgery or recommend a reliable hearing aid dealer. Cambodian Activities Difficult to Justify This, it would seem, is where we came in. A small Southeast Asian country, trivial In the cosmic scheme of things, is being threatened by Communist subversion. The United States, in its infinite wisdom, pounces to the defense. The country is, of course, Cambodia, which is right across the border from Vietnam, just as the fire is right across the bcrder from the frying pan. And Cambodia's people these days are the lucky beneficiaries of our protection, bestowed upon them by way of B-52 raids, which have been going on steadily there for nearly three months without respite. It is not clear exactly who it is thinks this is a good idea. A Gallup poll recently showed that twice as many Americans disapprove of the bombing as approve of it. Congress seems to have concluded, with no undue haste, that maybe we ought to get out of Southeast Asia for good. The Senate Appropriations Committee has voted 24-0 to cut off all money for bombing in Cambodia; the Senate Foreign Relations Committee has voted 16-0 to restrict the war-making powers of the presidency (after "present hospitalities" cease). The House seems to be reaching the point of suspecting that something is rotten in the states of Indochina, with Speaker Carl Albert, traditional supporter of administration war policy, now opposing continued funding for the bombing. And even a group of B-52 crewmen have publicly complained about the bombing, with one navigator writing to Sen. Edward Kennedy, "We are no more than a mercenary army fighting solely on the discretion of our President." Why keep it up? Cambodia has not been of any significance to anyone who didn't live there since the reign of Jayavarman VII, the last great ruler of the powerful Khmer Empire. That was 700 years ago. What stake does America have there? As happened with South Vietnam, nobody really explains what the point is. Nobody in the Administration answers Sen. Mike Mansfield when he asks, "Have we not had enough of war in Indochina? Are not 55,000 Americans dead enough? Are not 303,000 wounded enough? Are not 25,000 quadriplegics and paraplegics enough? Is not $130 billion or more not enough?" All of this now, too, for Cambodia, nothing to us nor we to Cambodia. "I will show you fear," T. S. Eliot wrote in 'The Wasteland,' in a handful, of dust." The official explanation for the bombing is that we are enforcing the Vietnam peace agreement. Cutting off funds for the B-52s over Cambodia, Sen. John Tower said, "would seriously hamstring the President of the United States in the formulation of the conduct of foreign policy." Let us not, by all means, take away one of Henry Kissinger's bargaining tools — even if in this case it involves maiming the lives of people who can scarcely be expected to comprehend what is happening to them. Let us not, by all means, do anything that might keep him from securing the diplomatic equivalent of Baltic and Mediterranean avenues, so we can build hotels there. It is pointless to argue that stopping the bombing would hamstring our foreign policy when nobody has yet made clear what our foreign policy in Comment By Ralph Novak Southeast Asia is, let nlone whether or not it is sensible and in our best Interests. Assume it is true that the North Vietnamese arc doing all the fighting against "our" side in Cambodia, the troops of President Lon Nol. (There is some doubt about this. For one thing, it is exactly What we heard at the beginning of our involvement in South Vietnam and that was untrue. For another, a resigning CIA official, Samuel A. Adams, charged recently that the American Intelligence operation was showing a marked tendency, cither stupid or perverse, to "grossly" underestimate the number of native Cambodian insurgents.) It is still unclear where our obligation to "defend" Cambodia comes from. We have no legal treaty obligation. We have only the most tenuous moral obligation, as the universal Good Guys, to fight jwhat we have defined as an evil without proving it to be so. (Has it occurred to anyone that maybe Cambodia might, all things considered, be better off under n Communist gmtmmi) We hrve no self -interest obligation unless It is one of pride and everybody knows what that goelh before. Congressional action on funding the U.S. participation in the \vnr in Cambodia has been all but suspended pending the end of the Memorial Day holiday, partly at least because the legislators want to leive Kissinger's hamstring Intact for his Inlks with Lc Due Tho In Paris. Meanwhile, people in Cambodia are being blown to pieces — some enemy pieces, Some friendly pieces — and #t risk the loss of downed planes, however minimal the autiaircraft possessed by the Communists in Cambodia. Sen. Mark Hatfield was using only a little legislative license when he decried the continuing war as a flaunting of the Constitution. "Ruptures in our Constitution and the rule of law threaten the very political process by which this country functions. The integrity of the Republic is under siege." Exaggeration? Perhaps. But prolonging the ugliness of our role in Southeast Asia can only add fuel to the arguments of those who like to see parallels between the rise and fall of Rome and the flow of the American empire. "If the barbarian hordes that finally overran Rome have dwindled to a negligible power, the West has been breeding its own barbarians, of a type still more dangerous," historian Herbert Muller wrote prophetically in 1952. "I assume that no thoughtful person believes we shall escape the fate of Rome because the Huns have technically disappeared from history." Newspaper Enterprise Assn. Nixon, Johnson: Self-Impeachment Lesson WASHINGTON—On March 3, 1868, the House of Representatives voted articles of impeachment against President Andrew Johnson. Most of us have been taught that this first and only trial of a President was the work of a House of Representatives controlled by a mad-dog majority who have come down to us.Jthrough history under the name of Radical Republicans. A second look shows that was not the case. The House was not the property of the Radicals, who numerically were a decided minority. That the 17th President of the United States came within one vote of two- thirds needed in the Senate to throw him out was owing to the conservatives who turned against him. They did so very reluctantly with the same misgivings that conservative members of Congress a century later have about convicting Richard Nixon. Thus we find Senator James W. Grimes of Iowa writing in March 1867, that, ". . . we had better submit to two years of misrule . . . than subject the country, its institutions and its credit, to the shock of an impeachment. I have always thought so, and everybody is now apparently coming to my conclusion." (This quote is filched from a nifty new book entitled "The Impeachment and Trial of Andrew Johnson," by Michael Lee Benedict, W. W. Comment By Nicholas Von Hoffman Norton, New York, 1973,, $6.95.) WHAT HAPPENED in the time between Grimes' letter and a year later when opinion had completely reversed itself and the House voted to put the President on trial? The answer is that Johnson drove Congress to do what it never wanted to do. He impeached himself. Again and again, he refused to carry out the laws Congress passed for the reconstruction of the South. Each time he evaded Congressional intent, new laws would be passed to hem him in tighter, but he would burst through them. At the same time he began making moves that suggested to some people Crossword Puzzle Hodgepodge Answers to Previous Fonlo ACROSS 1 Groups of seals 5 Winglike part 8 Military installation 12 Mixture 13 Part of the mouth 14 Cry of bacchanals 15 Tear asunder 16 Onager 17 Entitles 18 Light brown 19 Poker stakes 21 Permit 22 Paces 24 Work horses 26 Eaten away 28 French seaport 29 Second-year sheep 30 Fruit drink 31 Son of Gad (Bib.) 32 Courtesy title 33 Canvas shelters 35 Bend the knee 38 Rasp 39 Masculine nickname 41 Legal point 42 River valleys 46 Hostelry 47 Brazilian tapir 49 Earth (comb, form; var.) 50 Genus of willows 51 Worry (slang) 52 Abstract being 53 Civil wrong 54 Father (Fr.) 55 Toper 56 Gaelic DOWN 1 Harbors 2 Oleic acid salt 3 Formal repast 4 Turf 5 Boy's name 6 Roster 7 Church part 8 Gave food to 9 Immature seeds (hot) 10 Man's name 11 Decisive trials 19 Declared 20 Pilchards 23 Puissant T 25 Shifted course 27 Shield (var.) 28 Luxuriate in warmth 33 30 (Fr.) 34 Church festival 36 Newspaper official 37 Ocean vessels P2 IS i 13 \t 38 Clutch 40 Growing out 43 Periods of time; 44 Cotton fabric 45 Direction 48 Reverential fear 50 Follower (suffix). ? in Congress he was also preparing a military coup. That he actually was is extremely doubtful, and even if he had such an act against the Republic in mind, it could never have x been brought off. Our two greatest Northern generals, U. S. Grant and William T. Sherman, knew they served under an oath of allegiance, not to the President- but to the Constitution. What is important to understand about the effort to impeach Johnson is that Congress never wanted it and sought every way over a period of three years to avoid it. It did so not only because of the conservative sentiments of men like Grimes, but also bacause, then as now, Congress was an amorphous, criss-crossed body that could not strongly coalesce on a single, uncompromised position without enormous outside pressure. Johnson applied that pressure. YET NONE of his conduct was criminal. The crimes his enemies accused him of were not indictable offenses. He was charged with using the constitutional power of his office against the constitutionally passed laws of the nation. These are not crimes in the ordinary sense of the word. They may be the gravest kind of political or even constitutional offenses, but they are in no way akin to mugging. This brings us to Richard Nixon. He is most widely suspected in the Watergate disgrace of having committed ordinary, indictable offenses. Presumably, if a prima facie case can be made, and a grand jury with the guts to do it could be assembled, he would be indicted in the same fashion that two of his former Cabinet members already have. You don't have to impeach him for that. Nixon will have to make Congress impeach him. He may do it. If it should come to that, impeachment won't be detonated by strong indications that he had prior knowledge of Watergate, but by the lengths he has gone to conceal and protect his agents. That's what's getting him in trouble, and there is no sign even now that he and his people have stopped manufacturing false trails, perjuries, lies and evasions. Nixon's prideful going on and on and on has converted what might have beetffctut another sordid episode in a not so elevated career into such a defiance of Congress that it may be forced to take up the challenge against the will of even the Democrats, who certainly don't want this man tossed out now, thereby giving Agnew time to build an election in his own right. YET NIXON is encouraged to make his own disaster by the loyalty and obedience of his subordinates, both in the White House and the upper echelons of career government service, military and civilian. They're smitten with a kind of Kaiserism, an unthinking worshipful subservience to the man and the office, which compels them to carry out every command. When President Andrew Johnson tried to use Sherman in this way by promoting him to the rank of full general, that conservative military man urged the Senate to vote against his own promotion. General Alexander Haig, whose chief accomplishments, it now appears, is the ability to order* phones tapped in ten languages, plays the good servant and accepts all that his master hands him. Given his inflexibility of purpose born of pride, conviction, fear and guilt, surrounded by Hunish subordinates who respond "Jawohl" (yes, sir) to every order, Nixon could drive Congress to do it. The issue may be the concealments of Watergate or even Cambodia, but if it comes to the sticking point it will be Nixon who will have forced his own impeachment. 117 15TTT (Jalesburg lfegfefer-Mail 4(1 Kniiih D*il»4. Di ^ Office 140 South Prairie Street Galesburg, Illinois, 61401 TELEPHONE NUMBER Register-Mall Exchange 343-7181 Entered as Second Class Matter at the Post Office at Galesburg, Illinois, under Act of Congress of March 3, 1879. Daily except Sundays and Holidays other than Washington's Birthday, Columbus Day and Veterans Day. „ SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Carrier in City of Galesburg 50c a Week 47 61 H sllUbiitaH SIMM 49 52 66 Ethel Custer Prltchard. publisher; Charles Morrow, editor and general manager; Robert Harrison, managing editor: Michael Johnson, assistant to the editor: James O'Connor, assistant managing editor. National Advertising Represent* tives: Ward Griffith Co., Inc., New York. Chicago. Detroit, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Atlanta, Minneapolis, Pittsburgh, Boston, Charlotte (NiwsPAm munm ASM.) MEMBER AUDIT BUREAU OF CIRCULATION By RFD mail In our retail trading zone: 1 Year $18.00 3 Months $5.23 6 Months $ 9.00 1 Month 12.00 No mall subscriptions accepted in towns where there Is established newspaper boy delivery service. By Carrier In retail trading zone outside City of Galesburg _ 50c a Week ___ By mail outside retail trading zone In Illinois, Iowa and Missouri and by motor route in retail trading zone: 1 Year $22 00 3 Month* fB .OO 6 Months $12.00 1 Month $3-50 By mall outside Illinois, lows and Missouri: 1 Year $26 00 3 Months f™J} 6 Months $14.50 1 Month $3.00 1 I

What members have found on this page

Get access to

  • The largest online newspaper archive
  • 7,900+ newspapers from the 1700s–2000s
  • Millions of additional pages added every month

Try it free