The Brandon Sun from Brandon, Manitoba, Canada • Page 4

(the rani)cm Sun No Man is an Island, cnire of itself- Hverv Marl is piece oj thf continent, Mirl of rile main iVew send to know for wham the hell lolls; it tolls for thee EKANDON, TUESDAY, JULY 11, 1372 Dangerous evidence purposes other than income tax business is both immoral and dangerous. It is immoral because it gives the lie to the promise that information which citizens are compelled to reveal will remain confidential. True, the government can shield itself by arguing that it is not making the information public. Bui that is to forget the point of the promise. That point is to protect innocent people from organizations that might like to know everything thereby putting themselves in a position to control everything.

That nobody in our society is yet in a position of complete control is due in part to the happy fact that there are no central' files that can be used for insidious purposes. But such a system in the computer age is a distinct possibility, and the only way to prevent a gradual and undetected slide into totalitarian control is to discourage the free flow and collation of private and confidential information, not only as a matter of usual government practice, but as a matter of explicit It is probably not very comlort-ing to find out, as William Buchanan, the former federal anti-dumping tribunal, chairman, found out last week, that information given on income tax returns can be used against the fellow who provides it. Mr. Buchanan, however, is finding out the hard way. His income tax return is being reviewed not because of any irregularity.

It is being reviewed because somebody in the justice department got suspicious. They thought that perhaps there was more to Buchanan's relationship with two glass companies that benefited materially from one oE the chairman's decisions than the chairman himself had bothered to disclose. Hanky-panky? Nobody has proven that yet. But the justice department has set out to do so. And what the justice department is using as evidence is Mr.

Buchanan's own confidential income tax return form. To say that it is wrong in doing so is not to express any particular sympathy for Mr. Buchanan. It is rather to say that using confidential income tax information for THE SPEC7T Bock to work Federal politics Division undermines NDP efforts in Quebec larity in recent years have not yet been solved. The men are back to work, to be sure.

What's more there is a parliamentary statute which says they must stay at work until the end of 1974. But they have not got the assurance of job security they were after. Nor have the employers been provided with a means of making their operations more efficient. So the situation is back to where it was on May 17, when longshoremen and management negotiators broke off relations, thus tying up the export-import traffic all across Canada. It is definitely not the best way to end a quarrel.

And until foreign shippers are given better assurance that stability has returned in the form of an agreement over certain basic dock-yard practices, they cannot be blamed if they continue to set their course for other ports. Even from a distance of roughly 2,000 miles, it is possible to feel some relief at the news that longshoremen in Montreal, Quebec, and Trois-Bivieres are back at the old task of loading and unloading boats. There may have been only 3,200 men involved not that many when the entire labor force is considered. But the impact of their three-month walk-out was widely felt, and full recovery will be a long time coming. Snme say the port of Montreal will never be the same.

We can't know about that, of course. What can be known without detailed knowledge of waterfront economics and shipping practices, however, is that the labor problems which have tied up Quebec ports with monotonous regu by PK'J'ER DESBARATS Ihe 24 per cent of Ihe Quehce electorate who volcd for the Parti Quehecois in the J970 Quebec election. In the past few months, the executive of NDP-Quebec lias devised a special solution to ihis special problem. 11 is expressed in Ihe new NDP-Quebec electoral program which appears to accept Ihe inevitability of Quebec indecndencn ami which adopts a concept of "real federalism" that gives all economic and social powers to Ihe provinces and allots to the federal government "no oilier powers than I hose I bat are delegated by the different parts that make up the country." With this distinctive Quebec program, and an appeal lo Parti Qucbecois voters lhal abstention in the federal election will do nothing bul enlarge Liberal majorities in Quebec. Laliherte hopes to increase substantially the seven prr cent vote that.

Ihr NDP received in Quebec in I'M. and the federal executive. Lewis this concept of a separate electoral program in Quebec. And without his authorization, members of the Quebec wing will nol be able lo run lor office as NDP candidates. Both Lewis and Uliberfe agree Ibal the differences which separate them arc substantial find not mere matters of phraseology in the Quebec program, Neither can see a resnlulinn lo their difficulties which will not weaken the party ior tile next election, apart from outright capitulation by one side, or the other.

Given the relatively weak organization of NDP estimates range from 4011 to firm members and the militant mood of the federal NDP caucus, the prospects for a negotiated scltlement In the ncxl month are dim. Mr, DMbrt i Ottiwa editor of lh Toronto Daily Stnr. Copyright 172. The first draff or the new program was sent by Laliberte to the federal party last May 23. On -June 2.

the federal party replied thai several parts of Ihe program were unacceptable. On June fi, a second version was sent by Quebec to Ottawa. On Monday, June 2fi, the federal executive asked I he Quebec executive nol lo print and distribute this second version. The following day, federal secretary CliTf Scutlon and executive member Charles Taylor met with the Quebec executive in Montreal. On Wednesday.

Lewis and Laliberte were still in personal contact and discussing, among other things. Ihe wording of a communique which would explain the postponement of Ihr scheduled release of the new program at 5. p.m. the next day. Thursday, 2n.

Thursday aftcrnonn, by a vole of six to lour, with iwo ahslcntions. the Quebec executive decided tn go ahead wilb Ihe release in defiance of Uwis between the Quebec wins nf the NDP and the federal party. At (he meeting last Tuesday. Dr. Red rand replied thai who is running for a federal party obviously doesn't want the country to explode tomorrow morning." This is the kind of Quebec response that the federal NDP has learned to live with in recent years.

The trouble now is that 'the people in charge of NDP-Quebec have decided to slop making it. Instead. I hey have presented Ihe federal party with a new perspective on Quebec and a new definition of Canadian federalism ihat NDP leader David Uwis finds completely unacceptable, The problem arises from the fact thai the NDP's best territory in Quebec has been occupied primarily by ihe socialist-separatist Parti Que-becois led by Rene Uvcsquc. Most, or the people Quebec who would vole for the NDP in a federal election are among OTTAWA There were only 24 people, including three journalists, at the nominating convention jf the New Democratic Parly last Tuesday in the Montreal suburb in Longueuil. There was the leader of NDP-Quebcc, Raymond Lafiberte.

former head of the Quebec teachers" union, rimless glasses, small mustache. Vandyke beard and hair. There was Ihe candidate. Marie-Andrce Brrtrand, associate professor of criminology at the University of Montreal and a member of the ldain commission on drugs, an attractive and intelligent candidate who would be a valuable acquisition for any parly. "Arc you going In work to divide o'r unite Canada, and if so.

how do you propose to do The fact, thai NDP-Quebec lias been able lo provide no conclusive answer lo this question is the main reason for the current deep and serious division An Independent Nw.pancr Publisher! dull" 'nmv and liollriav Avr Meiiibr; TIk Canadian Do Krwr.rr elation. Inland nti)iinn, let-Second LF.Wt.S I). WHITEHEAD Kclitor and Publisher p.tTn Manitoba Slnrr 13112 Puhlif.hin? Cnmpanv. Limited. -'il Roller Audit r.u'LM..

uuuli'mii. The i' Af'-d-Yp" IrMlkllr. in Nurnhr n.Kin CHARLES W. GORDON" Editor by Max Lerner Heavy toll in triumph for McGovern of law. bul i more frequently than in America the law lends lo formalize decisions reached oVewherc.

While Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka's vic-torv spells a break with the traditional lies lo 'American policy, it may be argued that Presideni Nixon was responsible for that vic-inry. In two First, Nixon's trip to Peking, and the "Nixon shock" in Japan Ihat followed his failure to keep his close ally informed or il. undercut Prime Minister Katn's prestige and Ihat of his foreign minister. Sec-wJ. by ending China's status as a pariah nation, Nixnn's aclinn cleared Ihe way for Tanaka's policy of moving closer lo China.

Nol even Henry Kissinger's belated trip to Toky. was able to undo what was already done. Such are the ironies of history in a world of Great Powers where every crucial action has unforeseen and unintended consequences. Mv turn! case hislnry the tangle over Ihr Knhhy Fiscbrr-Roris Spassky chess match in Ttevkjavik. Iceland is no great shakes compared lo the others.

Vnl it, too, got invnlved wilh Grea.l Power prides and politics. Thr Americans havr come to accept the crotchets of Bobby Fischer wiih amused resignation. The Japanese would probahly have been puzzled hv him hut would move on wilh Ihe matches. But for the Russians, bis antics became a mailer of national honor and world prestige. They seem to have laken it harder llian Ihry look Presideni Nixon's mining of Ihr North Vietnamese harbors before his Moscow Irip Aflrr all.

no practical power is involved in Ihr tournament, only pride and prestige. Copyright 1971, Los Angola TimM hr-ak the traditional court prudence in staying nut of the "political thicket." may have invoked an avalanche of such political appeals to the courts in the future. It was on ground in the California instance than in that of Cook Counly. where the issue was not the clear one of breaching an agreement everyone bad made, bul. the murkier one of interpreting whal boss-picked delegation is.

In fact. MeGovorn's Meu'enanls had earlier tried in vain to strike a logrolling deal with Richard Daley California and Illinois. Thus Ihe McGovern position became less a moral one than one of practical politics. Unless he finds a way of quieting the encasement of Daley and all ihe olhcr Daleys. both in the Democratic party and Ihe labor mnvemeni.

his triumph will exact a heavy toll in the campaign itself. My second case hislory is bow Ihr Japanese resolved the contest between Ihr Fukuda and Tanaka Tactions for the posl of president or Ihe Liberal-Democratic parly, and therefore Ihe p.ist of prime minister of Unlike Ihe American case, where the circuit court, refused to consider the Democratic parly a law unto itself, the political in -lapan is accepted as Ihe crucial arena. For months the contest between the two leading contenders-Foreign Minister Fukida and Trade Minister Tanaka had been carried on by manoeuvring inside the leading parly, nol in open convention but behind the scenes. Tbe Japanese arr a more private people than Ihe Americans. Much of thnr real decision-making goes on in their political parlies, their factions inside the parlies.

their corporations, their closely linked families. Japan is a democracy subject to Ihe rule NEW YORK There are three diverse stories 1 have heen following, and with ihe Democratic convention swooping down on meI don't want to ahandon any of them. So here are some notes on a trio of ways of resolving a contest, each -characteristic or the nation involved. One is the fracas between Ihe McGovern and Slop McGovern forces over Ihr California and Illinois delegations. On balance, I feel McGovern was right tn his California claims.

True, the all-or-nothing California rule goes against the logic of the quota or ratio principle thai McGovern has championed. Also be had foughl the all-or-nothing proposal originally, just as Humphrey had favored it. After the election they both reversed their Fields. But the point is that by Ihe time the election was held, hot.h camps had accepted Ihe total victory rule. It was too lale, legally or morally, to challenge il later.

Rui not too late in terms nf an attempt to use political muscle. That is what the Stop McGovern coalition tried to do on I he credentials committee. II was a contest of power, and for a moment the anti-McGovern camp had the power. The McGovern people expressed Iheir outrage loud and clear: and while Ihe message didn't come through lo the federal district court, it did come through to the circuit court of where Iwo "i lbs have usually been liberal in their ruling. Whether She Supreme Court convenes in an emergency session or not il write before ibis is knnwnt, Ihe impact, of the circuit, court decision is hound to be felt at Ihe convention itself.

The McGovern nomination is al! but clinched. The circuit court, by choosing to.