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The News and Observer from Raleigh, North Carolina • 4

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Raleigh, North Carolina
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4
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The Old Man And The Sea The News and Observer I adrise and enjoin cause for personal derote itself to the should at any time selfishness it would those who direct the paper in the tomorrows never to adrocate any profit or preferment. I would wish it always to be "the tocsin" and policies of equality and justice to the underpririleged. If the paper be the voice of self-interest or become the spokesman of privilege or be untrue to its history. JOSEPHUS DANIELS- -Editor and Publisher 1894-1948 Federal Courts Back in Bounds Federal judges at the appellate level in the District of Columbia made a gross blunder by ruling in any fashion on the merits of the squabble over Democratic Party delegates. It would have been extraordinary, indeed, if the U.

S. Supreme Court had not called a halt to this dangerous mischief. District Judge George L. Hart Jr. ruled on Monday that the Democratic Convention Credentials Committee acted constitutionally in depriving Senator McGovern of 151 California delegates and in replacing Chicago Mayor Richard Daley's slate of delegates with a pro-McGovern group.

The question of whether the committee's decisions also were fair was properly rejected as a judicial issue. But on Wednesday Appeals Court judges David Bazelon and George MacKinnon reinstated the California delegates and upheld exclusion of Daley's group. On Friday, the Supreme Court stayed this action. It has never been the business of the federal courts to decide whether a political party's rules are fair or fairly followed, except where state law was employed to exclude blacks from primary elections that were tantamount to election to office. The Democratic Credentials Committee action is an entirely different kind of matter that: is appealable to the Democratic Convention.

And it would not seem to be the court's business even if the convention's action were "unfair." Joseph Califano attorney for the Credentials Committee made the sound, if ironic, argument to the Appeals Court: "I am saying the Democratic Party has the right to interpret its own rules. A judge in his wisdom might think the shrewd political decision for the Democrats would be to seat the McGovern 151 (California delegates) and the Daley 59. But, if the Democratic Party wants to push the self-destruct button on this, that's the First Amendment right of the Democratic Party." A contrary view must inevitably lead to federal judges monitoring endless state and national squabbles in the Democratic and Republican parties and in an unnumbered host of political fringe groups. It has never been unconstitutional for political parties to be unwise or, depending on one's point of view, unfair. It would not have been liberal or conservative for the Supreme Court to have brought its own "justice" and "due process" to these matters now.

It would have been legally insane. The high court was wise in staying the action of the judges below. John Paul Jones Went 'In Harm's Way' Many people ask the meaning of "In Harm's Way," title of a John Wayne movie shown many times the first game until Tuesday. But when Fischer showed for that, without yet having apologized, his Russian opponent was furious, and refused to play until Fischer was penalized one game and until he on various television stations. The movie and book title comes from a saying of John Paul Jones (1747- 1792): "I do not wish to have command of any ship that does not sail fast; for I intend to go in harm's way." Jones, nee John Paul, was born in Scotland and he died in Paris.

At 19 he was chief mate on a slave ship, but when he quit this chore in disgust, he became at 21 commander of a trading ship. Then in 1773 he quit the sea and came to America to live with his brother in Virginia and he assumed "Jones" as his last name. For a long time many people Chess Genius There is no reason why a chess genius cannot also be a poor sport. But the two traits never went together in the public mind until Bobby Fischer's money-grubbing antics of the past week. Fischer agreed to a match with the Russian grand master Boris Spassky, beginning last Sunday at Reykjavik, Iceland.

Fischer dallied in New York at the last minute and sent out distress signals that he wasn't going to be paid enough. For some reason a chess-playing English financier simply doubled the prize to 000, and Fischer bothered himself to catch a plane to Iceland, getting there late. The match officials postponed thought he appropriated Jones, as his brother had done, to inherit property from William Jones, a during the Revolutionary War are pretty well known. Indeed, the battle between Jones' "Bon prosperous Virginia planter. But Homme Richard" and the British the prevalent theory, supported by man-of-war, "Seraphis," is one of such experts as Phillips Russell, is the most remarkable sea fights in that John Paul became Jones out the annals of naval warfare.

of respect for the famous Jones After the war Jones took service family of North Carolina from under Catherine of Russia whom the youngster received much kindness. although carefully maintaining his American citizenship. In July, 1788 In 1775 he entered the almost he fought four remarkable battles non-existent Continental Navy, in the Black Sea. But he was and most of his amazing exploits disgusted with Russian court intrigues, and he went to Paris where he spent the last two years Good Morning of his life. He seems never to have had a If President Nixon wants the really decent ship or a respectable Bunny and belly-dancer vote, he'd crew, but his matchless skill as a better not offend Henry Kissinger.

sailor is almost without parallel. Can Be a Poor Sport WORLD CHESS LOOT CHAMPIONSHIP REYKJAVIK, ICELAND I TO ALWAYS BE BY COMAS TE AT TAEL 'Mr. Fischer Seems To Be Ready Now. offered an apology in writing. His demands were hardly excessive in view of Fischer's conduct and the fact that Fischer is the challenger.

For some inexplicable reason, certainly not Fischer's redeeming manners, the match still is on. It will make a lot of difference in the chess world whether Fischer or Spassky wins. But Fischer's conduct will cool the ardor of his nonchess playing rooters. Southern Baptists Brought Good News By the Rev. PHILADELPHIA For religion writers who yearn sincerely to report good news of religion (in spite of something of a dearth of such) the opening day of this year's Southern Baptist Convention was glorious.

For one thing, the nation's second largest denomination (11.8 million members and still growing) elected as its new president a Mississippian who is a religious statesman of high caliber. Industrialist Owen Cooper, during his initial press conference as president-elect, revealed unusual intelligence in not attempting to answer questions in which he is not well versed and at the same time admitting it, rather than attempting to cover by evasion. But there were few issues on which he is not well informed, his long record of admirable social consciousness being well implemented with thorough congeniality. and balanced by tolerant and sensible religious devotion. His election was announced moments after the overwhelming majority of the convention's 11,000 delegates had acted with admirable dispatch in putting a vociferous handful of ultraconservative troglodytes back under the rocks.

This group, the Fellowship of Conservative Baptists, was led by Pastor Gwin Turner of Los Angeles' Mar Vista Baptist Church. In a resolution, the Rev. Mr. Turner asked the convention to order the denomination's publishing house to withdraw all 12 volumes of the Broadman Bible Commentary and have them rewritten by theological conservatives. (Some 8,000 copies of Volume 1 of this commentary are now locked up in 2 201 SOCIAL: SEURTY HIKE COST OF LIVING GOP Windfall Was Expected Seat Shifts Disappoint Republicans By WASHINGTON Republicans had hoped that 1972 would be the year when population shifts and subsequent drawing of new district lines would combine to give them a windfall of U.S.

House seats. But things apparently are not turning out that way. Ed Terrill, campaign director of the National 1 Republican Congressional Campaign Committee, told Congressional Quarterly that now "we figure about four or five will be gained. A Congressional Quarterly survey found the potential net Republican gain to be five seats. Connecticut has yet to redistrict.

Two years ago, Republicans were optimistic about picking up seats in the fastgrowing areas of the south and west plus the suburbs in general. But Democratic gains in state legislative and gubernatorial races in November 1970 altered the picture. Democrats acquired the strength to enact redistricting plans of their own or at least to veto proRepublican plans. Other factors, such as a strong swing to one party or the other in the presidential election, the personality or popularity of candidates or the development of issues, could result in a larger change of seats. But the apparent standoff in the political impact of redistricting will make it difficult for Republicans to reach their goal of capturing control of the House for the first time since 1952.

The current lineup is 255 Democrats and 178 Republicans. States in which districts were drawn to favor the election of Republicans include Arizona (1), California (2), Colorado (1), Florida (1), Illinois (3), Indiana (2), New Jersey (1) and New York (3). Offsetting these gains, however, were Democratic redistricting plans designed to cost the Republicans as many as nine seats: Warden Moxley, Congressional Alabama (1), California (1), Iowa (1), Michigan (2), Ohio (1), Pennsylvania (1), Tennessee (1) and Wisconsin (1). All 12 black members of the House were left with relatively safe seats. In addition, at least five districts were created in which blacks hope to capture seats this year or sometime in the 1970s.

Metropolitan areas, particularly suburbs, were big gainers in the drawing of new lines. Most of the new districts created around the country in New York, Maryland, Florida, Illinois, Texas, Colorado, Arizona, California will be dominated by urban or urbanizing areas. Another consequence of redistricting was the combining of the homes of two incumbents in one district. This happened to 56 incumbents (28 pairs) in 1971-72. Clashes in the primaries or general elections, however, were avoided in all but nine of these districts by an incumbent retiring, moving to another district or running for another office.

Three basic types of redistricting plans emerged since the 1970 census partisan plans, incumbent plans and court plans. New York, with Republicans in control Cost of Driving The Minneapolis Star The Federal Highway Administration says it will cost the average automobile owner $13,552.95 to drive and maintain a new, 1972 standard-sized sedan 100,000 miles over the next 10 years. What we want to know is where to find one of those average cars that stays in service for 10 years and 100,000 miles. Quarterly of both houses of the state legislature, as well as the governorship, enacted a typical partisan plan. Two Democratic districts were eliminated in New York City, a new Republican district was created on Long Island, and two upstate districts with Democratic incumbents had Republican voters added to them.

Incumbent plans those drawing districts favorable to the re-election of a state's incumbent representatives were popular this year. They were usually enacted in states where compromise was necessary between a legislature and a governor of opposite political parties; the most obvious compromise was to maintain the status quo. In all, 26 states, with 207 incumbent representatives, will elect members of the next Congress under plans generally favorable to incumbents. Added to other states whose partisan plans or court plans favor many of their incumbents, the result is well over a majority of the House can expect to run in relatively favorable districts in November. Courts were involved in establishing congressional districts in six states.

The Supreme Court's decisions of the 1960s established the court's jurisdiction in the subject, and, in the case of Kirkpatrick v. Preisler (1969), set up the rule that House districts must be as equal in population as practicable. Where states failed to act on redistricting, courts stepped in, and their action was not necessarily nonpartisan. With the exception of the state of Washington, all the court-imposed plans were based on previously constructed partisan proposals Republican plans in Illinois and New Jersey, Democratic plans in Missouri and Michigan, and an incumbent plan in California. Washington Merry-Go-Round Meany Disdains McGovern's Overtures Lester Kinsolving, National Newspaper Syndicate.

Nashville warehouse, as a result ot previous convention victories of Turner's group.) Several Baptist state newspapers rightfully excoriated this proposal as an attempt to "stampede the convention into a witchhunt" and a "bookburning in the home of the Liberty Bell." But the Rev. Mr. Turner's motion was given the "coup de grace" by one of the denomination's elder statesmen, former SBC President Herschell Hobbs of Oklahoma City. Noting that he had never read a Bible commentary with which he could fully agree, the venerable pastor threw his full pulpit voice into overdrive with a thunderously logical observation that it is utterly impossible for anyone to write a Bible commentary with which all Baptists can agree short of the denomination's adopting a creed (an historical anathema to Southern Baptists). Retiring President Carl Bates of North Carolina was scrupulously fair in making every effort to allow further debate on the issue.

But as nobody else seemed at all anxious to engage in any forensic fencing with Dr. Hobbs, Turner's motion was decisively buried after support by only some 250 fundamentalist pallbearers. The Rev. Mr. Turner then held a press conference to announce that the decision, in his judgment, hardly represented the denomination as a whole, and was due in part to the fact that the Philadelphia Convention site was so far from the heart of Dixie.

He then proceeded to offer comments on a wide variety of subjects, including pastoral ethics. In answer to one question, he expressed strong disapproval of any pastor who leaves a community with unpaid bills. He was then asked if there was any truth in reports that he himself had left Vicksburg, two years ago owing a personal debt of $9,000 to the Americana Recording Studios of Ruston, La. The Rev. Mr.

Turner's cool edifice of self assurance appeared to wobble slightly at this query. He replied that the debt was not $9,000 but he declined to mention how much he felt that he still owed to Southern Baptist Roger Lawson, proprietor of the recording studios, for providing albums. At the same time he conceded that Lawson had not violated contract and he did not dispute Lawson's comment to this writer that Pastor Turner's last payment on the debt was for $100, in November of 1970. (Lawson also told this writer that he has bad debts in excess of $100,000 from Southern Baptist pastors and musical directors, including $8,300, plus interest, from Turner.) The convention was preceded by the annual Baptist Pastors Conference, an allday preaching derby which invariably produces one or more homiletical horrors. Retired SBC President R.

G. Lee of Memphis, for example, described beverage alcohol as "sewerage in the drinking fountain a rattlesnake in the nursery. a rapist in the girls' dormitory etc. But two days later, Billy Graham told a convention press conference: "I know this may shock a number of Southern Baptists, but I do believe Jesus drank wine and that the Bible hardly advocates By Jack MIAMI AFL-CIO chief George Meany, the angry man behind the Stop McGovern drive, has made kindling of every olive branch the McGovern forces have offered him. The durable old despot has been cordial enough to George McGovern in person and even gave his blunt blessing to a McGovern speech at the AFL-CIO convention.

Privately, however, the old curmudgeon breathes fire at the mention of McGovern's name, calls him "the candidate of amnesty, acid and appeasement" and threatens to withhold AFL-CIO support if he's nominated. What's more, Meany apparently won't be mollified. He's accustomed to settling Democratic presidential politics in the smoke-filled backrooms, with his own stogie predominant. And he's too old and stubborn to let party reforms change the political habits of a life-time. Some intimates say he turned sour on McGovern during the Senate battle over Section 14(b) of the Taft-Hartley Act in 1966.

The AFL-CIO sought to repeal this section, which permits states to adopt right-to-work laws that weaken labor unions. The move was defeated by a filibuster, which pro-labor senators tried in vain to shut off. On the first roll call, McGovern voted to stop the filibuster. This was unpopular in McGovern's native South Dakota, which has a right-towork law. He, therefore, notified two top labor lobbyists the AFL-CIO's Andy Biemiller and the Retail Clerks' Charles Lipsen that he would like to change his vote.

He asked for their agreement, promising he would stick with them if they really needed his vote. Biemiller agreed to give McGovern a "pass," that is, to release him from his labor commitment unless his vote should be needed in the clutch. On the next roll call, McGovern's vote wasn't decisive, so he switched in favor of the filibuster. He was the only one who changed his vote. Meany was so angry that the lobbyists didn't dare tell him they had okayed McGovern's reversal.

The old labor lord was attending a shindig at Miami's Americana Hotel when he learned they had lost a vote on the second roll call. Witnesses recall that he turned on A Anderson, United Features Syndicate Lipsen, who had flown to Miami for the occasion. "Who was the double-crosser?" growled Meany. "Let me explain," Lipsen began. him off.

"I don't want any explanations," he thundered. "Just tell me who was the double-crosser." Lipsen kept trying to explain the circumstances but finally was browbeaten into simply divulging McGovern's name. That was all Meany wanted to hear. Rather than embarrass the two subordinates, McGovern never tried to square himself with Meany. Only reluctantly would McGovern now confirm the incident to us six years afterward.

Lipsen refused to comment, saying only that Meany was "a great man." And Biemiller couldn't be reached. At the start of his presidential campaign last year, McGovern tried to make peace with Meany. McGovern carefully avoided compromising the two labor lobbyists and, therefore, didn't mention that he had cleared his controversial vote in advance. All he said to Meany was: "I was wrong on the 14(b) matter. I struck out.

I made a To McGovern's surprise, Meany shrugged it off. "What upset me more than that," he grunted, "was your criticism of me on the Russian wheat deal." As Food for Peace director during the Kennedy Administration, McGovern had accused Meany of blocking wheat shipments to Russia. The AFL-CIO chief said it wasn't true. McGovern said his information had come from the highest authority. "But if I was wrong," he said, "I apologize." What really bothers Meany, say some intimates, is McGovern's anti -war record.

But whatever it is, the 77-year-old labor leader intends to summon all his fading powers to block McGovern's nomination. RUNNING MATES Party regulars are pushing Wilbur Mills for the vice presidential nomination. As House Ways and Means chairman, he has clout with the big corporations. And the Democrats are so broke, they need a candidate with access to some corporate cash. Senator George McGovern, however, doesn't want any of the party's big guns as his running mate.

He has talked to subordinates even about picking a non-politician, perhaps a college president or a consumer advocate like Ralph Nader, for the No. 2 spot. Hubert Humphrey told us that, if he should be nominated, he'd try to persuade McGovern to accept the vice presidential nomination. MCGOVERN'S ACCEPTANCE George McGovern has been quietly collecting ideas from his staff for an acceptance speech in case he should win the Democratic presidential nomination. He'll write the final draft himself, because he's uncomfortable with someone else's phrases.

Throughout the campaign, he'll avoid formal speeches as much as possible. He prefers the informality of a press conference. The News and Observer "THE OLD RELIABLE" Published Every Morning In the Year By The News and Observer Publishing Company 215 South McDowell Raleigh, N. C. 27601; Telephone 832-4411 Editor Emeritus Jonathan Daniels Saturday, July 8, 1972 Chairman of the Board.

Frank A. Daniels Publisher Frank Daniels Jr. Editor Claude Sitton Managing Editor. Robert L. Brooks Associate Editor Thomas P.

Inman Controller Melvin Finch Jr. Circulation Director Frank W. Arnold General Manager Dave Jones Production Director Noel Blackard.

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