The Daily Herald from Provo, Utah on April 9, 1974 · Page 13
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The Daily Herald from Provo, Utah · Page 13

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Provo, Utah
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Tuesday, April 9, 1974
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Page 13
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Dedicated to th« Progress And Growth of Central Utah Tuesday. April 9, 1974, THE HERALD. Provo, Utah-Page 13 Utility Costs on the The energy crunch may have eased somewhat with the ending of the Arab oil embargo and more plentiful supplies of gasoline, albeit at higher pricest prices, but we are seeing its effect in a field not related to automobile fuel. Utility companies across the nation have been petitioning their regulatory state bodies for price increases to offset and pass on to the consumer the higher price which they are paying for fuel oil. In most cases several rate increases have been granted, but there is promise of more to come as fuel costs continue to rise. Fuel oil, is burned to create steam for electrical generating plants and hence is a part of the cost structure of the utilities. The resulting economics to the consumer are both puzzling and furstrating. Government requests to turn down thermostats and turn out unnecessary light have met, in most cases, with eager compliance by the public. Yet, almost every month the amount of utility bills has increased to the perplexity of the householder. Indeed, in some quarters constantly increasing utility bills are creating a spirit of noncompliance with conservation measures. A householder with a thermostat set at 68 degrees and unneeded lights turned out loses his incentive to save when he sees no, tangible reductions in his bill, but on the contrary steadily increasing costs. Oil price increases were initiated by the Arab producers, unilaterally, and without economic justification. However, the Arab nations are not the only ones which have increased the price of their crude fuel. The price of almost all oil has risen. Hence electrical rates are going up, as petitions for rate increases are granted. Utility companies make the point that rate increases are used solely to pay for higher priced oil and do not add one penny of profit for the companies. However, at the same time many of the companies are also requesting price hikes to pay for increases in operating costs. State regulatory agencies should take a very hard line with the utility companies in granting price increases, even in the face of higher fuel costs. By their very nature utility companies operate in a special manner. Without competition they are also guaranteed a commensurate return on their investment by the state. This is an advantage that ordinary business do not have. They, too, have increased costs, but must pay them and still stay competitive enough to remain in business. As the result economies are introduced to keep their product at saleable prices. The public utility does not have to be quite as vigilant in watching its costs structure, since it can always go to its state commission and make a case for the need of higher prices—and usually get them.' While the utilities make the point that rates today are not as much as they were ten years ago, this is a shallow argument. Nor does the argument that people are using more electricity carry much weight. Not when you remember that this was brought about in great part by power company promotion urging greater use. We would like to emphasize that state public utility commissions do not exist for the welfare of the companies, but rather their first allegiance should be to the consumer. Power companies can do a good job of public relations by making available to the people their financial statements showing where the additional fuel costs exist and also showing that the money raised in compensating fuel cost rate grants goes for just that and is not diverted into other channels. It has been our experience that the people are very sympathetic when they thoroughly understand the problem. It is nevertheless hard for the people to tighten their belts to help in the energy crisis and then find that their utility bills are going up astronomically. Henry J. Taylor Incredible Pioneer 10 Had a Fantastic Year CAPE CANAVERAL, Fla. - Pioneer 10 'was launched from here March 2, 1972. Destination Jupiter. It was quite a year for the 570-pound marvel. Space Center authorities here tell me that Pioneer was the first man-made object to travel through the mysterious Asteroid Belt. The sun, our nearest — 93 million miles away — is 333,000 times as big as our earth. The Asteroid Belt is a zone between the sun and the orbits of Mars and Jupiter. This zone is 270 million miles wide. It is filled with at least 1,000 rocky bodies (minor planets) that orbit the sun. This perilous part of Pioneer's voyage took seven months. But the incredible craft came through safely. Jupiter is, of course, our solar system's largest planet; 1,300 times the size of our earth. (Mars is half the earth's size.) Jupiter is larger than all the other planets put together. It rules at least nine moons. It shines with & luster second only to Venus among the planets and sometimes is so bright that it can make shadows on our earth. Pioneer travelled 21 months to reach Jupiter. The day was Dec. 3, 1973. And the craft set two records for a mand- made object when it swung around the planet. Pioneer had travelled further into space — 620 million miles — and was travelling 82,000 miles per hour. Its radio signals winged back here at the speed of 186,000 miles per hour but took 45 minutes to reach the earth. Pioneer will leave our solar system in 5987. It will drift toward the red star Aldebaran in the constellation Taurus, the Bull. BuS it will have given us a vivid indication of the size of our solar system Pioneer will have travelled 15 years before reaching the orbit of Pluto, our solar system's outermost planet. When it leaves our solar system it will be travelling approximately 2,600 miles per hour. Theoretically, this will be Pioneer's speed forever in the space between the stars in the Milky Way galaxy, that Mississippi of the sky that rolls across thousands of billions of miles of space. Our sun is a star in the Milky Way galaxy. That galaxy aldne contains at least 100 billion stars. It will take Pioneer about 80,000 years to travel a distance equivalent to the distance from our sun to the nearest star. In fact, the Milky Way's 100 billion stars are so sparsely distributed that Pioneer is unlikely to pass within three million miles of another star by the time it has travelled as long as the Milky Way galaxy has exited. Scientists estimate that period to be 15 billion years. Yet the Milky Way galaxy is but a traction of the universe beyond. "The highest to which man can attain is wonder," wrote Goethe. The North Star flashes out there in the cosmos. Orion shows its great glory. The seven stars of the Big Dipper stand suspended, each alone and each alive, each in place like a jewel in a velvet box. The old benevolent constellations stare through cold space at our insignificant world. Our world is a speck oi mud that was not even hatched in their yesteryear. The comets go on their long errands deep in the temple of the infinite. The colored planets and moons, the dull masses, and the cold, dead worlds lying in the silent morgue of eternity tell their own unfathomable storv. /^ptty *vf *!• ii i • I ' OHltiUltd b r IV Trmtt SymKratt Richard Wilson Opening Old Wounds WASHINGTON, D.C. - Vice President Ford touched a responsive chord when he blamed "an arrogant, elite guard of political adolescents" for the Republicans' woe. But he missed the mark widely bedausc President Nixon's 1972 election campaign, the most successful in many years, was directed and financed by experienced and mature men of flexible principle. Ford's Agnewesque remarks were obviously directed at a few men whose youthful visages and demeanor in the Watergate liearings arounsed wonder that so many zealous Galahads could go • so badly wrong. The adolescent standards of a class election at the University of Southern California did indeed appear to have been intrucing on the serious business of national politics. Ford's premise opens old wounds. Scarcely a Republican presidential candidate in 40 years has been willing to rely upon the national Republican organization to carry out an effective campaign. President Nixon merely carried it another step farther by setting up an organization which he expected and hoped would be the nucleus of a "new majority" embracing the regular Republican party and a broad middle sector of Americans, whether Republican, Democratic or independent. The pattern, of course, was Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal Coalition, which did not rely as much on the regular Democratic organization as upon organized labor, organized minorities, and organized liberal groups. The regular organization went into further decline when its leader. James A. Farley, broke with Roosevelt. Then, with the Democrats as now with the Republicans, there was serious tension between the While House and the regular organization, especially as it was represented in Congress. Without Wat ergate and long before it, congressional hackles rose over the Haldeman-Erlichman-Mitchell-Stans-Ziegler dominance of political responses in the White House. The regular organization was bypassed, ignored and . humiliated, as it invariably has been when the head of either party gets well established in the White House. This was made all the worse in 1972 because the broadly based Committee to Re-elect the President had helped to engineer a massive victor)-. I remember talking at the time to the chairman of the Republican National Committee (whose name I will not bother to look up i, and his attitude toward what was going on was pitifully plaintive. Vice President Ford's ideas about what ought to happen in the future are rather naive for a man of his experience. He calls upon the national organization to take control of trie candidate when nominated. It happens, in fact, the other way around and there is little practical likelihood that it can be otherwise. Candidates are nominated because they have finally put together a winning coalition and arc able to take control of the organization. Thenceforth, the candidate is in a position to dictate the nature and scope of his campaign. Ford's idea that the candidate should be forced to "sign on the dotted line" that he won't set up an outside group without Republican National Committee approval is not likely to inhibit the candidate very much once he is in full control. But there is a larger fallacy involved. The organized Republican party is a minority and likely to remain so. If it wishes to rely in national campaigns on straight-line organization politics, the future will be rather bleak. The Democrats, with a contentious majority, have a different problem. To run for president as a Republican, however, is to start with a handicap. Nixon, having had experience with that handicap In I960, consciously sought to broaden the base in 1972. Letters to the Editor Reader Raps News Media For Treatment of Nixon Editor Herald: I have become concerned with the rights of President Nixon during this exposure of the Watergate scandal. I realize that newspapers and other news medias are given the right to free speech and publication in the First Amendment of the United States Constitution but I also realize that the Fourteenth Amendment guarantees the people of the United States the right to a fair trial. I fear that President Nixon is being unfairly tried in the news medias across this nation and probably around the world. With this being true would it ever be possible for President Nixon to be fairly tried Proposal Made For Use of Kress Building Editor Herald: I don't know what is to be done with the empty Kress building in downtown Provo, but it seems to me it would make a fine social center or some such. It already has a kitchen and serving section in and room for such things as tables for parlor and card games. And wouldn't it be lovely to go in somewhere and NOT be beaten over the head by any kind of piped in music or radio or TV or stereo or any of these prevailing blights! But this could be a place for amateur groups to practice singing, or tootling on a gob-stick or whatever, at a natural pitch for a change? NO ELECTRONICS, I mean. It could be a place for groups to hold meetings, for theatrical rehearsals and presentations, for that matter. It could be a place for art displays, handicraft displays, displays of things, just things, lectures, debates, dance presentations, whatever people had to display, or a quiet place to read or just sit and visit. For demonstrations of this, that and the other. It probably wouldn't last long because it would be vandalized as everything is these days, but wouldn't it be nice if only it could be? Ruth Louise, Partridge. Provo if the issue over came to thai point? With all the adversive publicity about the President can he even receive fair impeachment proceedings? I'm glad to note that you're newspaper hasn't been too hard on the President. I was especially pleased with your front page article on Wednesday, Feb. 13. 1974, which was entitled "Presidents Health Declared 'Excellent.'" The picture of him was at least a 100 per cent better than the usual tired dried up shot I'm accustomed to seeing. I definitely feel that the President deserves more of this type of . publicity in order to guarantee him his Constitutional rights, I would appreciate any feedback you might have on this subject and how your newspaper stands on the issue. Sincerely Yours, Stephen C. Henderson Communications Student B.V.U BERRY'S WORLD Q; Bruce Biossat Feudalism Gone But Effects Stay TOKYO - tNRA> - The outsider searching for the deep roots of Japan's post-war economic triumphs finds them in an enduring stability and an unflagging discipline landing people toward work. No surprise, except how far these roots reach Into the soil of Japanese history. In a 1974 probe into Japan, one would not expect to get into feudalism. Yet that's where you are drawn inescapably, for the Japanese — uniquely in the world — were living under feudal rule until just 106 years ago. And they had it for six centuries, much longer than the Kuropesns who were the only others on earth ever to erect such a society. \Yhal this has bequeathed the Japanese, and the historians and swial anthropologists verify the tracings, is a firm social "frame" which has enabled tliem to rise from war and storm with a resilience quite uncommon. Probably the critical feudal span was the two and a half century rule of the Tokugawa family which directly preceded the celebrated westernization of Japan starting in 1868 with the so-called Mciji Restoration. In that remarkably stable period, the frame was set. In the .perceptive view of Miss Chic Nakane, Tokyo university professor presently in California, UK- "group" became the key structural element in Japanese society — its membership ordered by careful rankings from top to tat loin. Jump to 197-1, and see this element spelled out In the household, the automobile or electronics company, the company labor union, the government bureaucratic agency, the particular university faculty, etc. In Japan, ultimate loyalty is to UK; group. The company or bureaucratic ministry pin -worn in the lapel is the symbol, It Is no minor thing. While authority flows from the top down, I hero are variations and much significant inter-flow. What counts most is that from tftese groupings the Japanese gain a great sense of teionning. a feeling that no one is left out, generally an escape from "alienation." With Japan having perhaps the world's highest educational levels, entry into working groups demands good educational background. Thereafter, advance is by seniority, not ability. Disadvantages here are obvious. But there is enormous assurance and security in the warm one-on-one group linkages. Japan under this structure is truly H classless society, with more equality than any western nation. Hut the tight rankings, and the limits they impose on interchange of ideas, mean there is less play for mental freedom. The crucial competition is not within but bet ween groups — companies, universities, agencies. Challenging, but also wasteful at limes, and productive of harmful, animosities. You'll hear from "resident" Western scholars and others that tl>c postwar winds of change are tearing Japan into old and new worlds, buffeting the Islands with urban blights, militancy In unionism, loosening of family and work bonds. Miss Nakane argues pcrsuavlsvely for "social persistence." marshaling potent evidence that vital group structures endure sturdily beneaih the surface sweeps of change. Hut what drives this ably organized people to full effort, lifting them tar beyond Oriental rivals to high rank among the advanced nations In economic power? What mokes the Japanese spirt? A profound answer eludes the most probing visitor, Evidently ages back, taking on mainland Asia's Zen Buddhism, the Japanese laid aside Its mystical content and made It a pragmatic code for maximum dally labor, a doctrine of self-restraint yielding high dedication In the serious pursuits of living, John Broderick Scribe Suggests Insult Proposal WASHINGTON - President Nixon's recent public jousting with newsmen — he asked one If he were running for office and told another he didn't dislike the press because "you can't dislike someone you don'I respect" — leads to a modest proposal: Since other defense tactics have 1 had mixed results, why doesn't the lYosidcnt rely even more on insults? Such a strategy would likely liave at least three predictable results. First, it would rally to Mr. Nixon's side other citizens who are similarly angered. Second, it would put the President's deepest feelings on record at a time of historic confrontation. And third — moru to his benefit — it would continue- to reveal the humanness of the President. If the President docs decide 1 to hone more great insults to unleash on his detractors, history tells as he will be in good company. When Senator Benjamin Wade of Ohio went to the White House to urge President Lincoln to fin; General Grant because of hi* © 1974 ty tt£A. "Eat your heart out!" alleged drunkednc'ss, the President characteristically ,-aiid, ':Senutor that reminds me of a story ..." Wade stopped Mr, Uncoln short, reprimanded him for lightmlndvdni'ss at u critical timo, and added, "you «re on the road to hell, sir. ... and you are not n mile off this minute." I Jncoln replied. "Senator, that is just about the distance from here to the Capitol, is it not?" Near the turn of the century, Utah's Reed Smoot became the.' first Mormon elected to the Senate. However, although Smoot had only one wife, a debate arose In Washington over whether he should be allowed to sit in the Senate. The issue finally was settled tn Smoot'» favor when another Senator reportedly remarked to those who were casting stones, "I'd rather have a polygamist who doesn't polyg titan a monogamist who doesn't monog." The late Senator Robert Kerr of Oklahoma once quoted Uiauncoy DePew, a former American railroad president and orator, in an attack on a Senator from Indiana, , "As I gaze on the ample figure of my friend from Indiana, and as I listen to him," Kerr began, "I aw reminded of Chauiicey IX'Pew who said to the equally obese William Howard Tafl at a dinner before the latter became President, 'I hope, if it is a girl, Mr. Taft will name it for fiis charrning wife.' "To which Taft responded, 'if it is a girl. 1 shall, of course, name it for my lovely helpmate of many years. And if it is a boy, I shall claim the father's prerogative and name it Junior. But if, as 1 suspect, it is only a bag of wind, I shall name it Chauneey DePew.'" The political master of the great insult, however, remains venerable Winston Churchill, vdlw was born one century ago this year. An oft-repealed story has the famous British playwright, George Bernard Shaw, sending two tickets to Sir Winston along with a note inviting him to attend a new play by Shaw "and bnwg a friend, if you have e«e.'' Churchill in his reply, regretted he couldn't attend that particular performance but asked that Shaw send him two tickets to the second performance. l( there is one."

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