The Bridgeport Post from Bridgeport, Connecticut • Page 24

BRIDGEPORT SUNDAY POST An Independent Newspaper, Established Hill Page Ii-8 Muy 1976 Mr. Ford's Dilemma Until the first primary, held in New Hampshire late in February, (here was no severe criticism of Gerald R. Ford's performance in Hie White House. Yes the Democrats blamed him for all the ills of the country, but thoughtful, im- partial observers gave Mr. Ford high marks for his work.

In addition, Mr. Ford's personality had been extremely beneficial. Few people disliked the former congressman Mother's Day Today is Mother's Day, an opportunity to express the love and gratitude we hold in ottr hearts far tlic woman we call "Mother." No matter what our station in life may be, we owe much to our mother. Patiently she has guided us from the moment we entered the world. And if we are fortunate enough to have her still with us, we are still partaking of her wise counsel.

It is a mother's desire to sec her son or daughter find a place in life that will bring fulfillment and happiness. The success of her offspring is the only reward she seeks. In thinking about our mothers there is one word which should dominate all others--love. A mother lias an endless capacity to forgive, to help, and to love. Let that fact be remembered 365 days of the year not just on Mother's Day.

Newloivn's A petite town clerk from a little town in the foothills of the Berkshire Mountains had a bright idea for her com- inunity's Bicentennial celebration. Mrs. Mae Schmidle thought it would enhance the townspeople's appreciation for their heritage if the original deed which transferred ownership of Ncwtown from Indians to Colonists were displayed in Town Hall. So Mrs. Schmidle launched efforts to obtain the document from the state's archives in Hartford.

That's when tlie battles began. At one time or another opponents of the plan included the Connecticut slate historian, the state archivist, a United States archivist, the president of the New England Archivists, the Connecticut public records administrator, chairman of the state Library Board, director of the Connecticut Historical Commission, and the director of the Connecticut Historical Society. But the other day Governor Ella Grasso signed into iaw a measure to give Ncwtown its deed. We withhold judgment about the wisdom of returning irreplaceable historical documents to communities where they may be more vulnerable to damage. We have no doubts, however, about the determination of a Town Clerk who took on weighty opposition and won an impressive prize for the people of Ncwtown.

from Grand Rapids, Michigan. Thus, It seemed inconceivable that he would be seriously challenged for the Republican nomination. Ronald Reagan, former two- term governor of California, was not viewed as a serious threat. All of that has changed. Currently Mr.

Ford and Mr. Reagan are engaged a bitter battle. One national'com- mentator noted that Mr. Ford's trouble lies in the fact he is more proficient at handling the presidency than he is in campaigning for the nomination. The fact of the matter is Mr.

Reagan took the offensive early and "embraced the conservative view. After entering the White House Mr. Ford, a moderate conservative, had swung toward the center on a number of issues. However, once Mr. Reagan began to challenge him on detente with Russia, a possible agreement with Cuba, the future of the Panama Canal and Angola, the president headed to the right, By then, as far as the recent primaries were concerned, it was far too late.

Mr. Reagan had the President on the defensive. Though Mr. Ford used his incumbency to advantage during the primary in Florida--personally announcing the approval of some federal programs designed to aid the state--he was unable to employ presidential powers to influence voters in Texas and Indiana. Ford should not have tried to beat Mr.

Reagan at his own game--. strong conservatism. Philosophically, the center was open and he could have claimed it. With several primaries left, it would be to the benefit of the country, and to his campaign, for Mr. Ford to ignore the attacks from Mr.

Reagan anil explain to all Americans the course he envisions for the nation during the next four years. The results, we think, would take care of themselves--provided his planned path is not unlike the road he traveled during 1975. By Alan Schoenhaus "I detect a faint heartbeat." By James J. Kilpalrick White Schools Showman Don't be surprised if fellow Rcpub- icans start calling him "P.T." lica Chairman Frederick K. Bicbel has not been in office a year and already he has Extravaganza No.

2 ready to go --a fund raiser of course. Last fall Mr. Biebel brought President Gerald R. Ford to the new multimillion dollar Civic Center in Hartford and managed to sell out the house. (And afterwards the President's limousine ran a red light, crashed into a car, and people all over the country knew that Chairman Biebel suffered a broken hand in the accident.) Now Mr.

Biebel--who insists he is not a descendant of P.T. Barnum--has a Bicentennial Ball scheduled for May 18 in Hartford. He says there will be more United States senators on hand than can usually be found in the Senate chamber. And there will be several congressmen too. Mr.

Biebel is faced with the unenviable task of raising money for a party out of power in-this state. He thinks it can best be done by offering people a "fun evening." To make sure there are at least a few laughs, couples are being urged to dress in the styles popular in 1776. OK, Mr. Chairman, is Senator Lowell P. Wcicker going to wear pantaloons and silk stockings? Hourly Lottery? The General Assembly passed a bill creating yet another lottery game to raise funds for education and other government expenses.

Connecticut, which was settled by Puritans and acquired the reputation of a "land of steady now has three lottery games, in addition to off-track belting, d'og racing, a coming attraction in the form of jai alai, and the possibility of horse racing. The sudden embrace of nearly all forms of wagering: has tweaked not a few consciences at the State Capitol. Senator Louis Ciccarello of Norwalk, pondering the fact that the Constitution Slate has weekly, daily, and instant lotteries, posed a rhetorical question: "Where do we stop? Are we going to have an hourly lottery?" Don't give them any ideas, Senator. WASHINGTON The U.S. Supreme Court a been leveling citncicls of racial segregation, both public and private, Ihe past 20-odd years.

Before the end of this term in June, the Court may well obliterate one of the last bastions the all-tvhite private school. Perhaps this will be cause for universal rejoicing among right-thinking people. Perhaps. But I venture a few reservations. The Court heard arguments recently in a test case questioning (he right of two nll- i privale schools in Northern Virginia to reject pupils solely because their race.

The case arrived from a sharply divided Fourth By a vote of 4-3, the lower court held that a civil rights statute of 3866 prohibits the schools from racial discrimination. It is risky to speculate on the hasis of. questions asked during oral argument, but it sounded as if Ihe Supreme Court is likely to affirm. ff this proves lo be the iip- shot, the Court will be writing bad law to achieve what might be widely regarded as a good end. Certainly in the view of most persons, race prejudice is an evil.

I am a Southerner whose eyes opened late; I know it to he an evil. But the question is wlwther certain basic principles of law should be twisted and corrupted, in the fashion here proposed, in an effort to overcome the evii. Such an eifort strikes me as profoundly unwise. The facts in the pending case are not in great dispute. i Bobbe's Private School in Arlington, nor the Fnii'fnxrBrcwstcr School in Fairfax County, has ever enrolled Negro child.

In the fall of 1972, two black families sued (or declaratory, injunctive, and monetary relief. They contended that the 1866 statute effectively bars discrimination even In wholly private schools. trial court agreed, found for the petitioners on every point, a awarded 5 2 0 0 0 i damages. The 186S act, it should be kepi in mind, is not predicated upon the Fourteenth (equal protection) Amendment; it is predicated upon Thirteenth Amendment, which put an end lo slavery. The old law undertakes lo guarantee to nil persons "the same right to make contracts as is enjoyed by white cilizens." The 1 Iheory is that admission to a private school is a form of contract; qualified white children may such but qualified black children the refusal of a private school to make non-racial contracts imposes upon the black children "a badge of slavery." Because slavery is unconstitutional, all-white admissions policies are unconstitutional.

Theory This is a neat and tidy theory, but it glosses over some troublesome questions questions not present in earlier cases construing the 186S law. These earlier cases dealt chiefly with contracts for the sole of real property; they did not involve Issues of a right to privacy, a right to free association, a right to manifest personal and private beliefs. The private school that discriminates racially is manifesting a belief that segregation is desirable in education. Now, tlvit belief a be "wrong," but until this moment Supreme Court never has held that such private bias is barred by the Constitution. On the contrary, the Court steadfastly has protected such a right to be "wrong." The freedom to associate, the-Court has ruled, "applies to Ihe beliefs share, and to those we consider reprehensible." These two small private schools receive no pubfic funds whatever.

They have been i and maintained from private resources entirely. They are as private as any dues-paying bridge club, or country club, or fralernul lodge, or sewing circle. Unlike a real estate transaclion, which involves one buyer and one seller, enrollment in such school involves the tastes, desires, beliefs, and prejudices of several hundred pupils and their families. Should we, in the anachronistic name of "slavery," impose unwanted private associations a i misguided people? Is a "right to contract" an absolute right lo buy one's way into any group? It seems to me that when people put up their own money to support their own facility, they have a right to be as exclusive as please, even if they base their right on reasons we may think to ha wrong. Jackson's Visit HARTFORD -r- Talk about testing Ihe mettle of a presi- denlial aspiront.

about Scoop Jackson coming to Connecticut to face a situation a mirrors in difficulty many of the things expected of the man In the White House. How often does the public get a chance to observe even a fading candidate as he wrestles with one of those seemingly impossible situations Ihat are characteristic of high-level diplomacy? Not often. But that's what happened Thursday when Scoop Jackson, persuaded by Ella Grasso, came into the state to go through the motions of picking up the pieces of his moribund campaign. The gesture, of course, was Vitally important lo Ella Grasso and a bevy of Connecticut Democrats who followed her cnlo the Jackson bandwagon, and continue to support Scoop in Tuesday's state-wide party primary. important, Jackson knew it and so did just about everyone who stood on the lawn of the State Capitol to hear the veteran Senator and former Democratic national chairman do his thing.

Gialmo Too A chin-up, smiling Ella Grasro sae at his side. Behind them was Congressman Rob-. N. Gialmo, the most powerful member of the Connecticut House delegation, and the ever-present Edward L. Marcus, a former powerhouse in Ihe Slate Senate who the pros feel has been staking a political comeback on the viability of the Jackson drive.

Mrs. Grasso appeared to be almost as tentative a part of the lawn party as Jackson. Like two ships passing at sea, they saluted each other in fine style and prepared to go their separate ways. He was to remain in the stale for three days of campaigning; a a preparing to fly off to Ireland in a very few hours, and to return the night before the primary itself. And that's a political message all by itself.

Jackson looked uncomfortable, but that's Ihe way he looked things were going well. His opening statement was appropriately vague and diplomatic. He acknowledged Ella Grasso's brief (Scoop Jackson is alive and well) introduction and look on the task with tenacity of a man dedicated to the completion of an obligation. "This" is the start of a three-day visit to help elect a strong slate of delegates pledged to me," Jackson said. "Connecticut can make a difference," he went on, adding some exquisitely vague references to thft importance of the future of the party, the party platform, 'and other political paraphernalia not directly associated with the question of yes-or-no candidacy.

In the questioning, he diplomatically addressed himself to the delicate one on how it is possible to be an active candidate in one state and be an inactive one elsewhere in the nation. "I continue to be a candidate'," he said in setting the pattern for the questions in the three days ahead. His campaign, he firmly assured his listeners, had gone inactive solely for lack of funds. Q. How about that devastating loss in Pennsylvania? Didn't (hat have something to do with his withdrawal from active campaigning? A.

We could have won in Pennsylvania if we had the funds we would have gone on if we had the funds. Q. What would the best possible victory In! the Con- 'necticut primary mean in terms of rekindling you campaign? A. A Jackson victory here will be important because it will show Democratic leaders how people feel about the things that count Connecticut a make a difference. That difference is never spelled out.

Is it in the revi- talizatlon of a candidacy, the- preservation of some delegate strength convention brokerage? Is it to Influence the party leaders or is (here really the slightest hope of a comeback? Embarrassing questions for so practical a man. No Predicllon Final example in the Jackson sampler: Q. How well are you going lo do here? what constitute a substantial showing for you in the Connecticut primary? A. I don't want to get into Ihat I'll let the media dectda that one. Jackson did make it clear that one the reasons he decided to campaign in the Connecticut primary is that his Connecticut campaign organization has taken it upon itself to raise the necessary funds.

This, he emphasized, has not been the case in most other Only once was (here the slightest crack in Ihe diplomatic veneer when someono pushed Ihe point on whether it was all for real. "I'm not up here on a phony exercise," ha shot back at the questioner. This is for real." A couple of hours later he was in Danbury lelling a questioner Ihat Ella Grasso is very well qualified lo be Vice President; and she was airborne for Ireland. That's for real. By Carey Cronan Gidimo's Reception WASHINGTON Everything was suffused with sunshine for a District o't Columbia campaign fund-raising reception for Rep.

Robert N. Giairrio, veteran of IS years service in the wars along the banks of the Potomac. In sharp contrast to many other affairs of that nature Ihe Giuimo reception was heralded by engraved invitations tmd the fumiliar RSVP. It was held in the evening on the terrace of the Watergate restaurant in the very complex where James McCord and his friends were apprehended visiting the then offices of the Democratic Na- lionnl i everything in Washington is historic for something and that aspect apparently did not impress anyone in particular. Forgoltcn Checkbook One gentleman approached the table In the entrance and said he had forgotten his checkbook but if they let him in he would gladly mail them a stipend at a later date.

They let, him in because at least he didn't say he gave at Ihe office. And not everyone was there to swell the campaign funds, some came just to enjoy themselves and Rep. Giaimo refused to' make' a speech because he did not want to delay consumption of Hie groaning board's contents. Among those present were "In Connecticut start with welfare pa fients--that's where the money is. A Clork McGregor, vice president in the Washington office of Uniled Technologies, Rep.

Stewart B. McKinney. Ally. John D. Lane, one-time administrative a i a a Senator Brien McMahon, and Rep.

George Marion, Texas, chairman of House Appropriations Committee on which Giaimo serves, and Representatives Ronald A. Sarasin, Christopher Dodd, Toby Motfett, and William Cotter. IHostly Men The entire guest list will he published at the proper repositories later. However, the number and character of tha distinguished guests (90 per cent ihe male of the species) indicated Ihat the Giaimo affair did not suffer 1 from ill openness and he must have benefited greatly from tha soiree. Even the media waj invited, iv is rather unusual, but nothing really sinister could be found and not a single cape was worn In the entire assemblage.

It was also apparent that Hob Giaimo has many and good friends on a personal a i outside professional donors who have a vocation for generosity. Influential Solon As dean of the state delegation in ihe U.S. House of Representatives, and one of the few Connecticut legislators to serve on Ihe Appropri- atioas Committee in modern times, tho 3rd District congressman Is one of tha most influential New England solons. Whatever November elections bring him he stands on a substantial through the years, a record (hat in many cases i.i far from partisan and sometimes almost rudely frank In l(s basic philosophy. If Bob Giaimo continues on his present way and is again reclected, Connecticut will have a spokesman It has seldom had because of the seniority system and the penchant of the state to shift its political gears every I.