Logical Rights Questions Even as North and South plunged to bring freedom to a foreign darker- into the maelstrom of war more than a century ago, Abraham Lincoln attempted to offer reason in place of force. He proposed that the government purchase all of the nation's four million slaves for $1,000 apiece, or a total of $4 billion. The South, not thinking beyond the military victory it felt confident of achieving, was not interested. Nor is it certain that the North would have agreed to what in those clays was a fantastic outlay. The result, of course, was that the nation spent much more of its treasure in four years of fierce war, as well as losing 500,000 of its soldier sons—40,000 of whom, it should be remembered, were Negroes. Today, we stand on the brink of another crisis involving the Negro in America. And again, voices of reason tell us that only an immense expenditure of money—and even more important immense will—can avert a far costlier catastrophe. Though the report of the President's National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders put no price tag on its formula for averting future riots and a virtual breakdown of society, early rumors spoke of $20 to $25 billion. According to a story by Scripps- Howard writer Don Kirkman last December, the commission abandoned the idea of calling for such a massive assault on riot-breeding conditions because "the country would not stand still for such a demand." The country, however, is standing still for the spending of an even greater annually in the Vietnam war—a war in which many Negroes are again giving their lives for a country not their own. This is not to question the necessity of that war. It is merely to suggest some questions. If we are prepared to send, as President Johnson has promised we will, whatever is necessary to prosecute the war being fought avowedly skinned people, are we willing and can we afford to do no less for our own dark-skinned citizens? There is great demand for clamping down on the rioters. Is it possible that we may in the end, as we have in Vietnam, find ourselves destroying American cities in order to "save" them? With severe new riot-control laws, beefed-up police and National Guard units and vigilante committees, are we reconciled to erecting a garrison state as the only means of preserving law and order? Will we, while defending the integ* rity of a nation 12,000 miles away, do nothing to prevent the tearing of America itself asunder? The commission minced no words. It was no Communist conspiracy, no plot of fanatics that caused the riots of the past years. They arose from an explosive mixture of generations- old, pervasive discrimination and segregation fashioned by while racism, pure and simple. "Our nation," warns the commission, "is moving toward two societies —one black, one white—separate and unequal." Again Lincoln calls to us: "A house divided against itself cannot stand." Switch The criticism of baby doctor Benjamin Spock has turned from his anti- draft stance to his theories on child care. Dr. Norman Vincent Peale, New York minister, says Spock's endorsement of permissive parents helped create the undisciplined youth of today. Come to think of it, the "If I don't get what I want, I'm going to sit down and yell" attitude of many of Dr. Spock's followers sounds like they are still reading his baby books. Fortunately he didn't urge birth certificate burning along with draft card mutilation.—Dallas Times Herald. 's Responsible for the dhettos?" Doufafe Tfl/fe f OS/ For Copifol Hill Heroics and Your Heart Talk about stress in modern life. What could be as rough as being strapped into the nose of a missile and shot into space? Well, for one thing, learning to fly an airplane. A study conducted by the Federal Aviation Administration office of aviation medicine showed that stress levels in student pilots are equal to those experienced by astronauts in orbit, military pilots in combat or pilots of high performance aircraft such as the X-15. Temperature, heart beat rates and other measurements were taken of a volunteer group of six men and two women. The average heart rate during flight with an instructor was about 105 beats a minute. During solo flight this increased to 110, comparable to the stress on pilots flying far more difficult and dangerous missions. However, the stress apparently comes from fear of failure rather than fear of danger, says the FAA. Heart beats soared to 120 a minute during licensing check flights with an FAA examiner. It would be interesting to measure the stress quotient of people in more down-to-earth situations. What's the heart beat rate of the man who has decided to tell the boss off this morning, or the fellow who has worked up the courage to ask a certain girl for a date, or the housewife preparing a dinner for Very Important Guests? In terms of trembling tickers, we are all probably more "heroic" more often than we realize. Where Away the Insurance? For less than half the cost of one year's fighting in Vietnam, Americans managed to kill nearly three times as many of themselves on the highways last year than have died in three years of war. According to the Insurance Information Institute, the bill in 1967 for nearly 17 million engagements—traffic accidents—was more than $12.4 billion, $100 million more than 1966 and an all-time high. Body count of the dead was 53,000, about the same as the previous year. 1 Casualties numbered an estimated 4,356,243, up 3.8 per cent over 1966. Even if safer highways, safer cars and a more safely minded public eventually help reduce or hold the line on the human toll involved in 100 million Americans driving 96 million cars one trillion miles a year, the economic cost can go nowhere but up simply because of the general rise in the price of everything else, including medical services, automobile repairs and higher wages lost. Since the economic cost is largely paid for by insurance companies—that js, by people paying premiumns to those companies, this absolutely es* sential fee for the privilege of driv* ing also promises to go nowhere but up. Like the Vietnam war, the escalating economic attrition on the high* ways lias aroused widespread unrest qver the whole matter of automobile liability insurance, enough to prompt President Johnson to ask Congress to authorize a national study of "overburdened and unsatisfactory" system, •What is unsatisfactory is not just the cost pf premiums but the practice of some companies of arbitrarily canceling policies in an attempt to weed out the poorest risks and the ipng 4eJay and uncertainty of receiving justice in the courts. A plan by two law school professors purports to eliminate the causes of most of this dissatisfaction. Under the Keeton-O'Connell "Basic Protection Plan," the question of liability would be dispensed with in most cases. As with other insurance, persons suffering loss would be paid (up to $10,000) regardless of who was at fault in an accident, less what benefits they received from other sources. The American Trial Lawyers Assn. has vigorously attacked *tne plan, charging among other things that it would reward the careless driver and penalize the innocent one. Conceivably an irresponsible person with no other insurance but basic protection could cause an accident and receive payment for his injuries. The other, party could receive nothing because he had hospitalization insurance, which he may have bargained for from his employer in lieu of wage increases. The insurance industry is no less concerned about the problem than the public or the law profession. Ten insurance companies in Illinois have launched a six month expert* ment in a modified form of the Kee- ton-0'Connell plan. Persons injured in accidents will be offered up to $12,500 a person, to be paid without proof that the other driver was at fault. Those who reject the offer can still go to court, and even in such cases will receive $5,000 in immediate benefits to be credited against an eventual settlement. One hundred million drivers, plus the U.S. Congress, will watch with with intense interest the result of this and other voluntary attempts to up* date a system that has changed little since the first automobile frightened the first horse. Word of Intellectuals By ERIC HOFFER The incontestable fact is that the chronic carping of the militant intellectual has been a vital factor in the Occident's social progress. The blast of the intellectual's trumpets has not brought down or damaged our political and economic institutions. Napoleon predicted that ink would do to the modern social organization what cannon had done to the feudal system. Actually, in the Occident, ink has acted more as a detergent than an explosive. It is doubtful whether without the activitiis of the pen-and- ink tribe the lot of the common people would be what it is now. THE EVENTS of the past 50 years have sharpened our awareness of the discrepancy between what the intellectual professes while he battles the status quo, and what he practices when he comes to power, and we are wont to search for the features of a commissar in the face of impassioned protest. Actually the metamorphosis of militant intellectual into commissar requires a specific cultural climate and, so far, has taken place mainly outside the Occident. It is easy to underestimate the part played by Russia's and China's past in the evolvement of their present Marxist systems. A century ago Alexander Herzen predicted that Russian Communism would be Russian autocracy turned upside down. In China, where Mandarin intellectuals had the- management of affairs in their keeping for centuries, the present dictatorship of an intellectoc- racy is more a culmination of, than a rupture with, the past. In western Europe and the USA, where the tradition of individual freedom has deep roots in both the educated and the uneducated, the intellectuals cannot be self-righteous enough nor the masses submissive enough to duplicate the Russian and the Chinese experience. Thus in the Occident the militant intellectual is a stable type and a typical irritant;' and whenever the influence of the Occident becomes strong enough (lie chronically disaffected intellectual appears on the scene and pits himself against the prevailing dispensation, even when it is a dispensation powered by his fellow intellectuals. WE SEE this illustrated in the present intellectual unrest in eastern Europe and Russia, and it is beginning to dominant Communist parties have more to fear from a Western infection than the Occident has to fear from Communist subversion. Stalin's assertion that "no ruling class has managed without its own intelligentsia" applies of course to a totalitarian regime. A society that can afford freedom can also manage 'without a kept intelligentsia: it is vigorous enough to endure ceaseless harassment by the most articulate and. perhaps most gifted segment of the population. Such harassment is the "eternal vigilance" which we are told i§ &e price oj liberty. In a free society internal tensions are not the signs of brewing anarchybut the symptoms of vigor—the elements of a self generating dynamism. Though there is no unequivocal evidence that the intellectual is at his creative best in a wholly free society, it is indubitable that his incorporation in, or close association, with a ruling elite sooner or later results in social and cultural stagnation. The chronic frustration of the intellectual's hunger for power and lordship not only prompts him to side with the insulted and injured but may drive him to compensate for what he misses by realizing and developing his capacities and talents. IT GOES WITHOUT saying that to the typical intellectual the situation in the free world is a monstrous aberration. He cannot see how anyone can justify a state of affairs in which the gifted segment of the population is denied its heart's desire while the masses go from strength to strength. (Copyright 1968 by Eric Hoffer; distributed by the Ledger Syndicate, Inc.) Aid to Research Could Help Many By RAY CROMLEY LAHORE, Pakistan (NEA)—If Pakistan is any example, the most valuable foreign aid may consist of inexpensive research. The striking lesson here is that very small amounts of imaginative, private technical assistance can be as great in over-all effect as hundreds of millions of dollars in direct gifts or loans. Pakistan economists estimate that within the next few years, this country will earn an additional $200 million a year, and thus save that much in scarce foreign exchange, through the use of new types of wheat arid rice from Mexico and the Philippines. The wheat, called Mexi-Pak, is a modification of a wheat developed with Rockefeller aid in Mexico. The rice, called IRI-8, is a variety developed with Ford and Rockefeller funds in the Philippine Islands. These new types produce from two" to four times the crop per acre as traditional Pakistan wheat and rice. Within a decade, these new varieties may enable Pakistan to be a major food exporter. If this proves out, economists estimate her foreign exchange savings, plus export earnings from these two food crops, may add up to $300 million to $400 million a year. This is only the beginning. U.S. research has developed a high yield maize (corn) now being modified to meet Pakistan requirements. New research in Pakistan gives promise of multiplying the amount of jute per acre. A tree grown in the Philippines and now being introduced into Pakistan promises to be a cheap source of pulp. Relatively small amounts of technical aid have made possible the drilling of thousands of small wells in Pakistan. These produce water in dry areas and reduce the crop-ruining salt content of the soil in other regions. There is a strong feeling among some mtn experienced in aid that eountriff thi United Statts is helping would profit greatly if mere of American aid were devoted to joint research projects in local universities, research Isboraforitf and agricultural institute!. The direct application of foreign, technology to developing countries is often wasteful and unsound technically. More original local research is needed. More research is also required in the adaptation of foreign technical know-how to the local situation. This is not to suggest that research and technical aid would be a complete substitute for other dollar assistance. The new Pakistan wheat and rice, for example, increase the need for fertilizer. Major areas' of Pakistan require more water than can pe supplied by wells alone. Countries short of foreign exchange frequently require loans to enable them to buy machinery and raw materials abroad. But the purpose of this column is to suggest that more of our present aid could profitably be channeled into the development P£ local and j°wt r V By NOIL GROVE WASHINGTON (NEA)--The theories on political "inesse are probably as numerous and varied as the number of seats in Congress. Comes now young Sen. Edward Kennedy of Massachusetts, with his "guide" lines for a cautious politician": If you can phone and not write^phone. If you can talk and not phone—talk. , If you can whisper and not talk—whisper, If you can nod and not whisper—nod. THE ABILITY of military strategy makefs to put together phrases of ringing declaration and con* voluted phraseology has long been a source 'of amazement to the lay public, and perhaps even to some of their peers. Alas, fellas, the secret Is out. Circulating in the U.S. State Department is a new invention called the "buzz-phrase generator," which can give anybody a sound ,of instant expertise on matters pertaining to defense. The buzz-phrase generator, reportedly infiltrated from Canada, consists of three columns of words numbered from zero to nine in each column. Its use is simple. Think of any three-digit number at random between zero and nine. Then take the corresponding word beside the numbers in each column and put the three words together. For example, say you choose the formula 4-5-5. Just glance at the generator, and you come up with "functional logistical concept." A 1-6-7 gives you "total transitional capability." A 7-4-3 gives you "synchronized digital mobility." Who can argue? No one will have the remotest idea of what, you are talking about, but who will have the courage to admit it? So next time you see a four-star general at a press conference caught at a sudden loss for words, watch him carefully. "What we are stribing for," he says, "is more ... is more . . . 9-2-9, I mean, BALANCED MONITORED CONTINGENCY." RED TAPE and procedural confusion are so much a part of government that sometimes its members enjoy throwing up their hands and poking fun at themselves. Especially when the confusion spreads to their social life. Last week the Office of Economic Opportunity held a private showing in the State Department of their new VISTA recruiting film, "While I Run This Race," which has been nominated for an Academy Award. Last year, an OEO film won the documentary Oscar. 1 - • . . , .... -''• .•>'•• . . All ran smoothly through opening remarks and the showing of the film, but just before some 500 guests moved from the auditorium to the reception eight floors away, acute bureaucracy set in. OEO Public Affairs Director Herb Kramer made the announcement. "May I have your attention, please," he began. "All guests will be leaving the State Department following the reception through the 22nd and C Street exit, known as the diplomatic entrance, rather than through the 23rd street entrance they used to reach the auditorium. "The 23rd street entrance and entire area was locked up tight right after the film screening, so all hats and coats have beeen sent over to the diplomatic entrance at 22nd and C. "And we hope," he added painfully, "that your coat check numbers correspond with your coats at their new location." Letters To The Editor: Dear Editor: No, I cannot agree with you concerning the death of "A Boy Who Won't Be Back." I do not in any sense of the word feel that he really understood what he was really fighting, or about the people who cry out for food, clothing, medicine, education, land and tax reforms in that poor country where he so needless* ly died. This "Boy Who Won't Be Back" was fighting for a corrupt government in Saigon (the news media gives this information daily). It seems to me that "This Boy Who Won't Be Back" had very little choice about whether, he wanted to fight in Vietnam with such a cjraft system as we now have. (Of course, it is possible that he was a volunteer, but not probable.) And, too, we as American people have had no choice in th§ matter of just how we are to confront the communists. It is a well known fact that the administration does not give a fair hearing to people opposed to the war in Vietnam, gven such men as Generals Shoup, Gavin, Ridgway, Ford, and Admiral Tru,e have been ignored in their tions. TM§ gift si (which like all gifts to humanity can be used or misused) which the U.S. could be using to alleviate the sufferings of the people of the world is being used to create more and more suffering. The needs and the sufferings of our own citizens in our cities is of the same "cloth," and we as a nation continue to believe that "more violence" will solve the revolution of these people. The communists take tage of just such situations, and were we 'to divert our technology, power, and energy in constructive ways we couUI very much lessen just such incidents as "A Boy Who Won't Come Back." At least his death would be for the "needs of humans" and not what we as a nation thM of as "freedom." I sitfT cerely . wonder if this "Boy, Who Won't Come Back" could have hid a choice if he would have ever died in Vietnam. One remembers more vivid' ly each day the words of Gen, eral MacArthur when he stated, "Anyone who commits the American soldier to a land war in Asia should have his head examine^." Jiow quickly we forget what we want to, Mrs. B. Loewen __ MQ7 Nfttb St.
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